Sir John Valentine Carden survives.

Status
Not open for further replies.
4 May 1941. Ras El Ali, Libya.
  • 4 May 1941. Ras El Ali, Libya.

    During the night, General Rommel’s impatience at not being able to strike the British when they were occupied by the events in Greece was beginning to show. It was only through the intercession of General Paulus that Rommel didn’t strip General Streich of command of the 5th Light Division. Paulus could well understand Streich’s reticence about attacking a dug-in force that was at least his equal. The vulnerability of the majority of panzers to the British 2-pdr guns made a panzer led attack likely to fail. Paulus knew that with the planned invasion of the Soviet Union that the numbers of panzers that would be shipped to North Africa would always be limited. The few months since the 5th Light Division had arrived in Tripoli had thrown up all sorts of problems which hadn’t really been considered, no one had thought of the panzers operating in a hot, sandy climate. Now that many of these problems had been solved, such as new air filters fitted to deal with dust and sand, the panzers were more reliable. This meant that 15th Panzer Division was likely to be fit for action quite quickly, but it seemed that General Rommel was determined to throw 5th Light Division away on a frontal assault on a strongly held British position. The losses to the German and Italian units the previous day were already going to be very difficult to replace.

    The fact that the British had advanced seemed to suggest that they felt strong, even with all that had happened in Greece. In every encounter the German army had had with the British, the Wehrmacht had come away victorious, but it had always had a steep cost. The consensus among those who had examined the actions against the British had found that their equipment and training were good, especially in defence, but that their doctrine and tactics were lacking. What the OKH wanted was for Rommel to keep the Italians from suffering yet another defeat. Throwing away the best part of 5th Light Division in an unnecessary fight wouldn’t help fulfil that expectation.

    The British had bested the Italians pretty easily, but Paulus and the German High Command were of the opinion that they wouldn’t have it so easy against the Germans. Which was why the Afrika Korps was here. Paulus eventually made it clear to Rommel that if he didn’t do what Berlin had sent him to do, then they would send someone else who would. The British attack had been thrown back, it was time to bring back the 5th Light and Ariete Divisions to the prepared defensive positions. Let the British batter their heads off a strong position, far from their supply bases, if they felt were strong enough. Then, once they were out on a limb, Rommel could let loose his mobile forces in a counter punch that would throw them right back to Tobruk and beyond. Rommel, very reluctantly, agreed to follow Paulus’ advice. In a letter to his wife he was able to express his frustration safely, and was delighted when Paulus was called back to Berlin.

    General Gambier-Parry’s force therefore, found that instead of the expected attack, the Italian and German Divisions disengaged and by mid-morning the British and Indian troops found themselves no longer under siege. Once again Brigadier Scott-Cockburn was keen to chase the Italians back up the road to Nofilia. But Gambier-Parry, having been on the radio to both Generals O’Connor and Wavell, had decided that Ras El Ali would continue to be held in force.

    Once the 7th Armoured Division, 6th Infantry Division and 4th Indian Division were ready for the next phase of the advance, they could use the positions currently held by Gambier-Parry’s unit as their starting point. General Wavell had noted that the near loss of 3rd Motor Brigade was due in part to using the Brigade as the basic battle formation. It was clear from the fighting the day before, that acting with anything less than a full Division would invite the Germans to deal with things piecemeal. The fact was that Operation Brevity could very easily have become a disaster. Instead, it could be shown as a success, driving the British position in North Africa closer to Tripoli, and holding off the attacks of both a German and Italian Division.

    General O’Connor was keen on moving the 9th Australian Division up from their positions at El Agheila, to take over the defensive positions at Ras El Ali. Wavell could see that that would have the beneficial effect of allowing Gambier-Parry’s force to rest and resupply. However, Wavell was worried that the excellent defensive position at the salt pans, behind which large supply dumps were being readied for the next phase of the plan, might be more vulnerable by moving the Australians forward. Wavell had taken to calling the force commanded by Gambier-Parry as 22nd Division, and he was aware that their position could still be outflanked by the Germans through the desert. If El Agheila wasn’t properly protected, then the initiative could be taken by the Germans. 22nd Division was mobile enough to strike in any direction, and so keeping them where they were, while building up their Field Supply Depots, would give the next phase a good starting point.

    With the German roadblock gone, the supply convoy for the 3rd Motor Brigade were able to come forward, along with the Indian Cavalry Battalion and a battery of a Light Anti-Aircraft Regiment, to help with the resupply and defence. At the same time the RASC and ROAC lorries that had set up the Field Supply Depot made their way back, with all the wounded, to begin the process of bringing forward more of the stocks needed for the next phase of the advance towards Tripoli.
     
    8 May 1941. Chertsey, England
  • 8 May 1941. Chertsey, England

    In the three months since General Percy Hobart had been called back into service to oversee some of the improvements in tank warfare that had been learned from the fighting in France and North Africa had been both busy and productive. A group of senior officers and mandarins from the War Office had arrived at the Vickers plant to be shown the first fruits of the labour.

    Hobart reminded the visitors that most of the improvements had been suggested by looking at operations during Operation Compass. He summarised these tasks as communications, mine clearing, bridging and engineering. The first, communications, was partly out of the remit of the tank manufacturers. Radio communications between tanks and various other formations needed more complicated radio sets, and as far as he was aware, these were under development.

    That did not mean that nothing had been done. The visitors were invited to look around the first tank on display. When looking into the turret, they could see that the gun barrel was in fact a dummy, though the co-axial machine gun was real. Instead of the gun and its ammunition, the turret had a variety of radio equipment fitted. The Royal Artillery had been particularly keen that their forward observation officers, supporting tank formations, would be mobile and protected, while also in communications with the gun batteries. Likewise, the tank regiments tended to have the second in command of the regiment commanding a ‘link tank’, well behind the rest of the formation, but able to communicate between the tanks and the supporting units, preferably out of the action to give time to focus on communications. What Vickers had done was create a Command Tank. The fake gun made it look exactly like any other Valiant, but it had room for extra radios, a generator, and some room for the commander to have a map desk. The only noticeable difference was that the tank carried extra antennae, which might make it more of a target. Hobart’s assistant noted that as something to be given more consideration.

    The other innovation on this tank, one that was already on all the new tanks being built, was on the rear of the tank, a metal box contained a powered telephone which was linked to another inside the turret. The allowed dismounted infantry, or indeed other tank crews to talk to the tank commander, using the cover of the tank itself to protect them. This was something that had been easily designed and implemented, and Vickers were arranging kits for this system to be retrofitted to tanks already in the field.

    Regarding mine-clearance Hobart described the various options that had been looked at for clearing mines. Ploughs and rollers were already developed and some more work had been done to improve them. Hobart also reported that he had looked out some other things that had been suggested before the war. One idea was to have spinning drum the chains beating the ground in front of the tank, exploding any mines. Hobart said that he had a team looking at the idea, and was hopeful that it would bear fruit.

    The second tank on Hobart’s tour was a bridge-layer. What surprised some of the visitors was that the hull was that of an A13 cruiser tank. The Vickers management representative explained that the bridge laying system wasn’t overly complex, and didn’t need to use the hull of a tank that would be better used as a gun tank. The A13 was being replaced by the A15, which would perhaps be more suited to this particular role. Once again one of Royal Engineers who had been part of Hobart’s team described the process of choosing the bridge and working out how best to mount it so that it could be positioned quickly and safely. The bridge itself was a Class 30 scissors bridge, which would carry the weight of 30 tons, making it useful not only for the current tanks, but also tanks currently under development.

    The third tank the visitors were shown was again turretless, this time on a Valiant hull. It had a bulldozer blade in front, with the ability to be raised and lowered as needed. In a raised box in the centre of the hull the visitors were shown some of the engineering equipment that could be stored or carried. When ready, some Royal Engineers and Vickers employees demonstrated the erection of an A Frame to provide the vehicle with the capacity to be used as a crane for lifting heavy objects. This multipurpose vehicle had already been endorsed by the Royal Engineers who were keen on getting a good number of these into operation.

    The visitors then had a break for lunch, during which the Vickers team tried to encourage the War Office to use the hulls of Nuffield’s A15 and Vauxhall’s A22 to prioritise these oddities, Hobart called them ‘funnies’. This would allow Vickers to concentrate on getting the orders for the Valiant IIs, with the 6-pdr gun, and its replacement, the Victor, into the hands of the tank regiments as quickly as possible. As with the decision to have the Self-propelled 25-pdr for the Royal Horse Artillery and the self-propelled Bofors anti-aircraft gun based on Valiant hulls would eat into the numbers of normal gun tanks, having more ‘specialised’ armoured fighting vehicles would further encroach on production numbers. One of the War Office mandarins mentioned that Nuffield and Vauxhall had already been approached to provide a hull of each type for testing in the self-propelled gun configuration.

    After lunch was over, the War Office group was given an in-depth look at the Valiant II with the 6-pdr gun and the chance to look over the prototype Victor. The initial reports of the how the Valiant I* had fared in the recent fighting in Operation Brevity had thrown up that the 2-pdr was quickly becoming obsolete, meaning that getting the Valiant II and II* into full production was clearly essential. By tea time Hobart and his team felt very satisfied at how the day had gone. The Vickers management had come away with many compliments on how they had taken the reports from Operation Compass and managed to come up with answers so quickly. It was clear that the Nuffield Organisation hadn’t been quite as efficient at coming up with ideas. It was clear that the troubles in getting the A15 operational were consuming all their engineering resources.
     
    10 May 1941. Baghdad, Iraq.
  • 10 May 1941. Baghdad, Iraq.

    The officers and men of 4th Cavalry Brigade were delighted with their first full operation as a mechanised force. They had set off on April 30 from Haifa travelling the 220 miles to RAF Habbaniya in Iraq. The Household Cavalry Regiment (a composite of the Blues and the Life Guards), Royal Wiltshire Yeomanry and North Somerset Yeomanry, like the other two Cavalry Brigades in 1st Cavalry Division, had been working intensively in Palestine to transform themselves into Armoured Brigades. Until enough new tanks arrived from Britain to complete this, the cavalrymen had been using cast off tanks, armoured cars and lorries to familiarise themselves with petrol rather than hay-powered mounts. There had been all sorts of problems between the heat and the difficulties of travelling over desert terrain, but the whole Brigade had reached its objective within a reasonable timeframe.

    After the coup d’etat which had brought Rashid Ali to power, his National Defence Government had made quite clear its anti-British feelings and their desire for help from the Germans and Italians. The British had responded by sending the three brigades of 10th Indian Division to Basra, the first, 10th Brigade, arriving on April 18. When Ali had raised objections to this, the new British ambassador, Sir Kinahan Cornwallis, had made it quite clear that the position of His Majesty’s Government (HMG) was that the Treaty of Alliance and Mutual Support with Great Britain, signed in 1930, required Iraq in the event of war to come to Britain’s aid as an ally. It was expected that Iraq was to give all possible aid, including the use of railways, rivers, ports and airfields. The fact was that the Iraqis had, by not declaring war on Italy, failed in their duties under the treaty. Furthermore, since HMG did not in fact recognise the legitimacy of Ali’s government, British and Empire forces would continue to act in accordance with the Treaty’s mandate.

    The Iraqis had responded to this at the beginning of May by sending a Brigade of their army to the plateau overlooking RAF Habbaniya. This was clearly intended to intimidate the British into backing down, but had the opposite effect. The RAF aircraft, primarily used as trainers, had been fitted to carry bombs, and had subjected the Iraqi troops to a show of force, dropping leaflets instead of bombs, but making it clear that they were capable of inflicting severe damage on the Iraqi positions. While this was happening, Cornwallis had made it clear to Ali that should Iraqi troops fire on the British, it would immediately be understood to be an act of war, with all the consequences that entailed. A tense few days had followed. Ali and his Government found that while the Germans promised help, the fact that the German Afrika Corps had lost ground to the British army meant that there was little chance that help would come from that direction. Some Luftwaffe elements had arrived in Syria, and the Vichy French had offered to send Ali some spare weapons from their stores. The Italians were making lots of supportive noises but with their setbacks in Libya, Greece and East Africa, there was little they could actually do.

    In addition to the arrival of the 10th Indian Infantry Division at Basra, Cornwallis informed Ali that the 1st Cavalry Division, in the process of becoming an Armoured Division, would be undertaking an exercise, moving from Palestine to reinforce RAF Habbaniya. This made it clear to Ali that the British were still in a strong position, stronger than the forces at his command. Informed on 2 May of the arrival of a strong British force including ‘many’ tanks at the pumping station H4 on the Transjordan/Iraqi border, convinced Ali to back down.

    The 4th Cavalry Brigade had, by stripping 5th Cavalry Brigade of all their vehicles, been able to arrive at Habbaniya in strength. The Household Cavalry Regiment were operating with two squadrons of Vickers Mark VIb light tanks, and the other two were equipped with a mixture of Bren gun, scout and cavalry carriers. The Royal Wiltshire Yeomanry had inherited the 7th Armoured Division’s old A9s. There were enough of these operational to equip two squadrons, the rest of the men were carried in lorries. The North Somerset Yeomanry had one squadron of A10s, all that could be kept running, another of a variety of early marks of the Vickers light tanks and some armoured cars, the rest of men acting as lorried infantry. The journey had been very hard on the tanks and other vehicles, and there was a lot of work to be done in recovering and fixing the breakdowns. But, with various divisional artillery units, and the infantry of the 1st Battalion, the Essex Regiment, also being transported by lorry, the Brigade’s arrival at RAF Habbaniya had been confirmation that the Iraqi army would have stood little or no chance against them.

    The 5th Cavalry Brigade remained in Palestine in their counter-insurgency role, while the 6th Cavalry Brigade, in what was probably going to be the British army’s last horse powered expedition, had followed 4th Cavalry Brigade, at a slower pace to Habbaniya. Once they had arrived, the 4th Cavalry Brigade, in a show of force had made the journey to Baghdad, taking control over the various strategic bridges over the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. With elements of the 10th Indian Division advancing up to Nasariya from Basra, Rashid Ali and his supporters realised the game was up and fled for their lives. The Regent, Abdullah, was returned to Baghdad and shortly afterwards, there was a pro-British government in Iraq again.
     
    12 May 1941. Salisbury Plain. England.
  • 12 May 1941. Salisbury Plain. England.

    Major-General John Crocker’s driver skidded to a halt, barely avoiding himself and his car being crushed by a Valiant I* tank rolling around a blind corner. The tank continued on as if nothing had happened. Crocker hopped out of the car with his aide and climbed onto an embankment where he might be able to see better. The movement of troops and vehicles on a Divisional Exercise was always fraught, but the death of the Divisional CO was probably best avoided.

    Crocker had been making his way from a meeting with Brigadier Evelyn Fanshawe, (CO 20th Armoured Brigade) to meet with Brigadier Alex Richardson (CO 26th Armoured Brigade). Along with the 6th Support Group, this was the first full exercise of what was now an almost fully equipped Armoured Division. There were shortages of various things, such as a proper command vehicle for the Division’s CO, but all six armoured regiments were now equipped with Valiant I* tanks, 340 of them.

    What was clear from the first two days of the exercise was that the new tank was popular with its crews. The Cavalry Regiments of 26th Armoured Brigade (16/5 Lancers, 17/21 Lancers and 2nd Lothian and Border Horse) had gone to war in Light Tanks, but now felt that they had something they could rely on to go toe to toe with the enemy and win. The Yeomanry Regiments of 20th Armoured Brigade (1st Royal Gloucestershire Hussars, 1st and 2nd Northamptonshire Yeomanry) had had longer to get used to the Valiant I*, and they had been heavily involved in working out the best use and maintenance of these tanks in the field.

    The Division was formed along the fourth iteration of the Armoured Division’s Basic Organisation. The Derbyshire Yeomanry had been added to the Division’s strength as an Armoured Car Regiment. Equipped currently with a mixture of the Daimler Dingo, Scout Carriers and the new Humber Armoured Car, they would be the reconnaissance force for the Division. Each of the Armoured Brigades now had an Infantry Motorised Battalion integrated to the Brigade structure. 10th Battalion Kings Royal Rifle Corps in 20th Armoured Brigade and 10th Battalion Rifle Brigade joined 26th Armoured Brigade. The 6th Support Group had the 9th Battalion Royal West Kent Regiment as its infantry component, along with the 12th Royal Horse Artillery Regiment, 72nd Anti-Tank Regiment and 51st Light Anti-Aircraft Regiment. The 6th Armoured Division had its own integrated Divisional Royal Engineers, consisting of two Field Squadrons (5 & 8) and 144 Field Park Squadron. The Divisional Signals and all the other ancillary services made 6th Armoured Division a force to be reckoned with.

    The problem that Crocker had, and in his view, it was a problem he welcomed, was that the Division was being used like a guinea pig in an experiment. The 12th RHA was being equipped with the new ‘Birch’ Self-Propelled Gun, a 25-pdr howitzer on a Valiant I hull. Progress was being made and one full battery was now fully worked up. Likewise, the 51st LAA Regiment was receiving the new Vanguard Self-Propelled Anti-Aircraft Gun, a 40mm Bofors gun on a Valiant I hull. Fewer of these were in their possession, but they hoped that by the autumn all the shortfalls would have been made up. The three Infantry Motorised Battalions had also been chosen to test out the new Viking Tracked Personnel Carrier, designed by Vivian Loyd, an expanded and better protected version of the Loyd Carrier. These had been arriving more slowly, and for the most part, the infantry were still being moved around by lorry.

    These innovations were playing havoc with the Division’s attempt to be a full readiness. It was clear that any possibility of a German sea-borne invasion was extremely remote. 6th Armoured Division, attached to Eastern Command, would have been one of the most important parts of facing that threat. Now there was time for experimentation. Learning how to use the new tools at their disposal and bringing many of the officers and men up to speed on all the lessons that had been learned from the fighting so far in the war was a large part of this exercise.

    The reason that Crocker was moving from one Armoured Brigade HQ to the other was that Brigadier Tristram Lyon-Smith, (CO 6th Support Group) had been declared KIA by the Exercise Umpires following a simulated dive-bombing attack on his HQ. Command and control of the Division was becoming more difficult as the Commanding Officer of the Divisional Signals Regiment had also been declared WIA in the same attack. From the way things were going it was obvious that the Opposing Force were able to listen into the Division’s wireless transmissions and Crocker had called for radio silence. The need to send messages by dispatch rider was slowing down the ability of the Division to react to changes in the situation.

    Finding and reaching Brigadier Richardson’s HQ had taken Crocker two hours, during which he had been out of touch. It wouldn’t be long to dark, and with the mess he found once he had been updated on that had happened, the end of the exercise couldn’t come soon enough. It was apparent that there were a lot of problems that still had to be resolved. Crocker had been informed that the Opposing Force had been able to divide his two Armoured Brigades, and the separation meant that the single RHA Regiment couldn’t support both Brigades adequately, even when communications were working. Richardson had split his Infantry Battalion up between the three Armoured Regiments, and it was clear that a single Company of infantry wasn’t strong enough to push back the Opposing Force’s anti-tank gun screen. There would be a lot of head-scratching and post-mortems to see all that could be learned from this exercise. What was worse, General Alan Brooke, Commander-in-Chief Home Force, was overseeing the exercise and no doubt would have a lot to say on how things went.
    The_British_Army_in_the_United_Kingdom_1939-45_H13892.jpg

    The British Army in the United Kingdom 1939-45. 15-cwt trucks, carriers and motorcycles of a motor battalion in 6th Armoured Division, lined up for an inspection by the King near Brandon in Suffolk, 12 September 1941.
    (From here)
     
    Last edited:
    15 May 1941. London, England.
  • 15 May 1941. London, England.

    The War Office staff had been over the figures coming out from Wavell’s GHQ in Cairo. The numbers of A13 Cruiser tanks lost in Greece meant that 1st Armoured Brigade could no longer be considered operational. About a Squadron’s worth of A13s was all that had been lifted off the beaches of Greece and these had been shipped to Crete. The decision had been made to leave them there. There were likely more useful than the A9, A10 and A11s of 51st RTR which made up the entirety of the armoured fighting vehicles on the island. It would be a pain for the 51st RTR’s Light Aid Detachments to have yet another type of tank to maintain, but it would give the defenders of Crete a bit more flexibility. The officers and men of 1st Armoured Brigade were now kicking their heels in and around Cairo. In the short term they’d taken possession of whatever Italian tankettes and light tanks that were still in working order and trying to familiarise the survivors and replacements of the Greek Cavalry Division with the joys of mechanisation.

    Of the three Cavalry Brigades of 1st Cavalry Division, only 4th Brigade was fully mechanised, and their jaunt to Baghdad had taken a heavy toll on what were already pretty worn-out tanks. Wavell requested that priority should be given to shipping out 340 cruiser tanks for the Cavalry Division, the full quota for an Armoured Division, with it would come the designation of 10th Armoured Division. In addition, another 150 cruisers for 1st Armoured Brigade, with enough spares to be battle replacements, were needed. The Valiant I* tanks of 22nd Armoured Brigade had suffered losses during Operation Brevity and also needed replacements. Since that Brigade was now the nucleus of 22nd Division (a mixed Division of one Armoured Brigade and two Infantry Brigades), Wavell wanted 1st Armoured Brigade to do the same in another ‘mixed’ Division, probably with the 1st South African Division.

    Wavell was conscious that with the imminent victory over the Italians in East Africa he would be able to bring the 1st South African and 5th Indian Division to Egypt. Another infantry Division (50th Northumberland), was due to arrive from England in June, giving him an extra three Divisions, though the two coming from East Africa would need time to rest and re-equip. Once the Cavalry Division was redesignated 10th Armoured, then that would give Wavell two armoured Divisions (7th and 10th). Using the two Armoured Brigades that originally comprised 2nd Armoured Division, he would be able to field two mixed Divisions (22nd and possibly 1st South African). If this was proven unsuccessful, 2nd Armoured Division could be reconstituted from the 1st and 22nd Armoured Brigades, giving three Armoured Divisions (one in Infantry tanks and two in Cruiser Tanks).

    By the time Wavell would be ready to take on Tripoli, he would have, in addition to the Armoured and Mixed Divisions, nine infantry Divisions (6th, 9th and 50th British, 6th, 7th and 9th Australian, 4th and 5th Indian and 2nd New Zealand) at his disposal, presuming the South Africans became a mixed Division. The Greeks, Poles and Free French were also in theatre, though the Greek army needed a lot of time to become effective. As long as he had all the right support, and Wavell emphasised it was essential that the RAF was strengthened, then Middle East Command would be able to field an army of three full Corps, and still maintain its other responsibilities. Once the Italians and Germans were kicked out of Libya, Wavell wanted to secure the eastern Mediterranean, hopefully capturing Rhodes and dealing with the Vichy French in Syria. After all that, if the Royal Navy had the right ships, then some kind of attack on the continent might be feasible.

    Wavell’s request to ship another 500 tanks to the Middle East, to many in the War Office, seemed that it was a lot to ask for when 8th and 9th Armoured Divisions in the Home Force were very short of tanks, even for training. On the other hand, the first quarter of 1941 had seen another improvement in the numbers of tanks being produced by Britain’s workers. 720 tanks had been delivered in three months. The best estimate for the second quarter was that the numbers would increase again to about 1000.

    Of these 720 tanks produced in the first quarter of 1941, 220 were Valiant I* cruisers and 90 were A15 Cruisers. There was still a higher proportion of tanks being made that were Infantry Tanks: 108 Matilda II and 280 Valiant I. 32 Mark VII Tetrarch Light tanks were also completed. In addition, deliveries of self-propelled guns based on the Valiant I hull were beginning to be produced, as were advanced prototypes of the A22 Infantry Tank. It was expected that while the numbers of Infantry and Light tanks would remain about the same in the next quarter.

    The expected rise of almost 25% production would be primarily as the Nuffield Organisation began to ramp up production of the A15. After much discussion, and secret consultations with both Vickers and the Royal Ordnance, the primary problem besetting the tank was found to be the external mounting of the air cleaners. This meant that the Liberty engine experienced rapid wear and tear, leading to the other problems which were the symptoms, not the cause, of its unreliability. An experiment was made which put concertina air cleaners inside the fighting compartment. From the trials this looked as if it might be a real solution. If Nuffield were prepared to modify the A15, probably having to call it a Mark II, then the tank would be considered capable of being used overseas. Some issues regarding the build quality and, unremarkably, the operational maintenance of a new type, was also brought to Nuffield’s attention. The fact that the A15 tank was still under-gunned and under-protected, without the capacity be upgraded, was problematic, but at least the main design fault could be rectified.

    Wavell had made the point that only his men and tanks were actually fighting. With the way in which the German panzers had done in the fighting around Nofilia, he needed to make sure that he could fight them on equal terms, he needed the tanks now. At home meanwhile there was a growing sense that the threat of a German invasion had all but disappeared, meaning the 1st, 6th, 8th, and 9th Armoured Divisions based at home would need to think about doing more than simply defending Britain against invasion.

    The official programme of the War Office was to provide fifty-five divisions by the end of November 1941. Various estimates about how many of these would be armoured had come and gone. Currently there were only three fully equipped (1st, 6th, and 7th), not counting the Army Tank Brigades. By November, if tank production continued to increase, then the 2nd, 8th, 9th and 10th could all be fully equipped. Just as with the 1st and 7th Armoured Divisions currently, some would be equipped with Infantry Tanks rather than cruisers. There were plans to expand from the current seven to at least ten Armoured Divisions, not counting the Canadians, Australians and Indians who were all committed to having their own Armoured Divisions too.

    Wavell’s request for another 500 tanks to be sent to the Middle East as a priority was considered by the War Cabinet. With the success of the 4th Cavalry Brigade in Iraq; the clear will of Wavell to knock the Italians and Germans out of Africa; and the prospect of taking the fight to the Germans somewhere, the Prime Minister was enthusiastic. He judged that the 1st and 6th Armoured Divisions, along with the Tank Brigades, were adequate for the defence of the Home Front at the moment. For Churchill, the 8th and 9th Armoured Divisions could wait awhile longer, what mattered was getting the weapons into the hands of the fighting man where he could hit the enemy.

    The fact that the Cabinet was also having to consider General Percival request for more men and equipment complicated the decision. Percival, who’d recently taken over command in Singapore, was clearly aware that the plan for defence of Malaya and Singapore required many more units than he currently had at his disposal. Chief of the Imperial General Staff, Sir John Dill, has some sympathy with Percival’s request. The 10th Indian Division was now in Iraq, when it should have gone to Malaya, leaving Percival even more short-handed. Consideration was given to the 5th Indian being redirected from East Africa to Malaya rather than Egypt, along with the 12th (African) Division. The Australian Government, who were also concerned about the Japanese, had already sent the 8th Australian Division to Malaya. The idea that perhaps one or two of the Australian Divisions, after their efforts in Greece, might also be sent to reinforce Malaya had to be considered.

    If Wavell wanted 500 tanks, and was also getting the 50th Division, losing two or, even potentially, three Infantry Divisions to Percival’s command, wouldn’t be critical to the success of the plan to take Tripoli. There was some discussion about whether tanks should also be sent out to Percival. The impression within the War Cabinet was that Malaya wasn’t entirely suitable for tank warfare. However, the same had been said about East Africa, but the reports of what 42nd Bn RTR had contributed to that campaign were excellent. Churchill thought that a battalion of Matilda IIs could probably be spared for Malaya, even if it was just to reassure the Australians to some extent. General Dill agreed, and so Wavell would get his 500 tanks, and Percival would get about fifty.
     
    Last edited:
    17 May 1941. Royal Tunbridge Wells, England.
  • 17 May 1941. Royal Turnbridge Wells, England.

    General Bernard Montgomery, GOC of XII Corps, was reviewing with his Staff, the lessons of the first exercise that the Corps had participated in since he taken command. The work of Lieutenant-General Andrew Thorne in setting up XII Corps, and preparing for the invasion that never came, had been excellent. Thorne was now GOC Scotland, and Montgomery had a high regard for his colleague whose 48th Division had done so well at Dunkirk. What Montgomery had inherited since taking over in April was an efficient organisation. However, there was room for improvement, and if commanding V Corps had taught Montgomery anything, it was that there was always room for improvement.

    The exercise on Salisbury Plain had primarily been a Divisional exercise for 6th Armoured Division’s. The 56th (London) Infantry Division had played the opposition force, with tank support from 43rd Royal Tank Regiment, part of 25th Tank Brigade. Montgomery had been watching the exercise, in which General Stopford (GOC 56th Division) had tried to use his 169th Brigade and the tanks in the way a Panzer Division would. Having studied all the German equipment captured before Dunkirk, and interviewing some of the POW officers, Stopford had been attempting to use the men, artillery, tanks and RAF support in an integrated fashion. By doing so he’d managed to split the 6th Armoured Division and then take on each Armoured Brigade piecemeal. The Valiant I Infantry Tanks weren’t as fast as the German panzers would have been, but the umpires had noted that 6th Armoured Division would have been severely depleted by the end of the exercise, and that the opposition force had been the victors of the exercise.

    Montgomery, along with his superior, General Alan Brooke, had agreed that the lessons of the fighting in France and Flanders still had to be learned by the British formations. By splitting up his forces, the GOC 6th Armoured had doomed them, especially when it became clear that the Divisional artillery weren’t able to support the separated Brigades. Whereas Stopford’s force, with the Divisional Signals playing an exceptional role, had managed to keep all the elements of the force under his command, including the RAF, working together effectively, and thereby winning the day.

    There was no great secret to the German successes, it wasn’t too different to what the British Army had been doing in the last 100 days of the Great War. The importance of signals, shown by the elements of the German radio network captured, had been the key to making it work. The fact that 6th Division’s transmissions in the clear had been intercepted and used against them was an important lesson that had to be communicated far and wide. Concentration of force, tanks and infantry, with sufficient artillery and air support, coupled with mobility and subordinate commanders’ initiative, seemed to be the winning formula.

    What had happened at Nofilia, where General O’Connor had split his force and nearly had it destroyed, was further proof that taking on the Germans, unlike the Italians, demanded all units needed to cooperate effectively or they’d be destroyed individually. With these thoughts in mind, Montgomery staff with his staff to work out the kind of training exercises where these lessons could be practiced and practiced until they were second nature to everyone in the Corps.

    As usual the lessons of the exercise had been widely distributed around the rest of the army, and Montgomery noticed that General Alan Brooke had added his own comments regarding offensive operations. Most of the army’s experience up until now, in Norway, Flanders, France and mostly recently, Greece, had been defensive in nature and often took the form of a fighting withdrawal. It was going to be essential for the army to move from training to resist an invasion, to going on the offensive. The lessons of Operation Compass against the Italians were of limited use in a European context, but nevertheless, all commanders were to begin to focus on training to attack and defeat the enemy.
     
    20 - 21 May 1941. Maleme, Crete.
  • 20 - 21 May 1941. Maleme, Crete.

    (From the diary of Sergeant Henry Durrant, 51st RTR)

    Ever since we arrived at Maleme, we’d worked on the five A11s to keep them running, but the lack of spares was causing more and more problems. Eventually Lieutenant Wilson agreed that two should be dug in and used as pillboxes, allowing the engines and running gear to be cannibalised to fix up the other three, including my own Centaur.

    Every morning Jerry would turn up and start bombing and strafing the airfield, we called it the ‘daily hate’, though it was noticeable they always avoided the runway. There hadn’t been any of our fighters for ages, so it was always the slit trenches for us. One of the non-runners had been dug in to give the gun the elevation to hit aircraft, but all the ack-ack had been told to keep their heads down. A couple of jokers from the Polish mob that were defending the airfield took pot shots from a couple of Lewis and Bren guns, just to let Jerry know we were still here.

    The Poles (1st Carpathian Rifle Battalion) were a bit odd, and very, very much wanted to get to grips with the huns. But, by God, when the fight came, I was glad they were on my side. Everyone was a stickler for camouflage. When we moved the tanks a bunch of local Greeks followed us up and wiped out the tracks. The olive groves were great for hiding the tanks, and there was usually plenty of room to get between the trees. Alfie, in Cyclops, was given an earful one day when he knocked over a tree. I’ve no idea what the Greek man was saying, but Alfie never hit another tree again after that.

    Alfie in Cyclops and me in Centaur were kept on the west side of the airfield. There wasn’t as much cover there. The Polish Captain, we called him Captain Stan, the rest of his name was unprounceable, who was in charge of the Company we were attached to, had a few positions dug for us. These were covering the length of the runway, the beach and the dry river bed. That made all the difference for us when the Germans came.

    On the day itself the daily hate lasted much longer than usual, and seemed even more intense. A couple of times we had bullets bang off the tank from low flying Messerschmitts. That’s what done for Cawnpaw, a couple of cannon shells ripped up the engine compartment and the fire knocked it out completely, thankfully Fred and his crew got out safely. Captain Stan blew his whistle, and one of the Polish lads banged on the side of the turret to let us know that we were to engage the enemy. The sky looked like it was raining parachutes. The big three motor transports were flying low and slow and Charlie, the gunner, pumped three rounds into one, we saw it going into the drink. Out first kill was a plane!

    We used the co-axial MG most initially, shooting up anyone who looked dangerous. Then one of the Polish sergeants jumped onto the back of the tank and started giving me directions. He was bloody brave, exposed like that, but every time some of the Jerry paratroopers started to get their act together, we put in a couple of rounds of HE and a spray from the MG and that was that. Most of the Jerries we took on had landed around the river bed. The positions that the Poles had prepared for us that overlooked it, turned out to be pretty perfect. It was odd that the Jerries had to collect their weapons from containers, so all we had to do was cover the containers and then pick them off as they tried to recover them. A couple of spandaus started up and that gave the Poles a real headache until Cyclops got into a position to shut them up. After that, a couple of platoons of Poles went out, bayonets fixed, to finish them off. I didn’t see much in the way of prisoners, I suppose they might have gone a different direction, or maybe not. At about 13:00hrs we were able to stand down and clear out the used cartridges. Alfie said that he’d shot himself dry on the co-axial, and was down to his last dozen 40mm. We weren’t much better off, but we still had one belt for the Besa and a couple of dozen rounds for the pompom. A resupply came along, with, miracles of miracles, hot tea and sandwiches. We restocked the weapons, did a bit of cleaning up.

    Captain Stan came along and gave us a cheery wave. There was a lot of firing still going on from the other side of the river bed, where the Cretan troops were. We thought we might have to cross over and give them a hand, but the fighting died down before any orders came. I took myself over to the Squadron HQ to report to Lieutenant Wilson, who told me about Cawnpaw. The two non-runners, Charity and Centurian, had managed to score a few hits on Junkers and claimed two each. Knowing Willie and Harry, the chances were they probably had, being good honest Yorkshiremen. Almost no Jerries had landed on the airfield itself, though there was a burning wreck on the beach that was one that Harry had claimed.

    Lieutenant Wilson was happy with the results, obviously the loss of Cawnpaw was a problem, so he ordered me to bring Centaur over to the east side of the airfield and tell Alfie to stay with Captain Stan. The news was that other landings had been made at the other two airfields, but it sounded as if this had been the main German effort. The Lieutenant mentioned that some of B Squadron had been working with the New Zealanders to clear out a big bunch of Jerries that’d landed in prison valley. It sounded as if the one of the Greek Regiments there had been gutted, but the other two, with the Kiwis were sorting it out. The Poles and the Greeks around the airfield were still sorting out the survivors of the German paratroopers, and there was likely to be sporadic fighting most of the night.

    When I got back to Centaur, we were really sad to be leaving Captain Stan. I had managed to get a hold of some beer which I gave to the big sergeant, Karol was his name, I was only sorry I didn’t have more for everyone, I’m sure Alfie didn’t speak to me for about a week afterwards because I didn’t have any for him.

    Once we got into cover near the eastern edge of the airfield, and had camouflaged the tank, we got hold of the Polish Captain whose company was responsible for the area. He was pretty upset that he hadn’t had much to do, and his men looked like they were fit to be tied, they’d knocked off a few parachutists as they came down, but that side of the airfield had been pretty quiet, compared to where we were. We were put on alert in case Jerry came back the next morning, though I wondered how many paratroopers they had, it seemed that we’d taken down at least a Brigades worth.

    I actually managed to get some sleep that night, must have been the excitement wearing off. Just before 05:00hrs we were up and ready to see the daily hate at 06:00hrs. Jerry was nothing if not reliable and habitual. Sure enough, some Junkers started dropping more parachutists, and the Poles were delighted as they were in range. I’d found one of them who spoke a bit of English and told him what Sergeant Karol had done the previous day. So, when the Jerries landed, one of the Poles got onto the back of the tank and we moved forward to take on this bunch of huns. The same thing happened, we were brought up to wherever a Spandau was keeping the Poles heads down, we opened up and that was that.

    The only scary moment was when a couple of Jerries got close enough with a flamethrower. Charlie took them out pretty fast with the Besa, but the poor bugger on the back of the tank bought it, I think one of his mates shot him to make it quick. His name was Stefan, and he banged the hatch shut before the flames got to us. I passed his name on to our Lieutenant later, he certainly deserved something for saving us. After that, there wasn’t much more fight left in Jerry, and the Poles got their payback for 1939. It was a bit much when it was all over, that one of them came up to thank me for the 12-inch bayonet on his rifle, best bit of equipment he’d ever had, or so he said.

    That was pretty much it for the rest of my time in Crete. We still had regular visits from the Luftwaffe, until a couple of months later a squadron of Hurricanes took up residence on the airfield, which was good. We stayed on as part of airfield defences, and got to know some of the locals, who were very pleased that the Germans had been killed. We got a taste for their wine, and in October and November we were all detached to help with the olive harvest. One of the lads took up with a local girl, but everything had to be really proper, you really didn’t want to upset a girl’s father on Crete!

    An overview of the events:

    For days now the Luftwaffe had been pounding the area, searching out anything that looked like a defensive position for destruction. The decision had been made early on to preserve the anti-aircraft guns and gunners, except for a few Lewis or Bren guns opening up occasionally, it looked as if the airfield was deserted. The RAF and Fleet Air Arm had abandoned the island of Crete. There was no way the aircraft, and their crews, could have survived the almost constant strafing. The Polish and Greek infantry around the airfield were well dug in and well camouflaged. There were no tracks, all their vehicles looked for all the world like shadows in olive groves.

    Every once in while the Luftwaffe scored hits on something, and it had been nerve wracking for the defenders. But they held their nerve. The Germans were coming and the Poles and the Greeks both had very good reason to be ready to welcome them. When the ‘daily hate’ began at 06:00hrs, the Polish and Greek infantry were already in place, unusually the German aircraft lingered longer than usual, at 08:00hrs the intensity was at its greatest. When the first gliders were sighted to the west of Maleme, the whistles of the officers were blown and the men of the three Carpathian Rifle Battalions were finally allowed to engage the Germans. As the sky around them rained parachutes, the Poles who had been informed by the Australian defenders of the Corinth Canal on their way through Crete, that aiming at the feet of paratroopers was the best way of killing them. The Poles quickly discovered that this indeed was an effective aiming point. All the anti-aircraft artillery and machine guns previously silent and disguised were uncloaked and began to take a savage toll on the German transport aircraft.

    On the western side of the Tavronitis River, a Battalion of the Greek 14th Infantry Regiment, part of the 5th Infantry Division found itself directly under the German Airborne Assault Regiment. The survivors of the Cretan Division who’d fought the Italians in Albania had been reinforced by men of the 1st Cretan Regiment, bringing them up to full strength. The deficit in armaments had been made up from the Australian and New Zealand troops who’d passed through Crete on their way to Egypt. Since it would be easier to re-equip them from stocks shipped from home or India, leaving their SMLEs, Bren guns and other weapons with the Greeks to defend their island, had been a much-appreciated gesture. The Greeks assured the men who’d fought alongside them on the mainland that the weapons would be put to good use. So it was that the German losses on the morning of 20 May were horrendous, especially among the glider borne troops.

    Despite the Luftwaffe’s domination of the air, with constant strafing attacks trying to pin down the defenders, the Germans had completely underestimated the numbers of the defenders, believing even that the Greek people would give them a friendly welcome. The Independent Polish Brigade Group and the Cretan Division’s 14th Infantry Regiment spent the day picking off survivors from the initial drops. The presence of five A11 tanks, three of which were mobile, protecting the airfield meant that every effort of the Assault Regiment to overwhelm the defenders was thwarted as the Germans had almost nothing to defeat the tanks. The Carpathians Uhlan Regiment, which was the Brigade’s mobile reserve, reinforced by three A10 cruisers of 51st RTR, were able to mop up any groups of German parachutists which had fallen outside the main defensive positions.

    Between Maleme and Canea, Major-General Gagaras, commanding First Military Command, covering the western end of Crete, had positioned the men of the 2nd, 6th and 8th Regiments. These Greek troops were supported by the 5th New Zealand Brigade (21st, 22nd, 23rd and 28th (Maori) Battalions). General Freyberg had been persuaded to leave one complete Brigade, while the other two had returned to Egypt almost empty handed, leaving their weapons and equipment to make up for any shortfalls in 5th Brigade or to equip the Greeks. The three Greek regiments were inland, while the four New Zealand Battalions were primarily by the coast. The men of the 3rd Rifle Regiment of the 7th Parachute Division landed among and between the New Zealanders and the Greeks.

    As with their colleagues in the Assault Regiment, many of the Fallschirmjäger were killed even before they landed. More were killed or wounded before they could form up and begin to take the initiative. The Greek regiments were primarily equipped with Italian weapons, and were generally stationary. The 2nd Regiment suffered the greatest losses as their positions, in what the New Zealander’s called Prison Valley, saw the most concentrated German attacks. It was late afternoon before the New Zealand 28th (Maori) Battalion, augmented by a troop of cruiser tanks of the 51st RTR, were able to assist the Greek 6th and 8th Regiments to clear the valley.

    In the afternoon further drops were made by the Germans at Heraklion and Retimo. At both places the attack was less accurately supported by the Luftwaffe bombers and fighters as there were was a greater area to cover and so they were less capable of immediate support for the paratroopers. The timing of the drop also wasn’t so good as the morning. The time it took to turn around the transport aircraft for a second drop meant that some companies of the 2nd Parachute Rifle Regiment weren’t dropped at all, and others without the benefit of concentration. With the British and Greek units fully prepared, the Germans once more had heavy casualties, and at the end of the day both airfields were still firmly in British and Greek hands. Much of the rest of the day was taken up with aggressive patrolling to find and eliminate any scattered German units.

    General Student had very little intelligence to work on. The lack of radio communications with anything more than small groups of Fallschirmjäger, with their stories of disaster, was confirmed by the Luftwaffe pilots who failed to see anything much in the way of German activity against the defenders. Unable to conceive that the first day’s landing was anything more than a massacre, Student ordered the remaining Fallschirmjäger to be dropped the next morning to the east of Maleme’s airfield around Pirgos. The 100th Mountain Regiment were also to be flown directly onto the landing field at Maleme, unless it was absolutely clear that the field was in British hands.


    On the morning of 21 May, the Fallschirmjäger met the same fate as those who’d landed the previous day. As the transport aircraft started their approach to the landing strip, the anti-aircraft fire, including as one pilot attested from tanks on the edge of the airfield, convinced the commander of 100th Mountain Regiment to abandon the attempt as suicidal. Orders were given for the convoy of reinforcements to turn back, as it would not be arriving in time to support the 7th Parachute Division. It was difficult to assess the total German losses, but just over 2500 men became prisoners, and most of these had been wounded to some degree or another. The Airborne Assault Regiment was almost wiped out to a man. Those who had dropped at Heraklion and Retimo, had the greatest chance of survival. The 3rd Parachute Rifle Regiment and 7th Airborne Division's HQ which had focused on Prison Valley were also substantially eliminated. Greek, Polish, New Zealand and British casualties were light in comparison, the 2nd Greek Regiment suffered most heavily, bearing almost 50% losses.
     
    Last edited:
    22 May 1941. Newcastle-upon-Tyne. England.
  • 22 May 1941. Newcastle-upon-Tyne. England.

    The factory’s machine tools were working flat out, and all manner of guns and other equipment was being produced as fast as humanly possible. In one corner of the factory the barrels for the new 6-pdr guns for the Valiant II were being bored out, and there were teams working on putting together all the elements of the gun so that they could be married to the tank turrets. Progress was still limited by the availability of machine tools, but the company was able to report that completion of the initial order for 200 guns had been achieved, and were now producing the next order for 500. Pre-production models of both the Valiant II and II* were undergoing their testing requirements, and was going well. The Vickers’ management team hoped that the work they had done in helping to set up the new Royal Ordnance Factory, with machine tools for the 57mm gun, would add their capacity to Vickers’ own later in the autumn. This would allow production of the Valiant to the II and II* model to happen quickly.

    The quest for a replacement gun for the follow-on Victor tank had been going on for some time, and the intervention of Director of Artillery, Colonel Campbell Clarke, the previous May, had led to a re-assessment of their progress. Originally using a Finnish 76.2mm x 505R shell, coupled with the Model 1931 75mm AA gun, as the basis for trials, progress had been slow. Clarke’s insistence that for the ease of production they should use the 76.2mm x 420R instead, currently the only shell of that calibre being produced, had helped enormously. Necking the case down to 75mm, the 12.5lb shell, fired at 2550 fps, provided adequate penetration in the AP version. The shell was also very suitable for providing an effective HE capacity. There had been an argument for just keeping the whole gun and ammunition as 7.62mm (3-inch), but time was pressing on. Prototypes of the Victor needed to be armed with the planned gun for testing, so prototypes of the Vickers 75mm HV had been ordered for testing, delivered, and the initial reports were very encouraging. As before, Vickers was one of the few companies that had the tooling for a 75mm gun, and had been working on the principle of developing the gun so that it would not interfere with other capacity that was already over-stretched.

    When word of the success of the new gun reached the Royal Ordnance at Woolwich, Clarke looked again at the progress being made to the towed anti-tank gun that was under development. By taking the shell size up to 17lbs, and keeping the 3-inch bore, which, with the muzzle velocity of 2900 fps, it would defeat the Victor’s planned 4-inch armour, and even 4.5-inches at a decent range. The problem that his designers were finding was that the gun was likely to weigh about three tons, and adapting that, with the length of the recoil, into a tank, would be something of a challenge. As Director of Artillery, he really didn’t want Vickers to make their own tank gun. Realistically, there wasn’t yet an alternative, and wouldn’t be until 1943 probably. Since the Vickers 75mm HV provided the requested dual-purpose capacity required in tanks, he had no choice but to sign off on it and recommend to the Ministry of Supply that production for the required number of tanks should go ahead.
     
    25 May 1941. Tobruk, Libya.
  • 25 May 1941. Tobruk, Libya.

    Major-General Michael Creagh (GOC 7th Armoured Division), toasted his senior officers on the completion of their exercises after their arrival at Tobruk. He was also able to convey the message from General O’Connor that he was delighted to have the Division back under XIII Corps control.

    Brigadier John Caunter, commander of 4th Armoured Brigade (6th Battalion RTR, 7th Hussars, 41st Bn RTR, 1st Bn Kings Royal Rife Corps) and Brigadier Hugh Russell of 7th Armoured Brigade (1st Bn RTR, 8th Hussars, 45th Bn RTR, 2nd Bn Rifle Brigade), were delighted to be fully equipped and operational again. They had found it difficult to shake the feeling that being equipped with the Valiant I Infantry Tank Mark III, that they were more akin to Army Tank Brigades rather than Armoured Brigades. The cruiser tanks they had been used to had served them well up against the Italians, and for the 7th and 8th Hussars particularly, their feelings towards their new mounts were conflicted.

    There was a lot to like about them, they were very well protected, though, unfortunately, still armed with the 2-pdr gun. The diesel engine was powerful enough to keep them moving just about as fast as the old A9 and A10s had done, but with a greater range. The Mark 19 Radios were a big improvement over what they’d been using, so they had a lot going for them. On the other hand, they were classed as ‘Infantry Tanks’ and the Armoured Regiments didn’t quite seem themselves that way. Nonetheless, they were pretty reliable, and the men liked them.

    A few other changes had come over the Division since it was re-equipped with the Valiant I tanks. The 11th Hussars were the Division’s dedicated reconnaissance regiment in a variety of Armoured Cars, universal carriers and Dingo reconnaissance vehicles.

    The make-up and role of the 7th Support Group, still commanded by Brigadier Gott, had undergone changes in the light of previous experience. Each Armoured Brigade now had a dedicated Motorised Infantry Battalion attached. The Support group had one further lorried Infantry Battalion (2nd Tower Hamlets Rifles). 1st LAA Regiment provided anti-aircraft cover; 3rd Royal Horse Artillery provided the anti-tank regiment; 4th Royal Horse Artillery provided the 25-pdrs. The arrival of various Royal Artillery units and equipment meant that 4th RHA regiment now had three full batteries of twelve guns each. General Creagh had been adamant that the Division needed more artillery than was previously provided, so that each Armoured Brigade would have its own dedicated regiment. The arrival of the 9th (Highland) Division meant that 126th, 127th and 128th Field Regiments RA had been added to the forces available in Egypt. Since the rest of the 9th Division were acting as Line of Communications troops, protecting the Canal and Delta, 126th Field Regiment had been added to the 7th Support Group. 127th and 128th Field Regiments had been allocated to 6th Infantry Division to complete their artillery needs.

    What Brigadier Gott had discovered was that in reality, each Armoured Brigade, which already had one of his infantry Battalions, would take half the anti-aircraft and anti-tank regiments, and one of the artillery regiments. This left him with little more that one infantry Battalion under his direct command. Looking at what the 22nd Armoured Brigade and 3rd Indian Motor Brigade had done together seemed like a better model. Gott was trying to persuade General Staff in Cairo to reform the Support Group into a Motor Brigade, perhaps creating two Armoured Divisions each made up of one of Armoured Brigade and one Motor Brigade, as 22nd Armoured Division was currently equipped. This was under consideration, but in the meantime, Gott had to be satisfied with the current situation.

    Another change to 7th Armoured Division was that the numbers of Close Support tanks had been increased from the previous six per Regiment to twelve. These were now distributed more evenly throughout the squadrons, so that each squadron had four instead of two. Numbers of the new QF 3-inch howitzer, designed to fit the same mounting as the 2-pdr, had been delivered and the RAOC base Depots had been fitting them to a number of Valiant Is. The muzzle velocity of 650 ft/s threw a 13.87lb HE shell out to 2000 yards. Various exercises had been run to try to work out the best way to utilise the tank’s HE and smoke capability.

    Whereas in the past, CS tanks, armed with 3.7-inch mortar/howitzer had been concentrated in the HQ Squadron, often limited to a non-fighting role, because they weren’t thought terribly useful, especially when only carrying smoke shells. Now, with the experience of overwhelming the Italians, there were two main ways in which they could be used. In direct support of infantry, the CS tanks could form the basis of a squadron, with a further four 2-pdr gun-armed tanks to deal with enemy tanks. Otherwise, and more likely, they were to be attached, one to each troop, so that there would be three 2-pdrs and one CS tank. Getting used to having four tanks in a troop rather than three had taken some work, but knowing the troop itself could deal with dug in anti-tank guns and other threats was considered advantageous.

    The final exercise had been in conjunction with 4th Indian Division. All three Brigades had been brought back from East Africa. Having had time to rest and recuperate from their efforts, they’d been exercising with the tanks, while integrating replacements. The fact that many of those involved in Operation Compass were able to renew friendships and refresh methods of infantry and tank cooperation, had made the exercise all the more satisfying. The 6th Infantry Division were moving forward to El Agheila to concentrate, they would need a couple more weeks to get all three Brigades used to working together. The 9th Australian Division were keen to be part of the next phase of kicking the Axis out of North Africa, but their current role as Line of Communication troops was too important. 7th and 22nd Armoured Divisions, 6th Infantry and 4th Indian Division would be the force that General O’Connor would use to try to push the Germans and Italians back beyond Sirte in Operation Battleaxe.
     
    27 May 1941. Cairo, Egypt.
  • 27 May 1941. Cairo, Egypt.

    Lieutenant-General William Holmes had arrived in Egypt, along with the Headquarters staff of X Corps, along with the 9th (Highland) Division. Having done well with the 42nd Division in the withdrawal to Dunkirk, Holmes had been promoted and given command of X Corps, which had been responsible for the defence of the North-east of England in the event of a German invasion. General Wavell had the happy problem of troops pouring into his area of responsibility, but lacked the General Staff Officers to sort these men into proper organisations. X Corps HQ had been chosen to come to Egypt and provide another experienced leadership cadre to add to General O’Connor’s XIII Corps.

    Wavell had been requesting that London concentrate on sending him drafts of troops as replacements as well as many more Signals, Medical, Supply, Workshops, and Transport units. Prime Minister Churchill had scoffed about the tail becoming much bigger than the teeth, but Wavell replied that 'I have fighting troops standing idle for lack of vehicles which my workshop and recovery organization working night and day cannot repair quickly enough. Work on essential airfields is hampered by insufficiency of engineer units, and the capture of 100,000 prisoners has thrown a severe strain on the medical and supply services...' Churchill relented and agreed to send the requested units, but also insisted on sending the 9th and then the 50th Infantry Divisions as well.

    Wavell’s plan was eventually to turn what had been the old Western Desert Force into a full-blown army. When Holmes and his HQ had arrived, Wavell could envision an army with XIII and X Corps making up its constituent parts, and the possibility of the ANZACs adding a third Corps. Wavell had cabled London with this recommendation to give O’Connor command of that army, which would likely be named ‘Eighth Army’. Wavell had suggested that XIII Corps could be well run by Philip Neame, with William Holmes continuing in command of X Corps.

    General ‘Jumbo’ Wilson, after his efforts in Greece, had been appointed GOC Palestine and Transjordan, and he had worries about the situation in Syria. The Free French General Georges Catroux had been pushing the story that the Vichy French had not only been supportive of the Iraq uprising, but there was growing evidence of German Luftwaffe elements on Syrian airfields. Catroux was convinced that a show of strength would have the Vichy forces capitulate and Syria would join the Free French. While the situation in Iraq was now stabilised, Wilson was convinced by Catroux that something would need to be done about Syria. Wilson had therefore asked for X Corps to be attached to his command to bring together his disparate forces into a unified force capable to invading Syria.

    Wavell was once more concerned about over-reach. The end of the fighting in East Africa wasn’t far off, and Wavell had looked forward to receiving the complete 5th Indian and 1st South African Divisions to add to the forces in Egypt, but they would need time to rest and recuperate before they could be thrown back into the fray. Iraq’s coup had led to the 10th Indian Division being sent, not to Malaya as planned, but to Basra, and the efforts to turn the Cavalry Division into 10th Armoured Division had had to be postponed while they took Baghdad. Greece had taken the ANZACs, (6th and 7th Australian and 2nd New Zealand Division), along with an Armoured Brigade, to do little more than slow down the Germans. Now all these units had to be replenished, rested and re-equipped. Crete had been held, thanks to the forces there, but the Polish, New Zealand and British Brigades would likely have to stay there, at least, for the foreseeable future. Wavell now also had tens of thousands of Greeks on the ration strength, and was still trying to shift 100000 Italian Prisoners of War out of his hair.

    What Wavell’s intelligence told him was that the threat of German intervention in Syria was actually remote, and that the loss of the Airborne Division in Crete would probably mean that Cyprus (and Malta) was safe too. It was clear to Wavell that Wilson believed the Free French, who were keen to do something to push General Henri Dentz, the commander-in-chief of the Vichy forces towards De Gaulle. At this point Wavell, in consultation with Chief of the Imperial General Staff, John Dill, thought the best thing was to postpone a decision about invading Syria until after Operation Battleaxe, due to begin on 7 June, had concluded. He agreed with Wilson that it would be possible to put together a force, but whether it would be strong enough was another matter. This force would include some of the Cavalry Division, possibly with much of an Australian Division and the Free French. What settled the matter for Wavell was that the RAF was far too stretched to do much to support an effort in Syria, while maintaining their crucial work over the main threat and problem in Libya.

    To satisfy General Wilson, Wavell agreed to place Holmes’ X Corps HQ under the Palestine and Transjordan Command. This Corps would eventually have the 10th Armoured Division, the 5th Indian Division and the 50th Infantry Division under its control. Obviously, this would take some time for these units to arrive, complete their acclimatisation, train together and be fully worked up. For the moment, General Blamey’s ANZACs and the Free French would continue to guard the northern border with Lebanon, and regular reconnaissance would be undertaken by the RAF to make sure that the Germans were not arriving in any numbers. If General Dentz could be persuaded to throw off the shackles of the collaborationist Vichy regime by peaceful means, all the better. Having a substantial force building up on his border might make the American adage ‘speak softly, but carry a big stick’ work in this case.
     
    29 May 1941. Ras El Ali, Libya.
  • 29 May 1941. Ras El Ali, Libya.

    Major-General Gambier-Parry (GOC 22nd Armoured Division) and Major-General Leslie Morshead (GOC 9th Australian Division) conferred over the current positions of their two Divisions. Two of Morshead’s Brigades had taken over the defensive positions, allowing 16th Brigade and the 3rd Indian Motor Brigade, with 22nd Armoured Brigade, to go back to El Agheila to regroup and refit.

    16th Brigade (1st Argyll & Sutherland Highlanders, 2nd Bn Leicestershire Regiment, 2nd Bn Queens Royal Regiment) were being joined by 22nd (Guards) Brigade (2nd Bn Scots Guards, 3 Bn Coldstream Guards, 1st Bn Durham Light Infantry) and 23rd Brigade (2nd Bn York and Lancaster Regiment; 2nd Kings Own Royal Regiment and 1st Battalion the Buffs) to form 6th Infantry Division under the command of Major-General John Evetts. That would leave 22nd Armoured Division as a mixed Division with just one armoured Brigade and one Motor Brigade.

    Major-General Gambier-Parry was conscious that not only was his Division much smaller than normal, but also his regiments had all taken casualties in men and machines. Drafts of Indian troops had arrived to bring the Motor Brigade up to strength, but the perpetual shortage of vehicles cut down their mobility. There were however, no replacements for the lost Valiant I* tanks, and none were on the horizon.

    Along with the Australian Brigades, all three tank Battalions of 7th Tank Brigade (40th, 44th and 48th Bn RTR) in Valiant I Infantry Tanks had replaced the Valiant I* of 22nd Armoured Brigade at the front. For the most part the British and Australian positions had been left unchallenged since the Germans and Italians had withdrawn back to their main position at Sirte, with a large force protecting Nofilia. Occasional violent encounters between each side’s reconnaissance forces, and regular interference from the Luftwaffe were the main concerns.

    Efforts by 22nd Armoured Brigade’s Light Aid Detachment to recover some of the knocked-out Valiant I* tanks after the failed effort to take Nofilia had been partially successful. Transporting the recovered tanks all the way back to Bardia, and in the worst cases to the Delta workshops, took a lot of effort by precious tank transporters. Forward RAOC and RASC workshops had been set up at Agedabia where simple fixes could be done to keep the tanks and lorries in the area running. It was believed that about fifteen Valiant I* tanks would be returned to the Brigade, but only five in time for Operation Battleaxe. Major-General Gambier-Parry had approached General O’Conner asking that the three tank battalions could supply some tanks and crews to make up the shortfall. While using two different versions of the Valiant would be complicated for resupply, especially in fuel, having the right number of tanks would be preferable. At this point in the planning, 7th Tank Brigade were not part of the plans for Operation Battleaxe.

    When considering this request, and talking it through with his staff, then checking with General Wavell, O’Connor decided to change his plan. As 7th Armoured Division were all in Valiant I tanks, as were 7th Tank Brigade, using the same type would seem to simplify matters. Originally, he was going to send 22nd Armoured Division and 4th Indian Division on the inland route, while 7th Armoured and 6th Infantry Division took the coast road. With 22nd Armoured Division being short in both of its Brigades, then it would be better for two full divisions, 7th Armoured Division, supported by 4th Indian Division, to take the inland route. 6th Infantry Division, with 7th Tank Brigade in support, would take the coast road, leaving 22nd Armoured Division as a mobile reserve, capable of exploiting a break in the Italian or German positions.

    Since 7th Armoured Division and 4th Indian Division already were familiar with each other, this change was warmly received by those two Divisions. Likewise, Major-General John Evetts was happy to have one tank battalion attached to each of his three Brigades. The coastal approach was meant to have the role of keeping the Axis forces concentrated on this threat, allowing the inland approach to flank those forces. Having two more Brigades, one Armoured and the other motorised, even if they were weaker than they should be, behind him was an excellent back-up, and gave a better chance of exploiting a breakthrough.

    In addition to the Valiant I* tanks recovered from the battlefield, a few Panzer III and one Panzer IV which had been knocked out but not completely destroyed, were also collected. These had been transported back to Bardia for examination. These were the only German tanks found, and they were close to the British defences. The lack of other German tanks suggested that these must have been towed away during the withdrawal. It was also noted that some Valiant I* couldn’t be found, presumably now in the hands of the Germans for examination.

    The difference between the Panzer IIIs encountered in Libya, compared with that taken back from Dunkirk were primarily that the H model in North Africa, rather than the F model captured in Belgium. The two main differences were that the H model had a new 50mm gun, (the German designation was 5 cm KwK 38 L/42) and had extra armoured plates bolted on, taking its protection from 30mm to 60mm. Similarly, the Panzer IV, although the same model as that captured at Dunkirk, had extra applique armour welded onto the hull and turret. The fact that the armour was found to face hardened confirmed the experience of gunners whose 2-pdr shells seemed to shatter rather than penetrate. Requests for increasing the numbers of Armour Piercing Capped shells available were passed on. The testing of the new 50mm gun on the Panzer III noted that the German shells, PzGr39 also were fitted with a Ballistic Cap for better aerodynamics, something which was probably worth copying.

    The penetration of the 5 cm KwK 38 L/42 was obviously better than the older 37mm gun, but the Valiant I’s 3-inches of armour was still pretty safe from penetration, especially from the front, except at almost point-blank range. The Valiant I* was a bit more vulnerable but only from less than 500 yards. One of the Panzer IIIs was found to have shell which hadn’t been seen before. From the intelligence collected from papers found among the German vehicles it was called 5 cm Pzgr Patr 40. This looked as it might be dangerous even to the Valiant frontal armour out to 500 yards, if it worked as the paperwork said it would. The only consolation was that this type of ammunition seemed rare, and the experts thought it to be experimental. Eventually this shell was flown back to Britain to be examined more intensely.
     
    Last edited:
    1 June 1941. Bovington, England.
  • 1 June 1941. Bovington, England.

    Lieutenant-General Giffard Martel, GOC Royal Armoured Corps, watched keenly as the brand new A15 tanks were put through their paces. Just delivered from Nuffield’s factory, Martel couldn’t help but compare them to the Russian BT-2 tanks he had seen in 1936. The Soviet tanks were fast, agile, had limited armour, but carried a decent 45mm gun for the time. As a cavalry tank they had been a revelation, and the desire to adopt the Christie Suspension for British cruisers tanks had been Martel’s obsession.

    Where the BT-5’s engine provided about 35hp/tonne, giving a top speed of 44mph, the A15’s redesigned Liberty proved only 17hp/tonne. The engine was less powerful than the Soviet engine, and the tank almost twice as heavy. Consequently, the A15’s top speed was 26mph on the road, and 15mph off road. To make matters worse, confirmation from Libya that the Germans had put a more powerful gun into the Panzer III, made the less than two inches of armour on the A15 marginal at best.

    In most things the A15 had advantages over the Panzer III. The German tank was a bit heavier and its engine about 40hp less powerful than the A15, so its on and off-road speed was slightly slower, and its fuel capacity was lower giving the A15 better operational range. Crucially, the Panzer III had been up-gunned, while the A15’s 2-pdr was said to be struggling against the 60mm armour on the panzer. Nuffield’s design had a 55.5-inch turret ring, which made put a bigger gun, like the new 6-pdr, into the tank very difficult. The Panzer III’s turret ring was only just over 4 inches wider, but that made a lot of difference.

    The process of getting the A15 from design to production, without proper prototypes, had allowed the tank to be manufactured in a relatively short space of time. The downside to this was that the problems that had been identified once the tank was completed had slowed production because of all the changes that had needed to be made. Some of those changes were probably never going to be completely ironed out, it would take a Mark II, or even a whole new design, to satisfy the need for reliability.

    The first units which had been issued with the new Cruiser A15, 28th Armoured Brigade of 9th Armoured Division had been the guinea pigs that had had to figure out how to make the best of the tanks they had received. Each Armoured Regiment (5th Dragoon Guards, 15/19th Hussars, 1st Fife and Forfar Yeomanry) needed 46 A15s along with another 6 Close Support versions, and a further ten needed by the Brigade HQ, 166 tanks in all. Having received the first tanks in February, by the end of May they had 120 tanks in total, but had been promised that the shortfall would be made up in June as production picked up. As the tanks had been delivered the numbers of 2-pdr guns hadn’t been keeping up with the tanks, leading to the situation where a significant percentage of tanks were unarmed. This was being dealt with, but it meant that the Brigade was still some way off full operational readiness. The situation with 27th Armoured Brigade (4/7th Dragoon Guards, 13/18 Hussars, 1st East Riding Yeomanry) was even worse, each regiment only have about ten tanks each to train on.

    This was all in contrast with 6th Armoured Division’s two Armoured Brigades (20th and 26th) which were now fully equipped with Valiant I* Cruiser Mark III tanks. Martel was still convinced that the Christie suspension on the A13 and A15 was a good choice, and with the right engine, could provide the mobility and protection a good Cruiser tank needed. Martel, despite his long-term friendship with Sir John Carden, still wasn’t happy with the Cruiser version of the Valiant. It was a compromise design, and as with most things, the compromise meant that it was neither quite one thing nor another. Too heavy and slow to really be a Cruiser Tank, but not quite with the protection of an Infantry Tank.

    Martel had been disappointed when he had been informed that it had been decided to equip 7th Armoured Division in Libya with Valiant I Infantry Tanks. Second Armoured Division’s 22nd Armoured Brigade had done well in Libya with the Valiant I*, but so had 1st Armoured Brigade with A13MkII Cruisers in Greece. To Martel’s way of thinking, an Armoured Division’s role was still more to do with exploitation than fighting a defensive battle or going toe to toe with prepared enemy positions. Equipping an Armoured Division with Infantry Tanks was a betrayal of normal tactics.

    What was clear from the reports of those who took part in the various tank actions since 1940 was that the Vickers tanks were more favoured, even the old A9 and A10s had done well against the Italians and in Iraq. As one of the A15s passed Martel couldn’t help but reflect that the fundamental problem with Nuffield wasn’t build quality, though that left something to be desired, but they just hadn’t been involved in tank design before. The still-born LMS A13 Mark III (Covenanter) was evidence that outside of Vickers, tank design was problematic. Which put Martel in a position where he was going to have back Carden’s Victor proposal as the way forward. The proposals for a follow-on to the A22 Infantry Tank and the A15 Cruiser Tank would likely the poor relations of the Vickers Victor. The idea of a ‘Medium Tank’ to sit somewhere between a Cruiser and an Infantry Tank was roughly where the Americans were going with the M3 Medium, the first of which was expected to be ready in July.

    The Victor, with its new engine and transmission, was likely to need some time to mature, but other than North Africa, there wasn’t currently anywhere else it might be needed. Eventually the British army would be back on Continental Europe, and it would certainly be needed then. Though how the British and their Empire’s forces would be able to take on the sheer size of the German army was open to question.

    Meanwhile Martel was entrusted with the job of expanding the Royal Armoured Corps from two to possibly as many as fourteen Divisions. The A15, preferably armed, would be one of the mainstays of that expansion. Once the 8th and 9th Divisions were fully equipped to join 1st and 6th in the Home Forces, along with 2nd, 7th, 10th and the odd 22nd Armoured Divisions in the Middle East, Britain would be fielding seven-and-a-half armoured Divisions. There was advanced talk in the War Office of creating an 11th Armoured Division, reconstituting 42nd Infantry Division into an Armoured Division, and also of creating a Guards Armoured Division.

    Martel had seen the new estimates for a 55 Division Army which was supposedly going to be complete by 30 November 1941. In August 1940 the estimates had been that there would be a need for 6023 Cruiser and 4421 Infantry tanks, 10444 total. At the end of May that estimate had been increased to 13176 and 4325 respectively, 17501 tanks in all by the end of the year! By the end of 1942, the figure estimated was 19700. The Ministry of Supply had estimated that the total British output of tanks in 1941 was likely to be around 5300, rising to about 9400 in 1942. Obviously, even with Canadian production being added, the shortfall would have to be made up mostly by importing American tanks. The M3 Light Tank and the M3 Medium tanks on order weren’t all that great, though progress of the M4 Medium with a 75mm gun in a turret was looking promising.

    One of the A15s, this one with a gun, passed and the tank commander must have seen Martel’s red tabs, and threw him a salute, which Martel immediately returned. The men riding these tanks to battle deserved the best the country could offer to protect it. The A15 wasn’t the best, but it would need to do, at least in the meantime.
     
    3 June 1941. Leyland, England.
  • 3 June 1941. Leyland, England.

    Henry Spurrier III, who had responsibility for all Leyland’s tank projects, bowed to His Majesty King George VI and beamed as photographers took their photo together in front of the plaque marking the opening of the factory. Afterwards Henry III, as he was known, was happy to show the dignitaries around the new tank shop built to produce eighty tanks per month. It had taken a year from the breaking of the ground to the completion of the factory, the acquiring and fitting of the machine tools, and the training of its workers, especially in the new skill of welding.

    The King, with Queen Elizabeth, the Prime Minister and a flock of military and civilian guests once they had completed the official opening and given speeches, began a guided tour of the factory. Although the official opening was today, work on building tanks had been going on from as soon as it was possible. The tour began at a completed Valiant I* Cruiser tank which as being loaded onto a railway flat car, and then followed the process all the way back to the beginning. The workers had been well briefed beforehand about what to say in answer to questions, and Queen Elizabeth was particularly keen to talk to the women on the production line.

    The Prime Minister noted that the shape of the turret changed at one point in the production line, and the foreman explained that this was the Valiant II* turret designed to take the 6-pdr gun. The Mark I* version at the end of the line were among the last of the original order for 251 tanks given in June 1940 to be completed by July 1941. The hope was that this new factory, adding to the original tank shop that could only build 24 per month, would mean that the order would be finished ahead of schedule. In due course the factory would be focused on the Valiant II* until the Victor was ready to be put into production. The advantage of the Valiant II* was that the hull, suspension and engine were all the same. All that changed was the size and layout of the turret able to carry the more powerful gun.

    General John Dill (CIGS) had to take the Prime Minister apart from the larger group as Winston Churchill had one of his bright ideas. Having listened patiently, a skill he had had to cultivate since taking the job, Dill agreed that he would look into the possibility, fearing another ‘action this day’ memo. The Prime Minister however had the bit between his teeth. If all the current Valiant I and I* only needed a new turret with the new gun to make them II and II*, then why not build a whole lot more turrets and send them out to North Africa to upgrade the tanks already there?

    Henry Spurrier was asked to join what was obviously becoming a somewhat heated debate. General Dill was probably hoping that there was a simple explanation of why this might be impossible, but in the absence of the design engineers, Spurrier could only agree that it was certainly worth thinking about. Dill knew well enough that the fundamental problem was that there just weren’t enough 6-pdrs being made. The decision, of the Prime Minister, to keep producing 2-pdrs after Dunkirk had effectively put the 6-pdr on the back burner.

    Churchill knew from the after-action reports from Operation Brevity that the 2-pdr was struggling to penetrate the face-hardened armour of the panzers. Dill assured him that the fix, an APC and APCBC round for the 2-pdr, was being produced and rushed out to Libya. As for production of 6-pdrs, the fact that Vickers had been able to make some, without lowering their numbers of 2-pdrs, was remarkable in itself. Dill knew that the Vickers production was soon to be joined by a new Royal Ordnance Factory which had the means to produce these new guns. The reason that the Valiant II and II* were not due to be produced in any numbers until after the summer was to allow that new source of 6-pdrs to come on stream.

    In an attempt to distract the Prime Minister, Spurrier mentioned that the plant’s main focus would only be on the Valiant II* for a short period of time. Plans for the new Victor were well advanced and Spurrier was keen to promote his own involvement, along with Roy Robotham of Rolls Royce, in the creation of the Meteor engine for the Victor. While the engine developed from the Napier Lion in the Valiant was much better than what had gone before, the Meteor would outclass it significantly. Leyland had a big hand in turning the Merlin engine into a tank engine. Three of the Leyland’s best designers were working closely with the Rolls Royce team at Clan Foundry, Belper, to bring the Meteor to fruition. Once again Dill cringed as the Prime Minister began to fixate on the numbers of this engine, and how it would be built without eating into the Merlin production which was essential for all the aircraft that needed it. Spurrier was more confident on this ground and explained to the Prime Minister the complex negotiations between Vickers, Leyland, Rover, Perkins and Ford to solve that very problem. At this point, King George’s aide came over to remind the small group that the rest of the party was getting impatient. Duly chastened the rest of the tour was completed and as the last of the dignitaries’ cars left the factory, Spurrier and his team retired to the conference room where stiff drinks were the order of the day.
     
    5 June 1941. Chertsey, England.
  • 5 June 1941. Chertsey, England.

    The office of Sir John Carden was already filled with cigarette smoke as his team reviewed progress on the various projects that they were involved with. The feedback from the army was generally very positive. It seemed there was a big operation brewing in Libya which would involve 7th Armoured Division, 7th Tank Brigade and 22nd Armoured Brigade in Valiant I and I*s. There was always a concern expressed among the designers and engineers that the weapons they’d put in the hands of the young men in the Armoured Regiments would help keep them safe and overcome the enemy.

    The news from Glasgow regarding the A17 wasn’t surprising, but nor was it encouraging. As good as their word, North British Locomotives achieved building 8 A17s per month since November, so that the army were now in possession of just over half the order for 100 Mark VII Light Tanks. The first operational unit, C Special Service Squadron, were likely to be used in amphibious operations to support the Commandos. Tests on the Duplex Drive were due to begin in a few days, and Leslie Little was confident that Nicholas Straussler’s devised flotation screen would prove successful. There was also talk of examining the A17 as a possible addition to the Airborne forces that were forming, possibly being carried by glider!

    Leslie Little continued that, ever since the A17 went into production, he had been working on the A25, an improved Mark VII Light Tank, which would be called the Mark VIII. This tank increased the size and armour of the A17, but used the same Meadows engine and suspension system. This was likely to mean that the three prototypes which had been ordered were going to be disappointing in terms of speed. There were plenty of rumours that the army were going to concentrate armoured cars for the reconnaissance role, so the chances of an increased order for the Mark VII or Mark VIII was remote.

    Another possibility was that the army would prefer to take the American M3 Light Tank through the Lend-Lease system, allowing British firms to focus on Cruiser and Infantry tanks. There was not much difference between the 2-pdr on the Vickers tanks and the American 37mm on the M3, except that the Americans did have an HE and canister shell for it, which made it slightly more attractive to the War Office. Leslie reported that the three A25 prototypes would be ready for testing by the required date in September.

    The question of when production of Matilda II tanks by North British Locomotive in Springburn would end was important because this was one of the main limitations on the production of the A17 and, possibly, the A25. As far as anyone knew the Matilda II was likely to be kept in production at least until 1942 as Vauxhall’s A22 was plagued with problems. Metro-Cammell had been one of the firms that had been interested in building the Mark VII Light Tank, but was currently fully committed to the Valiant. If the War Office decided that they did want the Mark VIII, then either North British Locomotives would need to stop building Matilda IIs, to concentrate on the Light Tanks, or a new firm would have to find space and workforce for it. That would likely mean it would take eighteen months to get it into production.

    Talk turned to Vauxhall’s troubles with the A22 and the production facilities of Broom & Wade; Beyer Peacock; Charles Roberts & Co; Dennis Bros; Gloucester Railway; and Newton Chambers that Vauxhall had brought in. The original order of five hundred A22 tanks, ordered ‘off the drawing board’ were still to begin to be produced. Carden had learned that Vauxhall hoped to have the first production models before the end of the month, just a year after the design had been completed. While that was quite an achievement, whether it would be helpful was a separate matter. According to the Farnborough tests, it was underpowered, under-gunned and very probably unreliable. No one at Vickers could quite understand why Vauxhall had put the 3-inch howitzer in the hull, limiting its ability to use the high trajectory that a howitzer usually needed.

    What Carden wanted to know was whether the Vickers production teams would be able to help retool all these companies to build Victors? From what could be gathered from their sources, Vauxhall’s group of companies would be able to produce about 80-90 A22s per month. Vickers conglomeration were probably going to be able to produce about 280-290 Victors per month, once they got going. Adding another eighty to that would be attractive to the War Office, if the Ministry of Supply could be convinced to concentrate on one type. Anything over 340 per month would equip an Armoured Division. Many of the men in the room had gone to other companies previously to help them set up tank shops, and while they weren’t entirely sure what the companies that had Vauxhall as the parent company for the A22, there was no doubt they would be able to help any change-over, without too much time lost.

    The team responsible for the Valiant II and II* production were able to give the numbers of the 6-pdr guns being produced per month (~100), and the progress of the opening of the first Royal Ordnance Factory to be begin producing quantities of the new gun. It was expected that when everything was up and running almost 1500 would be produced a month, but that was still a long way off. By the end of July, the new ROF would add another 200 per month and rising each month after that. The ROF was capable of producing the L/50 barrel which the Vickers plant couldn’t. This would mean that eventually the Valiant IIA and IIA* would be equipped with the longer barrel, with the increased muzzle velocity and therefore better penetration. As production of the 6-pdr ramped up, then they would start to be issued to anti-tank regiments.

    The Prime Minister’s question about sending out turrets with the 6-pdr gun to North Africa to upgrade the Valiant I and I* had been passed onto Cardin. The reality of production systems was that Vickers, Metro-Cammel, and Birmingham Railway were all preparing for the Valiant II and II* as 6-pdr guns became available. While many A15s were being produced, but not equipped with 2-pdrs, the Vickers Board had resisted that temptation. If a Vickers product was to be handed over to the Army, then it needed to be ready to go into action with as little delay as possible. The fact that fitting turrets onto tanks was a fairly complex job, with a lot of technical skills, the chances of the depots out in Egypt being able to do it was questionable. Carden was happy enough to send a letter setting out the problems, and asking the question about the capacity in Egypt to do the job. That would delay any further discussion, at least until more 6-pdrs were being produced.

    The production team responsible for the Valiant engine then gave an update on the numbers of engines coming from Perkins and Meadows to be fitted to the Valiant hulls. Perkins’ diesel Lion was receiving very good feedback from all who were using it. The reliability and ease of maintenance that they’d incorporated into the design meant that in comparison to other tank engines, it was popular with tank crews and their fitters. The Meadows petrol Lion for the Cruiser wasn’t as popular, it hadn’t been simplified enough, and so took more care and attention than the diesel. However, the word from North Africa was that the Valiant I* had done a good job, and the 6th Armoured Division at home were happy enough too. Production by both Perkins and Meadows was keeping up with demand, though other people were starting to look at these two engines for other projects. Someone remarked that the Meadows petrol Lion would solve a lot of the A22’s problems for Vauxhall, but it would take a lot of redesign work.

    Which brought the discussion onto the Victor tank. Vickers, Rover, Meadows, Leyland and Rolls-Royce were collaborating on getting the Meteor, based on the RR Merlin aero-engine, fully developed to put it into production. Currently the Victor prototypes were using Merlin III engines which had been disposed of for a variety of reasons. The production manager remarked that he was glad that Meadows had been working on the Peregrine engine beforehand, because that had made the task somewhat easier. The company’s designers and engineers had learned at great deal about what worked and what didn’t. When they joined Robotham’s team at Belper, along with the Leyland and Rover engineers, it meant that a lot of shortcuts could be taken from what had worked and not worked with the Peregrine. The production manager also noted that Ford had been very helpful by sharing with Robotham’s team the way in which it had been producing the Merlin with every component part being interchangeable. Rover and Leyland were particularly keen on this method as it would take only semi-skilled labour to make the Meteor.

    It was looking like production of a 600hp Meteor engine would be on schedule to start towards the end of 1941, more likely the beginning of 1942. With Rover, Leyland and Meadows all involved, the quantity and quality of the new engine should be enough for the planned production figures. The Ministry of Supply and the Ministry of Aircraft Production were still a bit at odds, but the Meteor, built from alternative, heavier materials than the Merlin, shouldn’t interfere with the aero-engine’s production. The Ministry of Supply was also urgently acquiring machine tools from America to boost production of the Meteor. The predictions were that if these machine tools were available within six months, then production wouldn’t have to rely on unflyable Merlins being modified.

    The question was asked about how the engine cooling fixes were going. This was the bug-bear of many tanks, and had led to many of the problems of the A15, and the cancellation of the A13 Mark III. The Production Manager explained that a large part of the development time on the prototypes was trying various solutions to make the engine cooling effective. The solution which seemed best was to have transverse radiators and he described how a lot of work had been put into a new, very efficient and effective fan drive. This absorbed 32hp of the engine’s power, but pushed a huge quantity of air through the engine compartment at a very fast rate. So far, it provided the appropriate level of cooling, though further tests were required.

    The team responsible for the Victor’s components expressed their worries over the 4-inch armour plate that would be needed. While much of the armour would be sloped to provide the equivalent of 4-inchs, there were sections that needed the thickest armour. With the ship-building programme in full swing, there were shortages of armour plate being identified and that some of the newer sites which had begun producing armour plate were struggling with quality control. Ultimately this was a problem for the Ministry of Supply, but the Vickers team wanted to make sure that their planning took into account that there might be a possible bottleneck to production further down the line. A discussion about alternative sources and sorting out quality control took up the next part of the meeting.

    The second point that was brought up by the components team was the Merritt-Brown triple differential and gearbox. Both Vickers on the Victor, and Vauxhall on the A22, were using this system. Some of the members of the design and production teams had had meetings with Vauxhall, David Brown Ltd (the manufacturer) and with Dr Merritt himself. All the work that had been done at Brooklands and other places had discovered that many of the teething troubles were to do with sub-components from companies without enough experience or quality control. As the work was done on the system to make it reliable, these companies were invited to note some of the defects found and how to avoid them in the future.

    Amongst the problems of getting everything to work together, the new gearbox and differential was then linked to the new suspension system developed by Sydney Horstman using horizontal volute springs instead of the coil spring used previously. By positioning the volute-springs horizontally, they allowed the pressure from the load to be transmitted to the opposite bogie wheel-arm, thus helping to keep tension maintained on the tracks. The first mild steel prototype (A23E1) had been back and forth from Farnborough to the Vickers factory to try to sort out the teething troubles.

    The second and third Victor prototypes, with the improved systems, were now in the hands of the Mechanisation Experimental Establishment (MEE) at Farnborough for thorough testing. It was early days, but initial feedback was relatively positive, and at least the problems were already known and steps had been taken to overcome them.

    The next team to give their update were those responsible for the main gun on the Victor. The HV 75mm that they had been working on, which had been fitted to the prototypes, was still proving problematical. The British passion for evenly balanced gun to enhance the elevation and traverse characteristics had been part of the problem, various attempts at counter-weights and fittings had had to be experimented with. Eventually they’d found a solution that seemed to work, though thorough testing would probably show up other problems.

    The trunnions were now fixed to the inner sides of the mantlet, with their pivots being on the mantlet cheeks on the external face of the turret front plate. This meant that, although the mantlet was external to the turret, the trunnions were positioned within the diameter of the turret ring, ensuring the turret was as evenly balanced as possible. They had also been able to made the mounting more compact by using two recoil cylinders, containing both the buffers (the hydraulic apparatus for absorbing the recoil) and the recuperator springs (for returning the gun to the firing position after recoil). These were mounted on either side of the gun, rather than having the buffer above and the recuperator springs below as first tried. Remedial work to make sure that these cylinders could be properly serviced, by changing the position of the draining plugs, had to be carried out.

    When the gun had been tested it was found that the breech block did not align perfectly with the chamber when it was opened. This produced a step between the two which could catch the nose of the round on loading, especially on the HE round. This misalignment had to be rectified, which had been relatively easy, but still took time. In the original drawings it was expected that the gun would be able to depress to 12.5° and elevate to 20°. It was found however that the muzzle tended to foul the rear corner of the engine side air intake, and so a depression gear had to be installed, and so the gun’s full depression was 12° except over the rear. Testing had shown that any depression over 9° meant that the gun was difficult to load, and solutions were being sought.

    As to the test firing at Lulworth, the HV 75mm was found to be effective with AP rounds up to 1250 yards, the limit of the range, with both stationary and moving targets. The Besa co-axial was accurate to 1600 yards against a stationary target. The HE rounds were tested in two ways. Firstly, by bracketing, which was effective out to 2000 yards, and secondly by direct shooting which was effective at both 1400 and 2000 yards. All of this confirmed that, excepting the teething troubles, the gun was going to be a good tank gun, capable of both ‘hole punching’ and with a good HE round.

    There had been problems trying to sort out what to do with the Besa co-axial machine gun. With the external mantlet, a large square section aperture was needed for the gun, and the gas vent of the gun needed external armour protection, but it also ejected fumes into the fighting chamber. Further to this, when the breech of the HV 75mm gun was opened after firing, copious amounts of fumes came out of the chamber. These two guns made for thick fumes that showed that improvements were needed to the blower fan and bulkhead ventilation, which initially only spread the fumes throughout the turret. Like the Valiant, the Besa machine gun was positioned to the right of the main gun, which made it easier for the loader to service it.

    The reports from the MEE had shown up a number of other problems that would have to be fixed. The position for the new sighting telescope had to be worked out and this was crucial. The driver, gunner and commanders’ positions were all satisfactory, but that of the loader was cramped. Various problems had been identified where he could be injured by the recoil of the gun if he wasn’t careful. This meant that more modifications would have to be implemented. The numbers of rounds that could be carried, because there was no hull gunner was about the same as the Valiant, but the increased size of the rounds meant that there were only twelve available immediately to the loader, then the rate of fire would slow as the rounds stored in the hull bins were transferred to the ready racks.

    Sir John Carden’s secretary, who was taking shorthand for the minutes, tutted at the numbers of deficiencies that she’d had to note. Carden reassured her that this was perfectly normal in a new tank, and that was why the testing phase was essential. The rest of the team knew that Vauxhall were suffering because they were ultimately going to have build every tank as a prototype, until all the problems were identified, solutions found, modification made, then tested again until the tank was battleworthy.

    The rest of the meeting was meant to look at the other varieties of the Valiant, but there was a lot still to discuss about the Valiant II and the Victor. Carden suggested a tea break, then going back over the issues raised to see if all the brains in the room might be able to help the individual teams think through the problems and see what solutions might suggest themselves.
     
    Last edited:
    7 June 1941. Operation Battleaxe. Day 1.
  • 7 June 1941. Operation Battleaxe. Day 1.

    The opening shots of Operation Battleaxe were fired from out at sea. Admiral Cunningham had sent a strong escort to two small convoys including the two fast minelaying cruisers HMS Abdiel and Latona to Malta and Benghazi. Force H had just the day before reinforced Malta with another 35 Hurricanes flown off from HMS Ark Royal and Furious. Escorted by two cruisers and four destroyers, HMS Formidable’s 806 Squadron FAA Fulmars and 805 Squadron’s Buffaloes, provided top cover for the battleships HMS Queen Elizabeth, Warspite, Valiant and Barham, with the cruisers HMAS Hobart, HMS Ajax, Coventry, Calcutta, Naiad, Neptune, Phoebe, and a strong destroyer escort. Initially following a course that would look as if they were heading to Malta, during the night of 6/7 June, the bombardment force split in two and made a dash to the vicinity of Sirte and Nofilia. While Wellingtons from Malta and Cyrenaica carried out heavy raids on the port of Tripoli, the battleships and their escorts pounded the areas which had been identified by aerial reconnaissance as being airfields, troop and vehicle concentrations, supply dumps and the small port facilities. 478 rounds of 15-inch shell and 1,500 of lesser calibre—about 530 tons in all had been fired in just a few hours. It was a rude awakening for the Italians and Germans at the beginning of the operation.

    Just before the sun began to rise the British ships reversed course for Alexandria while the Fleet Air Arm and the RAF provided cover from any attacks. The fact that the full effort of the RAF to bomb the Luftwaffe and Regia Aeronautica airfields happened almost as soon as the naval bombardment ended meant that very few efforts were directed towards the British fleet steaming for home, with some cruisers and destroyers making their way to Malta.

    During the night hours 7th Armoured Division, with 4th Indian Division, had set off following a route that had been prepared for them by the Long Range Desert Group. Steering clear of known Axis reconnaissance patrols, and particularly difficult going, the two Divisions made good progress during the hours of darkness. Along the coast road the 6th Infantry Division, with 7th Tank Brigade in support, had also began their journey towards Nofilia in the dark.

    The fact that something was about to happen was known to the Germans and Italians, their signals intelligence had noted that a lot of extra messages had been sent and received, but there were a lot of call signs that hadn’t been heard of before, and they interpreted that as being the arrival of more forces. The 9th Australian Division had been particularly lax in their radio procedures, and it was expected that this would be the force to be moving forward. There were a number of other radio signals that had been identified, eventually, as being sent in Hindi and Gaelic. All that General Rommel knew was that something was happening, but there was little more information than that.

    The Italian forces at Nofilia had eventually to stop sending out reconnaissance forces too far towards the British positions at Ras El Ali, as so few of them returned. Even the aircraft of the Luftwaffe were finding it difficult to make much headway with reconnaissance over the British positions, as the RAF was strengthened, in the area. The arrival of the first two operational squadrons of P40 Tomahawks had given the Luftwaffe fighter pilots in their Bf109E a bit of a shock, as its performance, previously unknown, was discovered to be considerably better than the Hurricanes they were used to.

    As expected, the 6th Infantry Division’s progress along the coast road began to slow as they encountered sizable minefields beginning at Wadi Matratin. Reconnaissance work had been done, and some of the Italian patrols that had been intercepted had various maps that gave a good starting point for working a way through them. Nonetheless progress was naturally slow, but steady. The Italians’ main position at Nofilia had been designed as a defence in depth. Between Wadi Matratin and Wadi Abyar, a distance of some thirty miles, minefields and small units were positioned to slow a British advance. This succeeded in as far as it took until evening for the main 6th Infantry Division force to arrive before the forward defensive positions at Wadi Abyar. This was as far as Operation Brevity had got, but the forces attacking were much stronger this time.

    During the hours of darkness, the 6-inch medium howitzers of the 64th Medium Regiment Royal Artillery engaged in counter-battery fire against the Italian artillery covering the minefields, while the rest of the Divisional artillery regiments carried out selective bombardments. The men of 23rd Brigade covered the Royal Engineers 12th Field Company who made their way forward under the cover of darkness attempting to clear paths through the minefields. With 40th Bn RTR in support, it would fall to the 22nd Guards Brigade to make the first attempt to open up the road to Nofilia as soon as the paths had been cleared.

    The progress of 7th Armoured Division and 4th Indian Division, following the path mapped out for them, carried them much further south than that taken during Operation Brevity. The movement of 22nd Armoured Division to the left of 6th Infantry Division had given the Germans the impression that the British were trying almost exactly the same tactics that they’d used previously, just with stronger forces. Once more it looked as if the British had divided their forces and so General Rommel ordered the now complete 15th Panzer Division and 5th Light Division to advance to support the Italian Trento Motorised Division in their forward positions at Nofilia. The Ariete Division would remain at Sirte until ordered otherwise. Rommel intended, as he had before, to strike the British armoured force inland first, then swing round towards the sea to defeat the green Australian Division on the anvil of the Italian positions. It took a couple of hours for the German Divisions around Sirte to get themselves sorted out after the pre-dawn bombardment. While not too many casualties had resulted, there had been a great deal of disruption and some precious fuel supplies had been lost.
     
    8 June 1941. Operation Battleaxe. Day 2.
  • 8 June 1941. Operation Battleaxe. Day 2.

    The Italians defending Wadi Abyar had been battered for much of the night by artillery strikes, then just as the light was strong enough, those who were on watch noticed that blue smoke was covering the forward positions of the British attackers. Two squadrons of Blenheims, followed by a squadron of Marylands flew in at low level from the direction of the sea and plastered the Italians’ forward positions. The blue smoke had been agreed with the RAF to mark the British forward positions to allow the bombers to avoid bombing their own side. The Blenheims dropped 40lb bombs, then the Marylands, followed up with 500lb bombs. As soon as the last plane cleared the area, the Royal Artillery regiments put down a four-minute barrage to keep the Italians’ heads down.

    The Royal Engineers, with help from the Pioneer companies of 6th Infantry Division had cleared two paths through the minefield during the night, and from out of the blue smoke in each of the paths emerged a squadron of Valiant I infantry tanks, with the forward companies of the 2nd Battalion Scots Guards and 3rd Battalion Coldstream Guards. The men of the 7th Bersaglieri Regiment’s 7th Anti-tank gun company, armed with 47/32 anti-tank guns distinguished themselves by staying at their posts. Their efforts however amounted to a few Valiant I tanks being disabled by hits on their tracks, and another two straying from the cleared path and detonating mines. The Royal Tank Regiment and the Guards rolled over the Italian positions within an hour. When it was clear that the position was untenable, a number of Italian trucks and other vehicles withdrew towards the main positions at Nofilia. Some of these were strafed by Hurricanes, the majority however arrived back at Nofilia to rejoin the rest of the Trento Division.

    While 22nd Guards Brigade rounded up prisoners and saw to their casualties, the 23rd Infantry Brigade, with 44th Bn RTR, passed through Wadi Abyar to move onto the next part of the Italian defences. In turn, 16th Infantry Brigade, supported by the tanks of 48th Bn RTR, followed through.

    22nd Armoured Division continued to trail their coat to the south and east of the 6th Infantry Division. The RAF had also been asked not to prevent the Luftwaffe reconnaissance efforts in this direction. The liberal use of radio signals in the clear and in code were used to try to keep the focus on the coast, while 7th Armoured Division and 4th Indian Division maintained strict radio silence. Having travelled through the night, these two Divisions rested and refuelled during the day, keen to prevent dust clouds from giving away their presence. The Long Range Desert Group and the 7th Armoured Division’s own reconnaissance regiment, 11th Hussars, provided a screen to keep any German patrols at bay. Since these types of encounters weren’t so unusual between reconnaissance forces, it was hoped that any such fight would be reported as such.

    The movement of the Panzer Divisions towards Nofilia had been noted by RAF reconnaissance, and four squadrons of light bombers, escorted by two squadrons of fighters, had been tasked with interdicting this advance. In exercises with the 7th Armoured Division before Operation Battleaxe, the liberal use of 40lb bombs among the soft skinned support vehicles had been found to be more effective than attempting to attack the tanks directly. This was exactly what 15th Panzer Division and 5th Light Division suffered twice that day. Having arrived to the south of Nofilia, they took advantage of the stocks of fuel and water held by the Italian defenders to refuel their panzers and refresh themselves.

    General Rommel had come forward along with General Walter Neumann-Silkow, GOC 15th Panzer Division. Together they took the reports from the Italians, especially those who’d made it back from Wadi Abyar. The presence of the Valiant tanks, acting as infantry support, and the fact that those attacking weren’t Australians, meant Rommel’s original plan needed to be adapted. While the position of the British Armoured Division was confirmed as being south of the main road, they seemed to be further back than Rommel had presumed. With the Australian Division unaccounted for, possibly travelling with that armoured Division, then it would be more difficult to chew up one part of the British advance before turning his attention to the other part.

    Ever since Arras, Rommel had thirsted for revenge for the losses his 7th Panzer Division had suffered at the hands of the British Royal Tank Regiment. When General Paulus had been present during the previous British attack, Rommel had been restrained from the kind of battle he wanted to fight. This time there was no such restraint. He ordered General Hans Von Ravenstein to use elements of his 5th Light Division in alongside the Italian Trento Division. The extra artillery and anti-tank guns, including the Panzerjäger I of 605 Abteilung, and four 88mm AA guns of 33rd Flak Regiment used in anti-tank role, would give the British a much harder task to break the Italian positions. 5th Panzer Regiment was ordered to hold in place and be used as a counter attacking force when appropriate.

    Meanwhile, Rommel ordered General Neumann-Silkow to hold his 15th Panzer Division in place behind the Italian positions. His intention was that when the British had run out of steam in their attack, the Panzers would advance south of the escarpment and take the British in the rear. Rommel had every confidence that 15th Panzer Division would be able to mop up the British, inflicting a very serious defeat.

    Major-General John Evetts, commanding 6th Infantry Division, with 7th Tank Brigade under his command ordered his leading Brigade, 23rd Brigade, to hold their positions when they made contact with the Italian defensive positions in the vicinity of Nofilia. They were to wait for 16th Brigade to arrive and once more, with artillery and engineering support, prepare the ground for an assault the next morning. The majority of the 22nd Guards Brigade would be in a position to catch up during the night allowing them to support a Divisional level attack. The fact that the Germans had come to the aid of their Italian allies had made the odds of a breakthrough at Nofilia much worse. 22nd Armoured Division, who role was to exploit that breakthrough and push on towards Sirte, was also ready to come to the aid of 6th Infantry Division should the Germans attempt a flanking attack.

    At XIII Corps HQ Generals Wavell and O’Connor were counting on the Germans trying to encircle the British attack. Once the German Panzer Divisions were fully committed, the 7th Armoured Division and 4th Indian Division would attack from the south into the rear of the German/Italian positions. Caught between the 22nd Armoured Division and 6th Infantry Division at Nofilia on the coast and the two Divisions coming from the desert, the chances of the Germans evading the trap would be limited. However, all this hinged on whether the 7th Armoured and 4th Indian Divisions could remain undetected on their inland route. They were setting off on their second night march which would bring them into position to the south and west of Nofilia. The faith that had been put into the navigation of the Long Range Desert Group, and the efforts to provide both Divisions with adequate supplies and support, to make a difficult crossing of the inhospitable desert, would hopefully pay off.
     
    9 June 1941. Operation Battleaxe. Day 3. (Part 1)
  • 9 June 1941. Operation Battleaxe. Day 3.

    The overnight preparations for the 6th Infantry Division’s attack on Nofilia’s Italian/German positions had included a raid by RAF Wellingtons. They had been guided onto the target by Fleet Air Arm Albacores which had dropped flares to mark the target. The main effort had been directed to the south and west of the main positions to provide enough clearance from the forward British positions, which had also used flares to designate their positions to prevent any casualties. There was some doubt about the sense and efficacy of this raid. Would the Wellingtons not be better off bombing known German airfields and supply dumps further back? Tripoli was often their main target.

    Air Marshall Arthur Tedder, had been working with Lieutenant General O’Connor to fix some of the problems of communications and expectations between the army and RAF. The experience in Greece had reinforced the need for better cooperation, not only in protection from the Luftwaffe, but also in the kind of ground attack work that the army had been the victim of. Some of the problems with Operation Brevity had led to a conversation and some tentative plans, which had been tested during exercises. With a force of only about 100 bombers and 100 fighters to cover Operation Battleaxe, Tedder had agreed to using this force to its maximum capacity for four days. In the lead up to the action, strategic targets would be bombed, but once the operation got underway, the focus would be on army cooperation. Various lessons had been learned, especially by the squadrons working in East Africa. The use of coloured smoke and flares to mark friendly infantry and tank positions, and the Royal Artillery’s use of smoke shells to mark enemy targets had been tested and refined in the exercises leading up to the operation.

    Each British Division had an RAF liaison team, in direct radio communication with 204 Group’s forward HQ at Agedabia, so that requests for air support could be processed as quickly as possible. A network of mobile radar sets had been established to protect Benghazi and the main British line at El Agheila. This had given the fighter squadrons some warning to intercept Luftwaffe raids. All of this had improved the security of the British build-up for the operations.

    Using the Wellingtons of 257 Wing so close to the front line was a gamble, but the British army had learned the hard way that if the only aircraft you see are the enemy’s, then it is bad for morale. The men of 6th Infantry Division had a good view of the bombs going off a few miles away, and heartened that the RAF’s bombs hadn’t fallen on themselves, were assured that they were not alone. Once more at first light, the forward British positions covered themselves in smoke, and Blenheims and Marylands once more struck at low level, with the German and Italian artillery positions as their main target. Two Blenheims were shot down and one Maryland limped home with one of its engines destroyed by flak. For large parts of the day at least a flight of Hurricanes or Tomahawks were visible to the British troops assaulting the defences. A few efforts by the Luftwaffe to strike the British were made, but without much success.

    44th Bn RTR, supporting the 23rd Brigade (2nd Bn York and Lancaster Regiment; 2nd Kings Own Royal Regiment and 1st Battalion the Buffs), began to take casualties among the tanks. The presence of guns that could knock out the Valiant I Infantry Tank Mark III from the kind of distances they were being hit from was a bit of a shock. The British tank crews had gotten used to being pretty safe within their tanks at anything greater than short range. Being picked off without a clear reason was worrying. One survivor noted it was like being ambushed by a sniper, not knowing where the fatal shot had come from. Despite the best efforts of the CS tanks to lay down smoke and fire at potential threats, six tanks were destroyed before the initial assault had even begun. Frantic radio calls to the Royal Artillery to shift their fire to the presumed enemy positions were ineffective, as the range from which the fire was coming was underestimated.

    Knowing that the Italians had had plenty of time to deepen their defences and with the intelligence that there was at least an Italian motorised Division plus the two German Panzer Divisions in the vicinity, Major-General John Evetts’ plan was for a measured approach, with plenty of artillery cover, starting at the enemy’s left flank on the sea.

    When the planning had been looked at, it had been considered to use the Commandos in conjunction with the Royal Navy bombardment to land behind the enemy positions, cutting the road to Sirte, and holding there until relieved. General Wavell was still looking at eventually taking Rhodes, and he didn’t want to use up his only effective amphibious force in what might be a suicide mission. Instead, the Royal Navy’s ongoing support for Operation Battleaxe was provided by the Inshore Squadron, consisting of three Insect Class gunboats, HMS Cricket, Gnat and Ladybird, with two Australian destroyers HMAS Voyager and Vampire and two sloops, HMS Auckland and HMAS Parramatta. These ships had approached the coast during the night and spent two hours, beginning just after the Blenheims and Marylands of the RAF had bombed the Italian positions, adding the weight of their 6-inch and 4-inch guns to 6th Division’s Royal Artillery barrage. The timing of the ships’ bombardment had been worked out to make sure that their return to Benghazi was under a protective umbrella of fighters for as long as possible.

    The intensity of the bombardment from air, sea and land had given the Italian commander cause for despair. Even with all the time he’d had to prepare, and the beach flank had had plenty of protection, withstanding the weight of fire on them was all but impossible for the defenders. The fact that the bombardment was followed up quickly by the assault companies of 2nd Kings Own Royal Regiment and 1st Battalion the Buffs, following the tanks of 44th Bn Royal Tank Regiment, had the Italian left flank positions totally under British control by mid-afternoon.

    When the focus of the bombardment was seen clearly at that end of the line, General Hans Von Ravenstein offered the Italian commander, Luigi Nuvoloni, to move some of his 5th Light Division assets to the second line of defence in that area. One of his panzer battalions, II Abteilung of 5th Panzer Regiment, had been put under the command of 15th Panzer Division. He was able to offer one of his Machine gun Battalions, an anti-tank company in addition to a company of Panzerjäger I self-propelled guns. This had been quickly agreed, and the German troops moved quickly to reinforce Italian troops.

    This movement meant that as the 2nd Bn York and Lancaster Regiment tried to move forward through the positions captured by the rest of the Brigade they were immediately stopped. The Valiant tanks were within the kill range of the German Pak 38 5cm anti-tank gun and even the Czech 47mm guns. While the Close Support variants did their best to suppress the German anti-tank fire, the decision was made by the Brigade Commander, Brigadier Alexander Galloway, to hold the positions gained and prepare for the probable counter-attack.

    As 23rd Brigade’s momentum was lost, General Evetts ordered Brigadier Cyril Lomax’s 16th Brigade to make an effort to attack the Italian line to the left of 23rd Brigade’s positions. The continuing loss of Valiant tanks to high velocity shots meant that the initial infantry assault by 1st Argyll & Sutherland Highlanders went in with inadequate tank support, and very quickly bogged down.

    Evetts had been primed to expect that his Division would perhaps have to prepare to be the subject of a German panzer counterattack. The Commanding Officer of 7th Tank Brigade, Brigadier Reginald Naesmyth, had prepared for this eventuality by having at least one Squadron of each tank Battalion held back from direct support of the infantry, to always be on overwatch for German panzers, working primarily with each Brigade’s anti-tank gunners. Between the towed 2-pdr guns of the anti-tank regiments, and those of the tanks, it was expected that any panzers would be hard pressed to break through.

    The escarpment east of Nofilia extended some twenty-five miles along the coast before a route onto the coast road could be found at Wadi Matratin. It was this route that the 22nd Armoured Division (22nd Armoured Brigade & 3rd Indian Motor Brigade) had been protecting, covering 6th Infantry Division’s advance. It was this route that General Rommel wanted 15th Panzer Division to take, and get in behind the British on the coast road. The 15th Panzer Division had set off just after noon when it was judged that the Italians would hold with German help. With the information from the RAF’s reconnaissance, and their attempts to continue to bomb and strafe the German panzers, Major-General Gambier-Parry had forewarning that the arrival of German forces. He had taken up a primarily defensive position, with each of the armoured Regiments and Indian Cavalry Regiments supporting one another. Much had been learned during Operation Brevity by these two Brigades about fighting German panzers, and those lessons were put to good effect, especially as they were fighting over much the same ground as previously.

    The 104th and 106th Royal Horse Artillery Regiments, attached to 22nd Armoured Brigade, supplemented by 234 Battery of 68th Medium RA from XIII Corps Troops, held their fire initially. The attempts at camouflage had been done in the hope of drawing the majority of the German Division into the killing zone. The Valiant I* tanks of 22nd Armoured Brigade, (2nd Royal Gloucestershire Hussars (RGH), 3rd & 4th Sharpshooters, County of London Yeomanry (CLY)) numbered 112 tanks, some fifty-odd short of full strength. The crews had been bloodied and knew the limitations of their tanks and its gun, though each tank had two of the new APC 2-pdr shell. (The Indian anti-tank gunners had received five of these shells for each gun.)

    The fact that the RAF had been bombing 15th Panzer Division’s columns regularly, causing losses and delays, had the Luftwaffe liaison at Rommel’s HQ endure a very sharp reprimand. General Neumann-Silkow had communicated his annoyance at the lack of Luftwaffe cover to protect the movement of his Division, but particularly concerning was the lack of reconnaissance about the whereabouts of the British Armoured Division. He had assumed, and General Rommel had agreed, that they were likely to be in the area of Wadi Matratin, either advancing towards Nofilia, or dug in protecting access to the coast road. Since the latter would be a waste of an Armoured Division, it was more likely to be what the British would be doing. The Division’s reconnaissance battalion (Aufklaerungs Abteilung 33) had been probing ahead of the main force, and they reported that they had begun to meet British positions at the top of the Wadi access. The reports noted that the British were in a defensive formation, exact numbers couldn’t be ascertained, but it certainly looked like they’d found the Armoured Division. The whereabouts of the Australian Division was still unknown.

    The options available to the German commanders were to attack the British head-on, or to find a flank to try to turn and get behind to unseat them. There was in fact only one option, and that wasn’t to attack head on. The reconnaissance Battalion was already spreading out looking for another route to go around the British positions. One of the infantry regiments, with artillery and anti-tank support, along with the Panzer Battalion from 5th Panzer Regiment were ordered to fix the British in place, while the rest of the Division started about 14:00hrs towards Ras El Ali and the coast road.

    When this had happened during Operation Brevity, the possibility of being flanked had caused the British to withdraw to Ras El Ali, giving up on capturing Nofilia. This time, it was the signal for the 7th Armoured Division and 4th Indian Divisions to move towards Nofilia from the south. The majority of German tanks were now thirty miles, and at least two hours, from the main line of resistance. Elements of the 9th Australian Division were in solid defensive positions at Ras El Ali, and with the 22nd Armoured Brigade in the vicinity, the expectation was that the Australians, with RAF support, could hold off the panzer attack for long enough. Even if the Germans managed to break through at Ras El Ali, the main line of defences at El Agheila were still manned by the rest of the Australian Division. Lieutenant General O’Connor was confident that once the Germans discovered a British Armoured Division and two Infantry Divisions were cutting off the panzers from any hope of resupply, that they would inevitably turn around back toward Nofilia.
     
    9 June 1941. Operation Battleaxe. Day 3 (part 2)
  • Progress over the previous two nights of the 7th Armoured Division and 4th Indian Division had been fraught with various problems, meaning that when the call to advance was given just after 14:00hrs, they weren’t fully in a position to respond. Of the 320 tanks that had begun the operation, only 100 were actually at the rendezvous position. Most of these were being tended by their crews to fix some of the things which had broken and generally prepare them for battle. Likewise, the three Indian Brigades were all reduced in numbers, with 11th Brigade still to appear. Major-General Noel Beresford-Peirse was confident that his men, whose exploits in East Africa had been exemplary, wouldn’t let anyone down.

    The plan was for a two-pronged attack. 4th Armoured, with 5th and 11th Indian Brigades would take the Italian defensive positions from the south in an attempt to roll them up, eventually joining 6th Infantry Division. 7th Armoured and 7th Indian Brigade, along with 7th Support Group, would aim to cut the road to Sirte a few miles to the west of Nofilia, to prevent any withdrawal along the coast road of the Italian and German forces. With the reduction in forces available there had been a consultation about whether to carry on with that plan, or to avoiding splitting the force which was already weakened. With radio silence now lifted, Lieutenant General O’Connor was contacted for his orders, and he was of the opinion that the forces currently available should follow the plan for cutting the road to Sirte. Although weakened, the current force should be strong enough to form an effective roadblock, pocketing the Italian and German Divisions. The command of this force would remain with General Creagh, GOC 7th Armoured Division. General Beresford-Peirse, GOC 4th Indian Division, along with the command staff of 4th Armoured Brigade would stay at the rendezvous position to organise the stragglers, so that once a sufficiently large force was in place, they would advance against whatever opposition was still holding out.

    The first indication among the German and Italian troops around Nofilia of an unexpected force appearing to their south was a hasty, and abruptly ended, radio message from an Italian outpost about ten miles south of the main positions. It took some time for the message to be acted upon. The Italians had a number of these outposts and mobile patrols protecting the southern approaches from the desert. There had been a spate of odd sightings being reported, and it was presumed that some kind of British reconnaissance or ‘commando’ unit was active in the area. The fact that the radio message hadn’t mentioned the strength and make-up of the force they’d encountered confused the issue. Clarification about whether these were reconnaissance or heavier forces couldn’t be established as the outpost had gone off air. General Luigi Nuvoloni ordered that the mobile patrols should investigate what was happening. When asked if the information should be shared with the German HQ, he answered that it was probably nothing, and the Germans would just put it down to Italian incompetence if it was a false alarm.

    New Zealanders made up the majority of the LRDG’s A squadron S and T patrols had guided the two Divisions to their start point. Without their navigational skills and ability to find pathways through the desert for the many tanks and vehicles, the plan would never have got anywhere. T Squadron went with Creagh’s force, guiding them through the last part of the journey. A few of the Regular Officers of the 4th Armoured Brigade, especially those not long in Africa, had found the New Zealand informality very difficult to deal with, and some were particularly dismissive of the ‘undisciplined’ colonials. Brigadier John Caunter had given short shrift to anyone who’d complained, inviting them to find their own way home if they weren’t happy.

    It had been the New Zealanders of T patrol who’d found and neutralised the Italian outpost, and it was crucial now for the attack to go in as quickly as possible, before the Italians and Germans could re-orientate themselves to the new threat. The 11th Hussars in their Armoured Cars were ahead and out on flanks to give warning of other enemy positions and units. The dust cloud that all the vehicles were producing was another sign, if the Italians needed it, that danger was approaching from the south. Crossing the rough ground, the best speed for both tanks and troop-carrying lorries was just over 10 miles per hour, which meant that they’d arrive behind the Italian positions at about 16:00hrs, which would give them enough time to get themselves sorted out in before darkness fell.

    The RAF had been doing sterling work keeping the skies above the British relatively free of enemy aircraft. With most of the squadrons concentrating on interdicting 15th Panzer Division, it was the Luftwaffe who reacted first to the appearance of the British force which had seemed to suddenly materialise from the desert. A squadron of Stukas, heavily escorted, which had intended to support the 15th Panzer Division, noted the dust cloud and movement below them. The first that Rommel’s HQ knew of the pending attack was not from their Italian allies, but from the Luftwaffe liaison. Confirming that there were no German or Italian forces where the vehicles were coming from, led the commander of the Stuka squadron being given orders to attack, which he duly did, with some of the escorting fighters also coming down to strafe the British and Indian columns.

    The two Divisions did have their own integrated anti-aircraft units, but none of these were self-propelled, some of the anti-aircraft units had been set up at the rendezvous point, but those travelling with Creagh’s force were unable to get into action quickly enough. The best defence seemed to be to keep driving and spread out, weaving as much as possible, and hoping for the best. The fact that the movement had been spotted meant that it was even more important to get to the coast road as quickly as possible.

    Running battles between scouting forces began breaking out, with Rommel’s HQ getting a clearer picture of what was happening from the Luftwaffe than from General Nuvoloni, who was getting his information from his forces on the ground. General Rommel could see that the British were doing exactly what he’d have done. If they blocked the road back to Sirte, then his forces would be cut off and either have to fight their way out or surrender. Rommel’s problem was that a good deal of 5th Light Division was now in contact with the British attacking from the east and 15th Panzer Division was now out on a limb, heading in the wrong direction. He ordered General Hans Von Ravenstein to gather as much of his 5th Light Division and prepare to fight to keep the road open.

    Rommel sent orders for General Neumann-Silkow to turn his panzers around. This would be a strong enough force to hit the British, and would likely be enough to save the position. When the order was acknowledged, with the estimated time of arrival back at Nofilia sometime around 18:00hrs. The problem would be that the panzers would need to refuel before combat, otherwise they could run out of fuel during the battle. That would need probably an hour to complete, and with darkness expected around 20:00hrs, they wouldn’t have much time to clash with the British before night fell. The 15th Panzer GOC also reiterated that his force was under almost constant attack by the RAF, so stopping to refuel would have an extra risk attached. In addition, the presence of the other British Armoured Division at Wadi Matratin was also a concern. If they chased 15th Panzer Division, and caught them while refuelling, it could be disastrous.

    Rommel wasn’t too impressed by the British generals who’d planned this. They had taken a lot of risks, dividing their forces, and that was hopefully going to be their downfall. Wryly, he had to admit that was exactly what he had done himself. Now he didn’t have enough concentrated German forces to deal with each of the British advances individually. Rommel knew that the Italians would likely be good enough to hold their positions, but not to go up against the British tanks. He himself had had a chance to examine one of the Valiant I* cruiser tanks. It was impressive in some ways, its suspension was outdated, the engine seemed to be powerful enough, the gun needed to be replaced with something better, but otherwise against his Panzer III and IV it was a close match. In such a match, what mattered more were the men commanding and crewing the tanks. Of this, Rommel was still supremely confident of the training and capability of his panzer crews.

    General Hans Von Ravenstein gave orders to the commander of II Battalion of Panzer Regiment 5 to prepare to engage British tanks to the rear. As many other assets as could be thrown into making some kind of attacking force were contacted and given orders, even the cooks and supply troops were told to pick up their rifles and join the fight. The Italians, once they’d been informed of the information the Germans had, weren’t in a position to shift much in the way of their own Division to meet the new threat. The British attack on their front was still their main focus.

    By the time it took for Creagh’s force to reach the rear of the Axis positions, General Von Ravenstein’s scratch force was almost set. This consisted of a Battalion of panzers, a company of Jägdpanzers, two companies of anti-tank gunners, and a Machine-gun Battalion. The German artillery regiment had moved to be able to support their comrades. The tanks under 7th Armoured Division’s command kept to the right of the advance, giving some protection to the Indian troops who travelled on the left. The route to the sea meant that General Creagh’s force had to pass close to the Germans, giving them an opportunity to hit the British tanks from the flank.

    While the 50mm gun on the Panzer III had been relatively effective against the Valiant I*, the extra frontal armour of the Valiant I Infantry Tank Mark III would give the Panzers a lot more trouble until the range got very short. Against the side armour however, the 50mm gun was capable of disabling the British tanks. The Panzer IVs’ 75mm HE shells were also able to disable the British tanks, a direct hit on a tank from an artillery shell will always do some kind of damage to men or machine. The anti-tank gunners, with a mixture of 37mm and 50mm guns were also able to take a toll on the British vehicles. The 2-pdr and CS 3-inch guns on the Valiant I tanks had the advantage of numbers. Even although 7th Armoured Brigade were short of a good percentage of their tanks, they still had at least a two to one advantage in numbers. The German kill ratio was in their favour, but every German tank destroyed left the remainder much more vulnerable.

    Brigadier Hugh Russell, OC 7th Armoured Brigade ordered his tanks to turn towards the German positions and hit them hard, to let the Indian troop carry on to the coast road. The frontal armour provided better protection for the tanks, and their rate of fire and accuracy improved as they faced their opponents. It also allowed the German anti-tank gunners, even those using 37mm guns, to knock out more British tanks as the range closed. Once the Indian Brigades reported that they had cut the coast road, the surviving British tanks reversed away, with the Indian Brigades’ artillery, now deployed, providing covering fire.

    6th Infantry Division also increased their artillery fire to fix as many of the Italians and Germans as possible. A Royal Artillery Observation Post Officer had managed to identify where the 88mm Flak guns were emplaced which had been taking a toll of the tanks. The Germans were well dug in, but the British 25-pdrs eventually were able to put them all out of action. 7th Tank Brigade CO, Brigadier Naesmyth, ordered his tanks forward, supported by the 22nd Guards Brigade, with extra companies from 23rd Brigade, who, although they took considerable casualties, breached the Italian second line of defence. This had been held mostly by the 7th Bersaglieri Regiment, with elements of the 5th Light Division. When news of this reached General Nuvoloni’s HQ, almost simultaneously with the news that the road back to Sirte was now blocked, it caused a degree of panic. The entire Trento Division was now surrounded, by what was clearly a superior force. Only the 61st Motorised Regiment was at full strength, holding the third and final line of defence.

    The Indian Infantry had been given the time by 7th Armoured Brigade to form a box shaped formation, with their backs to the sea, to stop anyone travelling by the coast road in either direction. The greatest strength faced the current Axis positions, but a strong force faced west in case an attempt was made to relieve the Italian and Germans. More than half the 7th Brigade’s tanks had been disabled, but there were still enough to provide the Indian troops with a strong armoured presence when they arrived. The losses among the panzers meant that the force that should have attacked the Indian troops was now primarily an infantry force. Another attack by the Luftwaffe was requested to support the attempt to break through and re-open the road. This delay allowed the Indians to dig in more deeply, especially providing some protection for the gunners.

    General Neumann-Silkow’s worry that the British Armoured Division at Wadi Matratin would enter the fray was proved correct. As the main force of 15th Panzer Division moved westwards, the British artillery began a sustained barrage against the German forces which had been left as a rear-guard. Major-General Gambier-Parry ordered two of the three Armoured Regiments, with two of the Indian Cavalry Regiments to attack the rear-guard troops, the third Regiment (2nd RGH) with 18th King Edward's Own Cavalry, were to be prepared to push through and attempt to snap at the heels of the retreating Germans. The two City of London Yeomanry (Sharpshooters) Regiments once again took losses, but they crushed the German rear-guard, allowing the chase to begin. 3rd CLY, joined by 2nd Lancers (Gardner's Horse), followed the 2nd RGH and 18th Cavalry promptly, while 4th CLY and 11th Frontier Force policed the battlefield before setting off.

    General Rommel had been in contact with General Gariboldi, Governor-General of Libya, asking that the Ariete Division be sent forward from Sirte to strike the roadblock to allow the Trento Division, and the German forces to retreat. Gariboldi knew that the Ariete Division was the best Italian formation in Libya. Sending them the seventy miles to Nofilia to take on a British force of unknown strength could seriously hinder any chance of holding Libya. While it might be all that would be needed to tip the balance in favour of the Axis forces, its loss, would leave almost no tanks to stop the British if the German Panzer Divisions were also captured. Gariboldi replied to Rommel that he would need to consult with Rome before he could release the Ariete Division, much to Rommel’s disgust.

    The question for General Rommel now was to wait for 15th Panzer Division to arrive back at Nofilia, refuel, and then, with the remaining German and Italian forces attempt to break through towards Sirte. The numbers of destroyed British tanks led him to believe that whatever force had arrived from the south must have been severely weakened. With all of 15th Panzer Division, including much of the other battalion of 5th Panzer Regiment, he would have enough power to achieve a breakout. He might have to sacrifice the remainder of the Trento Division in doing so, but they would likely be defeated anyway. The latest update from General Neumann-Silkow was that he was still on course to arrive at Nofilia at about 18:00hrs, but he reported that he was being chased by the British Armoured Division.

    It was all now a question of timing. Darkness would fall just after 20:00hrs. If 15th Panzer Division could be ready to attack before 19:00hrs, preferably in conjunction with a Luftwaffe strike, then a breakthrough before sunset and the retreat to Sirte during the night was possible. If the remaining anti-tank units formed a rear-guard to slow the British Armoured Division coming from the east, then that would probably give the panzers enough time to refuel. It was all going to be very tight, especially if the Italians couldn’t hold their positions long enough in the face of the main attack on the coast. To Rommel’s mind the plan was bold enough to work, especially as the British forces were still spread out.

    General Wavell, with Lieutenant General O’Connor, discussed the position as the reports from the four Divisional Commanders came in. 6th Infantry Division were making progress, but resistance was still fierce. 22nd Armoured Division were spread out as they attempted to catch up to the German Panzer Division. 7th Armoured Division, had taken heavy losses but with elements of 4th Indian Division were now on the coast road. The other parts of those two Divisions, under General Beresford-Pierce, were arriving at the rendezvous point in dribs and drabs. He reported that by morning he would have a sufficiently strong force to commit it to battle. O’Connor knew that the habit of the Armoured Regiments was to withdraw before sunset into Laager, to refuel, rearm and rest. His own reading of the situation was that he expected the German and Italian forces make one effort before dark to break out. It was crucial therefore, that the tank units broke with tradition and stayed deployed at least until night had fully fallen. Wavell agreed, and this was the message that was sent from XIII Corps.

    The RAF, reaching the end of four days of intensive operations, were feeling the effects. The light bomber squadrons had been back and forth attempting to interdict 15th Panzer Division. The fighter pilots had been flying four or five sorties per day, and were exhausted. The force of just over 100 fighters and 100 bombers had been reduced considerably through losses to enemy action and other causes. When Air Marshall Tedder was asked for one last effort from the fighters to protect the 7th Armoured Division box he was able to send just twenty fighters, ten Tomahawks and ten Hurricanes to patrol over the position until dark.

    With the fighting having been going on all day, everyone was close to exhaustion. The arrival of 15th Panzer Division was met with as much of the supply forces to get each panzer refuelled, while the crews tried to grab something to eat. Those panzers that had fallen out of the march had been ordered to attempt to slow the British tanks down, so that the leading elements of 22nd Armoured Division were about thirty minutes behind the Germans. An anti-tank screen had been put in place facing east, and to this was added some of 15th Panzer Division’s own anti-tank resources.

    The 6th Infantry Division and 7th Tank Brigade had run out of steam as they overran the second line of the defensive positions. The Royal Artillery had burned through a high percentage of their ammunition and their rate of fire slowed as shells and fuzes were brought forward to replenish their stocks. The Indians under the command of 7th Armoured Division had worked non-stop to prepare for the expected onslaught, while their officers and sergeants tried to make sure there was enough ammunition and water for everyone, hot sweet tea was an added bonus for those who could get it.

    Just after 19:00hrs all hell broke loose. The Luftwaffe arrived in force to batter the box on the coast road. The British fighters did well to harry the attack, but the much stronger Luftwaffe escort of Bf109s eventually gained air-superiority. The Light AA units that had made it to the coast did their best to defend the British position, but it wasn’t enough to prevent a solid plastering by the Stukas. The German artillery began to rain down on the 7th Armoured Division’s positions, but the Royal Artillery units had been the main target of the Luftwaffe, and so were slow to respond, and when they did so they were a reduced force.

    The combination of 15th Panzer Division and what was left of 5th Light Division began to close with the British positions under the cover of the artillery barrage. Very few of the British in the defensive box had any of the APC rounds left, and so the panzers were able to close the distance without too many losses. The 2-pdr guns of both the anti-tank regiments and the tanks of 7th Armoured Division took a growing toll of the German panzers as the range lessened. The German infantry found the Indian troops to be well-disciplined and fearless warriors. The Indian troops found the Germans to be a very different kettle of fish to the Italians they’d fought before, their professionalism and the liberal use of the MG 34 was a trial for them. Both sides were just about evenly matched, but the British had the slight advantages of the setting sun behind them, and fighting from prepared (albeit hurriedly) positions.

    The thicker frontal armour of the Vickers Valiant I tanks was put to the test, and the panzer crews used all the tricks in their book to attempt to find their way through. Positions changed hands several times, with General Creagh having to commit his reserves in some desperate counter-attacks. The 25-pdrs of the Royal Artillery found themselves firing directly at German panzers, something that should never had happened. They proved very effective anti-tank guns, but by concentrating on defending themselves, they were less able to support the infantry who desperately needed artillery support.

    General Gambier-Parry, now able to communicate with General Creagh directly, urged his own 22nd Armoured Brigade and 3rd Indian Motor Brigade on to relieve their colleagues. 2nd Royal Gloucestershire Hussars however ran into the German anti-tank screen and were stopped dead. The 18th King Edward's Own Cavalry began to make headway once they deployed to root out the anti-tank gunners, and by the time 3rd CLY and 2nd Lancers caught up, the German position was about ready to collapse. 3rd CLY were able to break through, though once again with a cost in burning tanks and then it took time to sort themselves out before they could carry on.

    General Beresford-Pierce had also been listening to General Creagh’s communications and was very conscious that the Indian troops undergoing their agony were his men. In the hours since General Creagh had moved, more tanks and infantry had arrived at the rendezvous. While he had informed General O’Connor that he wouldn’t have a strong enough force until the next morning to commit to the battle, many of his subordinates were requesting permission to move forward immediately. As tempting as that was, with darkness coming soon, he was sure that committing inadequate units into the battle piecemeal wouldn’t be wise. Since they were twenty miles away, they probably couldn’t get to the battle in time to make a difference anyway.

    The LRDG’s S patrol were going back over the line of march trying to gather in the lost and assisting the broken down. 11th Indian Brigade were found, an officer had mistaken a compass reading so the whole unit had wondered off-course. They would definitely be available to move forward at first light, along with growing numbers of tanks in 4th Armoured Brigade.

    Major-General Evetts had brought his Brigade Commanders together to see if there was anything more that could be done for General Creagh’s force. Brigadier Naesmyth, CO 7th Tank Brigade, reported that he’d lost almost two thirds of his tanks, most of which were recoverable in time, and so was only able to offer three full squadrons, those which had been kept back in case of a panzer counter attack. 16th and 22nd Guards Brigades were both completely exhausted, but Brigadier Lomax noted that 2nd Bn Leicestershire Regiment and 2nd Bn Queens Royal Regiment were still in good form. He volunteered to go with his men and Naesmyth’s tanks to finally break through the Italians, who must be just as concerned as anyone that they were cut off. The Divisional artillery commander agreed to do his best to support one last push with everything at his disposal. The time for this to happen was fixed at 19:15hrs. Delays meant that it was 19:30hrs before the artillery barrage could be followed up by the tanks and men of 6th Infantry Division’s last throw of the dice.

    For the men of the Italian 61st Motorised Regiment the four minute barrage which fell among and around them was in many ways the final straw. Rumours of being cut off had become reality from the clear sound of fighting to their rear. It seemed that the Germans were abandoning them to their fate, counting on the Italians to cover their backs. The Italian troops knew full well that the Germans looked down on them, and while Trento Division hadn’t been part of the disaster in Cyrenaica, somehow the whole Italian army was suspect. The sound of approaching British tanks, which they knew their anti-tank guns would struggle to stop, pushed them over the edge. While some units stayed where they were and fought valiantly, these were the minority. A great deal of the men of the Regiment surrendered, though many fled back to where the Regimental transport was under camouflage and attempted to flee, heading south into the desert, hoping to get round the fighting and make it back to Sirte.

    General Creagh got the messages from both General Evetts and Gambier-Parry that help was on its way. If he could hold out for another thirty minutes or so, the remaining tanks of 7th Tank Brigade and 22nd Armoured Division would arrive to hit the Germans in the back. These messages were sent in the clear over the radio to save time. The German signals unit that overheard them passed on the news to General Rommel that at least two regiments of British tanks were soon to arrive behind him. Surrendering wasn’t an option General Rommel considered. He gave the order for all Afrika Korps to disengage from the British forces and make their way south initially and then west to get around the British roadblock. Not all of his vehicles would be capable of night navigation, but they were to do their best to head southwest for 20km, then northwest for another 30km, which should bring them to Wadi Harawah, which they could follow north until it brought them back onto the coast road. Any surviving reconnaissance units were to guide as much of the Korps to safety.

    Generals Neumann-Silkow and Von Ravenstein’s reactions to this order verged on disbelief. They were being ordered to turn tail and run. To lose the ground of the battle would mean that all their knocked-out panzers would be unable to be recovered. Even if they were able to disengage and flee, there was no guarantee that the surviving panzers would make it back to Sirte, over 140kms by the route being suggested. Despite their losses, they felt that the British defensive box was near to collapse. If they could reopen the road, then turn round and stop the approaching British tanks, it would allow them to hold the ground. Abandoning so many men, and so much equipment, would be a defeat unparalleled in the Wehrmacht since the beginning of the war. What they didn’t know at this point was that Rommel’s signals had identified another set of signals to the south. This had been identified as another British Division which would arrive in the morning. Without the Italians coming from Sirte, two weakened Panzer Divisions would struggle against a fresh British Division, along with whatever forces were still to the east of them.

    Disengaging from the kind of fight that the Panzer Divisions were involved in was a most difficult thing to achieve. The fact was that it was also something they hadn’t had much experience of doing either. The skill of the various levels of command however was very high and as the sun was dipping below the horizon the majority of the German force were heading away from the British position. The Indian infantry were in no position to follow. The tanks of 7th Armoured Division were in dire need of replenishment, their ammunition levels were critically low. General Creagh had to order his men to stand down, sort out the wounded and try to reorganise themselves. Patrols were sent out to try to scoop up any German or Italian stragglers, and there was the German wounded to look to as well.

    The darkness gave the surviving panzer troops cover, but a lot of the infantry were without transport. As the lead Valiant I* of 22nd Armoured Division, with the 3rd Indian Motor Brigade arrived on scene some prisoners were taken both individually and in whole units. As time went on, the exhausted British and Indian troops began to slow down, occasional streams of tracer marked an encounter in the dark between two foes who were like two punch drunk boxers swinging fists and missing. It was only the urge for survival that had the remnants of 15th Panzer Division and 5th Light Division continued their flight towards safety. General Rommel stood by the side of the coast road at the Wadi Harawah and watched through most of the night as his broken Afrika Korps lurched onto the road and turned west towards Sirte.
     
    10 June 1941. Operation Battleaxe. Day 4.
  • 10 June 1941. Operation Battleaxe. Day 4.

    As dawn broke, General Beresford-Peirce had enough tanks under 4th Armoured Brigade command, the whole of 11th Indian Brigade and various other stragglers ready to set off. The overnight reports were that the German Panzer Divisions had disengaged and made off to the south into the desert. Reports from the LRDG and 11th Hussars noted that there was a trail of abandoned equipment and small groups of men that was easy to follow. With the LRDG’s ‘S’ Patrol back at the rendezvous position, Beresford-Peirce wanted to pursue the Germans directly. There was some debate about whether it would be quicker to head directly to the coast road and then head west, rather than take the desert route. The consensus was that it would be better to head directly to the coast for the welfare of the vehicles which had already done too many miles over rough terrain to risk too much more.

    Once this decision had been taken the column followed the tracks of 7th Armoured Division. Lieutenant General O’Connor flew up to the site of the battle to confer directly with XIII Corps’ GOCs. With Major Generals Creagh (7th Armoured Division), Gambier-Parry (22nd Armoured Division), Evetts (6th Infantry Division) and when he arrived, Beresford-Peirce (4th Indian Division) the scale of the victory, and the butcher’s bill was examined. The Italian Trento Division was totally defeated. There were many casualties, but most of the Division had been taken prisoner. Elements of the 5th Light Division and 15th Panzer Division had escaped the trap. Going by the numbers of POWs, destroyed and abandoned vehicles and guns, with more being discovered by 4th CLY and 11th Frontier Force as they followed the route taken by the retreating Germans. From what the intelligence officers could piece together, the two Divisions had been reduced to about an Armoured Regiment, probably an Infantry Regiment, but very little in terms of artillery and anti-tank capability.

    The butcher’s bill in 7th Armoured Brigade was 65 tanks lost, though how many could be repaired was still being looked at. They’d arrived from the rendezvous point with about 100, so they’d lost more than half that force. The good news was the arrival of a mostly complete 4th Armoured Brigade, and in due course more tanks would arrive from the desert route, bringing 7th Armoured Division up to about 70% strength. 22nd Armoured Brigade had started the battle with 140 tanks, less than full strength. The Royal Gloucestershire Hussars had come off worst, with only one compete Squadron (16 tanks) able to take to the field. Both the Sharpshooters Regiments had lost at least 10 tanks, about 25% of their strength. General Gambier-Parry had asked the RGH CO to put his remaining tanks under the command of 3rd CLY so at least one of his Regiments was at full strength. 7th Tank Brigade had also been hit hard. Brigadier Naesmyth noted that he had rolled his three Regiments into two, both were less than full strength, but were available. As with 7th Armoured Brigade there were a lot of tanks that were being looked at to see how many might be recovered and repaired. Over all, of the 600 tanks in the three Armoured Brigades and one Tank Brigade that had started the battle, there were currently just under 380 tanks available, which would rise as the stragglers came in, and simple repair jobs carried out. Quite a lot of the crews of the tanks destroyed by enemy action were killed or wounded, but about half the survivors would be fit for duty before too long.

    6th Infantry Division had taken the most casualties in numbers of dead and wounded. General O’Connor, after consultations with General Evetts, ordered 6th Division back to Ras El Ali and El Agheila to reform. Once there, their transport would be reassigned to 9th Australian Division, who would be lifted to Nofilia and beyond, to give a fresh Infantry Division for the next phase of Operation Battleaxe. 4th Indian Division’s casualties had been taken mostly alongside 7th Armoured Brigade. Only 11th Indian Brigade was complete, the Regiments of the other two Brigades would be short of at least a Platoon, the worst affected, short of a Company. The 3rd Indian Motor Brigade hadn’t come off too badly, but would need replacements to make up their losses.

    General O’Connor wanted to keep up the pressure as much as possible. 4th Armoured Brigade, with 3rd Motor and 11th Indian Brigade were ordered continue west until Wadi Harawah, about 30 miles west. There they would pause until 9th Australian Division arrived, which would likely be in 48 - 72 hours. By that time, 7th Armoured Brigade, brought up to full strength by 7th Tank Brigade, would give XIII Corps a full Armoured Division, a fresh Infantry Division, and much of 4th Indian Division to carry on to Sirte. The pause for two or three days would also allow for more supplies to be brought forward, both by road and by sea. It would also give the RAF a couple of days to prepare some air strips for their forward squadrons to be based out of. The chances were that the opposition in the future would primarily be Italian. The British army already had the measure of the Italians, and so progress would simply be a matter of logistics, pluck and concentration. In future, XIII Corps would be less inclined to split its forces. Sending 7th Armoured and 4th Indian Divisions so far through the desert could have been a spectacular success, but it turned out to be barely adequate for the job.

    At Sirte, General Gariboldi, who’d come forward from Tripoli, listened to General Rommel’s tale of woe. It seemed to the Italian commander that his German counterpart couldn’t seem to bring any blame on himself, the whole disaster seemed to be the fault of the Italian army. Rome had already been informed of what had happened, and requests were being made to Berlin for further German help, but also with a request for a new commander. General Von Paulus had made a good impression with the Italians, if available he would make a very good overall commander. Gariboldi had a feeling that there would be no more help coming from Germany. 5th Light Division and 15th Panzer Division had arrived in Tripoli equipped with 340 panzers. At Sirte, they could only muster sixty, of which, only thirty were Panzer III and IVs. A concerted effort by the Division’s recovery vehicles was attempting to collect some that had broken down between Wadi Harawah and Sirte. Rommel had left a small force, mostly from a reconnaissance battalion, to try to pick up stragglers and the Luftwaffe was doing their best to protect the area to allow any survivors to make it back to Sirte. For this job, the Italians had sent forward some transport units to aid in the task.

    Rommel had complained long and hard about not getting support from the Ariete Division. He told Gariboldi that he would take his complaint all the way to Hitler. The Italian general couldn’t help think that the German Fuhrer would be less than impressed by a General who managed to lose almost two Panzer Divisions in one battle.
    While Rommel ranted and raved, Gariboldi had set his staff the problem of what to do next. If Rommel was right and he’d given the British a severe mauling, then the chances would be that the British would stop where they were and reorganise themselves. However, since it was General O’Connor he was facing, the loss of Cyrenaica had shown that the British might not stop at all. The positions around Sirte were a reasonable defensive position. At Buerat, some 90km west, there was much better terrain for defence. The approaches were narrow, and the chances of being outflanked less likely. It was tempting to withdraw back there, extending the distance that the British needed to transport their men and supplies. Whether Rome would agree to trade land for time was doubtful. After Buerat, Misurata was the next defensible position, but it was only 120kms to Tripoli.

    With the loss of Trento Division, and all its transport, Gariboldi had very few fully mobile forces. Concentrating the best of his infantry Divisions at Buerat, with the mobile forces he did have, protecting the flank made the most sense. General Gariboldi decided he would need to seek advice from his own staff, as well as Rome. He could however make his life easier by sending General Rommel back to Tripoli. If he was put on a plane and flown back to Berlin to make his complaints, or better, be punished for his errors, so much the better. If he had followed his orders, and stayed in the defensive positions at Sirte, the Trento Division would have slowed the British down, given them a bloody nose, and then retired in good order. Instead of that he had committed his forces without full intelligence about the British strength, and got his men, along with Trento Division destroyed.

    By nightfall, the 4th Armour Brigade, with 3rd Motor and 11th Indian Brigades had arrived at Wadi Harawah. There had been a short fight with what appeared to be a German rear-guard force, which retreated rapidly. The Luftwaffe had also been busy, attempting to do as much damage to any movement on the coast road, which caused the 6th Infantry Division even more casualties. Now that they were closer to their main bases, the Luftwaffe could increase their sortie rate. The forward airstrips they had been using, so often attacked by the RAF, had provided them with very little in the way of protection, and bringing up fuel and bombs had been a difficult task for the ground support element.

    On the other hand, the RAF priority was currently to protect a substantial convoy of coastal craft to Benghazi, then onto Ras El Ali, as supplies coming forward by sea were important for the next phase of the operation. While many of the aircraft were serviced, and the pilots rested, ground elements and engineers were moving everything forward to new airstrips around Ras El Ali, a hundred miles forward from their current positions at Agedabia.

    The Indian troops dug in at Wadi Harawah, prepared against any possible counter-attack. The route taken by the majority of the Afrika Korps had been swept by 4th Sharpshooters and 11th Frontier Force with aid from the 11th Hussars and LRDG. More prisoners had been taken, and it was clear that the toll taken on the two German Panzer Divisions was even greater than had been guessed at in the morning. Elements of 11th Frontier Force explored to the west of the Wadi, allowing 11th Hussars to have time to rest and regroup. The LRDG also had time to eat and sleep, before setting off the next day to reconnoitre the next part of Tripolitania.

    northAfrica.jpg
     
    12 June 1941. Operation Battleaxe. Day 5.
  • 12 June 1941. Operation Battleaxe. Day 5.

    The 11th Hussars, with all the miles they had travelled, their Morris C9 armoured cars were close to worn out. The Valiant I* tanks of 4th CYL (Sharpshooters) and the 11th Prince Albert Victor's Own Cavalry (Frontier Force) had, in their stead, probed forward beyond Wadi Harawah, seeking information about where the next defensive position was. Other than some interference from the Luftwaffe they found almost nothing. The LRDG had gone further and were beginning to suspect that Sirte was where the main line of resistance was set.

    The arrival at Ras El Ali of elements of 6th Infantry Division, and many of the wounded from all the forces, including Italians and Germans, was in danger of overwhelming the field hospitals of the RAMC. The arrival of first tranche of coasters which unloaded their supplies, were turned into impromptu hospital ships on the way back via Benghazi. As each of the 6th Division’s troop carriers were unloaded, after a short interval to refuel and do a quick maintenance check, their lorries were turned around with the men of 26th Brigade of 9th Australian Division were loaded up and sent westwards. The rest of the 9th Australian Division were concentrating at Ras El Ali, ready to be brought forward to take the place of 6th Infantry Division.

    Occasional air raids by the Luftwaffe interrupted all the work that was being done by all the various elements of the army. The RAOC and RASC were busy moving supplies forward to create new Field Supply Depots around Nofilia. The Royal Engineers were doing all sorts of jobs to improve the communications links between Ras El Ali and Nofilia. The need to unload the coasters was just another role, in which the Pioneer Corps played an important role in this crucial job.

    The 7th Armoured Brigade spent much of day sorting themselves out. There was a lot of maintenance to be done on the running tanks: water, fuel and ammunition to be loaded, and the men given some time to look after themselves and their own equipment. The temperature during the day made being around armour very difficult, so having a rest in the afternoon was a welcome relief. Some very lucky parties even managed a swim in the Mediterranean. The Light Aid Detachments didn’t have the same privilege. Getting some of the heavier repair jobs done was difficult in the heat, and they concentrated on getting those tanks moving that they could with the tools and spares at hand. The Royal Navy were sending some of their A Lighters to Ras El Ali so that some of the tanks that needed to go back to the Delta Depots for major work could be sent by sea. As many tank transporters as could be gathered were on their way to pick up the tanks that needed to go back to the RAOC Divisional Workshop and Armoured Corps Workshop south of Bardia.

    There were ironic cheers whenever another tank arrived from the rendezvous point. These had usually had some kind of breakdown or had got stuck in unforgiving terrain. One of 7th Armoured Brigade’s Light Aid Detachment had been retracing the route the Armoured Division had taken trying to help the crews fix up their mechanicals. There were some tanks that were considered write-offs, there was just no way of getting them from where they’d broken down back to a depot, at least not without a herculean effort. Some tanks, very few, at most five, were missing. Driving over the desert at night, it wouldn’t take much to go off on the wrong heading and get completely lost. A couple of RAF Lysanders were flying over the route searching for missing or isolated men, dropping supplies and radioing their position to those searching for them. Before setting off the 7th Armoured Division and 4th Indian Division had undergone an intensive course from the LRDG on desert survival skills, and very vehicle had set off with enough extra water to last them a week, if properly rationed. The ‘Jerry Cans’ that had started appearing in large numbers were a godsend for this task. The two Divisions had received much more than their fair share of these to allow water and diesel to be carried without too much leakage.

    The men and tanks of 7th Tank Brigade which had been transferred to the Armoured Brigades, since both were using the Valiant I Infantry Tank Mark III, and were men of the Royal Tank Regiment, made the transition fairly easily. Where possible, troops and squadrons that were used to working together stayed together. There was a lot of retuning of radios to be done, and some banter between the two lots of men about the difference between coming from an ‘armoured’ or a ‘tank’ Brigade. The distinction in the Middle East was so minor that everyone was just happy to get on with their jobs.

    Before the end of the day, most of the dead had been collected and graves dug. The padres had been busy all day, and before sunset, funeral services were conducted with as much ceremony as possible. The Indian troops had taken care of their own dead in their own ways. The Italian and German dead were treated with as much respect, and laid to rest in their own plots, alongside the British. The work of informing the Red Cross of the German and Italian dead, wounded and POW would take many hours of work to sort through identity disks and papers. In tents not far off, the Intelligence men were going through the treasure trove of papers, maps and other information that had fallen into their laps. Another group of Intelligence men were working with those sorting out the POWs, especially the officers. It was noted, for example, that the Italians and German prisoners were insistent on being kept separated, there was obviously some bad blood between them about the way the Italians had been left as the Panzers pulled out.
     
    Status
    Not open for further replies.
    Top