From Exile to Triumph: a Western Roman Timeline

For sure aside to Saint Peter (the Constantinian Basilica of course) there is the so called Onorian Mausoleum, with the tombs of Honorious and Galla Placida, but at the time wasn't directly connected with the church. It likely touched the transept but there wasn't a direct access until the mausoleum wasn't converted in the 8th century in a church (Saint Petronilla) and then a direct access for Saint Peter was opened. So in principle Emperors could have built their tombs in the Vatican hill but if else Honorius's mausoleum is the proof an Emperor unlikely would have been buried in the basilica.
This is a late map of the Basilica. You can see here the Onorian Mausoleum connected with Saint Peter through a latter built atrium. But this design is interesting also for the various annexed rooms on the sides, essentially built in successive periods. Here is possible TTL certain Emperors would decide to build TTL those chapels where placing their own tombs, while embellishing the basilica, or because they imposed their will on the Pope of the time or else. But the case of Honorius's mausoleum is indicative of the fact the basilica wasn't designed to host Imperial tombs, only a certain one. At least, not in those times.

Honorius's case is interesting because he was the last Emperor effectively buried in Rome, maybe with the exception of Olybrius as the only one dying of natural death but is unclear where Ricimer buried him. So now we would have five Imperial mausoleums in the city. The ones of Augustus and Hadrian, surely not usable; The one of Constantine given instead to Helena; the one built for Constantia (Saint Agnes); and the Honorian one. Plus there is the Column of Trajan which is an exception.

But, that Marcianus would built a mausoleum out of the walls was not only an act of convenience but would also of tradition, building tombs out of the Pomerius line; and we can't forget the laws about burying out of city perimeters still stand.

Now, about possible and future burials inside Rome I can see those patterns:

A) An emperor would decide to bury himself or a relative in a church inside Rome or inside Saint Peter. Hence or he twists the arm of the Pope of the time, or reaches an agreement, causing a precedent for future Imperial burials.
B) Why abandon the practice to bury Emperors out of the walls? Possibilities 1) period of relative weakness of the Empire, with growing raids in the countryside (rebel armies, mercenaries, invasion forces, etc) against the mausoleums around the city. Pushing emperors of the time to bury inside Rome and the Pope caving it for state of necessity. 2) adoption of eastern Imperial costumes about burying inside churches in the WRE, through permissions and concessions to the law. Point would be if last word would be of the Church or the State, however. 3) economic distress of the Empire which would force an Emperor to build a more modest tomb inside a church of Rome.
C) About Saint Peter: technically burials in the basilica could be possible because out the pomerius line, but again Honorius's mausoleum shows the late Emperors won't see it as a proper place for their burials - aside yes, inside not. And besides technically as Pontefix Maximus a Patriarch could rejuvenate the Pomerius into a Christian declination and extend it to the Vatican, to stop an Emperor wishing to have a tomb in the basilica... just a supposition but still fascinating.

After this rant about the fact an Emperor of the time won't seek burial inside Rome, now we must see where Marcianus could have built the site. You said "half a day of march from Rome". That's quite the long distance because it implies at least 20 kilometers of distance from the Urbs... Hence spreading from a radius touching Ostia, Tivoli, the Lake of Bracciano, Monterotondo. Is quite the distance for an Imperial tomb IMO but for now let's keep this distance in consideration.

About the road. Nomentana or Salaria? Well there is Constantia's mausoleum so could be a good area for future Imperial burials unless Marcianus wants to build in a zone where his complex would stand isolated and emerge.

Ostiensis? There is the advantage being between Rome and Ostia, to be in a safe enough place. But there is the risk of floodings from the Tiber.

Appian? Maybe in a free spot around rests of other tombs and monuments and ruins along the way... also quite trafficked road, with benefits and not.

Flaminia or Aurelia? The main risk is they are the main connection with the North and where an enemy army could likely march towards Rome... plus are quite near to Saint Peter.

Personally I would be for Ostensies or Portuensis at least.
Wow lots of informations here: St. Peter would be a great choice in my opinion only for the link that it would provide with Constantine, even the Honorian mausoleum or a new one aside the basilica would be great since it would remark the political continuity between the first Theodosians and the new “Theodosians”. Would the Honorian Mausoleum be able to host more tombs?

Alternatively I would opt for a mausoleum outside Rome. When I said half a day of march from Rome I meant more or less no more than 15 km, but obviously the closer the better. Among the choices you proposed I would opt for the Appian Way: if we can find a free spot, we could position there our mausoleum. Something that could overshadow every other nearby monuments thus proving the greatness of the current dynasty. Otherwise the Ostiensis way would represent another great alternative since I think most of the travellers would reach Rome by sea, especially considering that certain roads need some repairs. After all the purpose of a mausoleum is to be admired by the people and this two ways are in my opinion best suited for this purpose. Let me know what you think.
Is Sicily culture separating yet from the mainland yet?
One of the problem of the late empire was the rise of regionalism/provincialism. However I don’t think that we can currently apply this to Sicily. Maybe in the future during a time of crisis, or if the inhabitants no longer feel protected by the emperor...
Great TL. Can we have a map of the known world.
Currently I only have my phone with me. The previous map is outdated so if I can find a way to make maps with the phone, I will post it in the next update, otherwise I can only try to describe the situation ( quite easy since the Mediterranean is similar to OTL)
 
Wow lots of informations here: St. Peter would be a great choice in my opinion only for the link that it would provide with Constantine, even the Honorian mausoleum or a new one aside the basilica would be great since it would remark the political continuity between the first Theodosians and the new “Theodosians”. Would the Honorian Mausoleum be able to host more tombs?

Alternatively I would opt for a mausoleum outside Rome. When I said half a day of march from Rome I meant more or less no more than 15 km, but obviously the closer the better. Among the choices you proposed I would opt for the Appian Way: if we can find a free spot, we could position there our mausoleum. Something that could overshadow every other nearby monuments thus proving the greatness of the current dynasty. Otherwise the Ostiensis way would represent another great alternative since I think most of the travellers would reach Rome by sea, especially considering that certain roads need some repairs. After all the purpose of a mausoleum is to be admired by the people and this two ways are in my opinion best suited for this purpose. Let me know what you think.

About the Honorian mausoleum: considering that Honorius's sarcophagus would be placed in the center of the building with eight angular niches; Maria and Terenzia as his wives would took two niches; Galla Placidia a third; a "mysterious man with a child" (most likely Ataulf, husband of Galla and their child Teodosius) a fourth; considering despite his end Eucherious, brother of the two Empresses was buried as well; the eastern niche would be the entrance to the mausoleum, the southern was the entrance to the narthex leading to the sister mausoleum and the remnant eighth niche likely host an altar (or we can't exclude the possibility there could be Valentinian III or Honoria, personally the latter more likely), the mausoleum would surely be full. And certainly any Emperor won't allow a Pope to make the tomb of the first Western Emperor a church (Saint Petronilla, so the Franks would have to search for another church in Rome despite TTL for other necessities than OTL) or touch the rest of Honorious and his relatives.

The sister mausoleum is an issue because we don't know nothing about it, only it was previous to Honorious's. But not so much because considering the reminded similarities (and same shape, plus being too similar to Helene's mausoleum) of the mausoleum which we talked so far was likely built in Constantinian or Theodosian age, being or the tomb of Constantine's sister Anastasia or the cenothap of Theodosius. Surely was an Imperial mausoleum because was built (and Honorius's too) in Imperial owned land and this is important to remember - so any Pope couldn't touch those two buildings. Plus the nartex built to connect them aside for likely embellishment I suspect was built as a form of legitimation towards the builder of the older mausoleum, whenever being Theodosious or Constantine.

Surely the fact the older mausoleum was converted into a church in early VI century is interesting - does this mean it was essentially empty? Besides if was Theodosius's cenothap why Honorius didn't use it... unless as form of respect towards his father but still seems too strange wasting money in a period of duress of the WRE for a sister tomb. So I personally more inclined towards Anastasia or other relatives of Constantine. Certainly wasn't deemed as important or rich unlike the Honorian mausoleum. And certainly if unlike the former wasn't found nothing of interesting during the construction of the modern basilica this would consolidate my idea it was a mostly unused site. But if was essentially empty, then future Emperors won't think to build their tombs here?

I suggested Ostensies for that purpose - for being seen by several people in first place.

I have here a map of the starting track of the Ancient Appian Way:

via-appia-0c.jpg


Which you can say is pretty dense of buildings and ruins of roman villas, mausoleums and other tombs, catacombs. Which is pretty neat for a monumental tomb as long to find a proper space. Maybe to be built aside those catacombs?
 
About the Honorian mausoleum: considering that Honorius's sarcophagus would be placed in the center of the building with eight angular niches; Maria and Terenzia as his wives would took two niches; Galla Placidia a third; a "mysterious man with a child" (most likely Ataulf, husband of Galla and their child Teodosius) a fourth; considering despite his end Eucherious, brother of the two Empresses was buried as well; the eastern niche would be the entrance to the mausoleum, the southern was the entrance to the narthex leading to the sister mausoleum and the remnant eighth niche likely host an altar (or we can't exclude the possibility there could be Valentinian III or Honoria, personally the latter more likely), the mausoleum would surely be full. And certainly any Emperor won't allow a Pope to make the tomb of the first Western Emperor a church (Saint Petronilla, so the Franks would have to search for another church in Rome despite TTL for other necessities than OTL) or touch the rest of Honorious and his relatives.

The sister mausoleum is an issue because we don't know nothing about it, only it was previous to Honorious's. But not so much because considering the reminded similarities (and same shape, plus being too similar to Helene's mausoleum) of the mausoleum which we talked so far was likely built in Constantinian or Theodosian age, being or the tomb of Constantine's sister Anastasia or the cenothap of Theodosius. Surely was an Imperial mausoleum because was built (and Honorius's too) in Imperial owned land and this is important to remember - so any Pope couldn't touch those two buildings. Plus the nartex built to connect them aside for likely embellishment I suspect was built as a form of legitimation towards the builder of the older mausoleum, whenever being Theodosious or Constantine.

Surely the fact the older mausoleum was converted into a church in early VI century is interesting - does this mean it was essentially empty? Besides if was Theodosius's cenothap why Honorius didn't use it... unless as form of respect towards his father but still seems too strange wasting money in a period of duress of the WRE for a sister tomb. So I personally more inclined towards Anastasia or other relatives of Constantine. Certainly wasn't deemed as important or rich unlike the Honorian mausoleum. And certainly if unlike the former wasn't found nothing of interesting during the construction of the modern basilica this would consolidate my idea it was a mostly unused site. But if was essentially empty, then future Emperors won't think to build their tombs here?

I suggested Ostensies for that purpose - for being seen by several people in first place.

I have here a map of the starting track of the Ancient Appian Way:

View attachment 406483

Which you can say is pretty dense of buildings and ruins of roman villas, mausoleums and other tombs, catacombs. Which is pretty neat for a monumental tomb as long to find a proper space. Maybe to be built aside those catacombs?
It wouldn’t be impossibly to see the emperor decide to destroy old tombs and ruins in order to have its own location. However by choosing the Ostiensis Way we sacrifice a wonderful location but in this way our mausoleum will dominate the landscape and the minds of everyone coming from Ostia. And maybe it will mark the beginning of a new custom. So I think I will opt for the second choice. Soon I am going to add this information to the previous update. Thank you for the advice.
 
It wouldn’t be impossibly to see the emperor decide to destroy old tombs and ruins in order to have its own location. However by choosing the Ostiensis Way we sacrifice a wonderful location but in this way our mausoleum will dominate the landscape and the minds of everyone coming from Ostia. And maybe it will mark the beginning of a new custom. So I think I will opt for the second choice. Soon I am going to add this information to the previous update. Thank you for the advice.

Effectively I totally forgot the possibility of reusing/destroying older buildings, even inside the same Rome. Welcome by the way!
 
Chapter XXIX: Enforcing the law
Chapter XXIX

The first years of Marcianus’ reign represented a period of consolidation for the Romans. Consolidations of what had been achieved during Nepos’ reign. This emperor would be remembered as one of the most active western emperor of the V century, alongside Majorian and Constantius III. Yet some of his decrees and laws proved to be difficult to apply, among this laws there was the one concerning the recruitment of roman soldiers. The system devised by Flavius Gaudentius almost 20 years ago, despite its good logic, encountered the resistance of many. While the Illyrian and Gallic Dioceses proved more receptive, the Italic ones showed signs of disrespect toward this law and the emperor’s will. During his last years, Nepos’ actions against this episodes proved weak and unwilling to upset the Italic cities, probably a consequence of his old age. Rather different was the attitude of the new emperor: Marcianus was a man well conscious of what was due to the emperor and what was necessary to the empire. Under the urge of his namesake uncle, Marcianus the Patrician and following the example from the first years of his father’s reign, the emperor adopted a more cautious approach,

In 512 AD, the emperor harshly punished the representatives of several Italic cities, which had failed during the past years to fulfill the emperor’s request for recruits. Through bribery, the Curiales were able to bypass the Roman law and thus the requests coming from the Praetorian Praefectus or his subordinates. Occasionally, the officers sent to ensure the fulfilment of their duties proved to be accomplices, thus encouraging this crime. Indeed the bribery of some military officers was deemed by the local aristocracy as cheaper than renouncing to their manpower. Even without the use of bribery, this men were powerful enough to attempt a violent resistance against the small military detachment sent to the cities, thanks to the use of personal militias or the manipulation of the local population. During one of the most recent episodes, 6 Roman soldiers were killed by the mob while 17 more, including their officer, were injured and forced to flee. Therefore the emperor resorted to the use of massive resources. After this episode the emperor sent an entire unit of Domestici and one of Scholares, under the command of his uncle, against some of the cities of the Italian Peninsula. Among these cities there were Mutina, Perusia and Tarvisium, but many more faced the wrath of the emperor. The peculiarity of this expedition was that it targeted only minor cities and thus the least powerful members of the Italic aristocracy. By punishing those who represented in his eyes a minor threat, the emperor aimed at sending an important message also to the more powerful representatives of the Italic aristocracy, without totally alienating them: after finishing with the small fishes they would be the next. Meanwhile those who were found guilty during this expedition, were stripped of their assets and exiled while their place would be assigned to one of their fellow citizens ( or one of his relatives) along with the lands and other assets confiscated from the previous owner. However after the fall of the first victims, the emperor and his uncle adopted a more soft approach, limiting the punishment to a certain amount of money they would have to pay as a fine for their crimes and for the losses they had caused to the empire. Less amenable was the emperor towards the military officers who accepted such situation after receiving a generous sum of money. For them, after having actively hindered the Roman army with their actions, only death would be appropriate.

After the recent events, the Curiales proved to be more willing to follow the Roman law, as they had recently experienced something totally new to them: for the first time after a long period of weakness, a Roman emperor supported by his army was able to enforce his will on his subjects. And finally the empire had the effective emperor it needed. In time, hopefully, Italy would once again provide to the empire the soldiers it needed for its own defence, since at the moment the barbaric element, along with the Illyrian soldiers, still represented the dominant force inside the Roman army. After having sent this message to the Italic aristocracy, the emperor like his father before him, resumed a policy of compromises with the Italic cities, especially when these cities had a reason to ask for a relief from their burden, as the emperor knew that after all he needed their support as much as they needed his protection

That same year would be remembered also for another event, the birth of Iulia Galla, Marcianus and Eudoxia’s daughter. Two years letter the imperial family would be blessed with the birth of another daughter, Iulia Placidia. Unfortunately the young girl was not strong enough to survive her first year of life. Finally during the following year, in 515 AD, the empress gave birth to her first son. A relative of the powerful gens Anicia, but more importantly a direct descendant of the emperor Theodosius I, the young infant was therefore called Flavius Iulius Anicius Theodosius. The event represented an occasion for celebrations throughout the empire and more importantly for the city of Ravenna, were the imperial family was temporarily residing at the time of his birth. Expectations for young Theodosius were great, but only time would tell how great his reign would be.
 
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Fixed the previous update, with some additional informations. Once again I want to thank RyuDrago for his precious contribute to this timeline.
I also want to ask to anyone who is reading this if I should continue with the actual style, or if you prefer a faster timeline, totally focused on the military and political events. Personally I prefer to add as much informations as possible, but maybe some of you just want read about the main events that involve the empire and its neighbours.
 
I'm always a fan of more information personally. But ultimately it is best if you do what you find most entertaining for yourself because that way you are more likely to keep going!
 
My one complaint about this timeline is that when you started you said you had a few projects for syagrius but in the end he still got stomped by the Franks which sucks cause I like syagrius but oh well that's fine I found this timeline two days ago and finished reading it at school today lol and I wanted to say good job it's very unique and I wanna see its evolution
 
The current format is good enough, and quite convenient to read. Also, this period of Roman history is quite eventful and hence, deserves a slow going and suitably detailed approach which you are trying well enough to maintain.

Please continue with the current format.
 
I personally do like the current format and pace. The implications of a surviving WRE on european culture are just too huge not to be thoroughly dealt with, the different role of the Papacy in the Christian West being one of the first to come to mind. On a related topic, I have a question: did Nepos (and/or Marcianus) continue to enforce the Novella Maioriani VI (The law prohibiting women to take the vows before turning 40)? If so, this could have a great impact on the developing of Roman aristocracy.
 
My one complaint about this timeline is that when you started you said you had a few projects for syagrius but in the end he still got stomped by the Franks which sucks cause I like syagrius but oh well that's fine
Well Syagrius was able to survive after his defeat before gaining the powerful rank of magister militum praesentalis. To be honest I’ve a clear idea about the direction of this timeline, but I continuously change the fate of each character until the moment I post a new update ( what I wrote so far about Procopius and what I ve in mind for him is another example). Besides this doesn’t mean that one of his sons (or grandson) won’t be able to accomplishing anything worth of note.

I have a question: did Nepos (and/or Marcianus) continue to enforce the Novella Maioriani VI (The law prohibiting women to take the vows before turning 40)? If so, this could have a great impact on the developing of Roman aristocracy.
I had an update about some similar laws (chapter IX) but unfortunately I forgot about this one. Maybe during one of the next updates about some new laws (and maybe I already know which one) I can add it, since I think it would have a positive effect on the empire
 
The conscription issues would plague Roman Italy likely for a longer time if not returning into cycles but as long the Imperial reaction would be a firm stick and carrot one it would work. And I don't see other solutions than to keep conscription for a very long time in the Empire, because it would take generations to ingrain into the Italics they had to protect the Empire themselves and the golden days of otium and parasitism towards the provinces was long gone. Also it looks the North and the Central regions of Italy were more resistant to conscription, despite in theory they are the more exposed from possible future invasions from Barbarian peoples. The South and Rome may probably be more cooperative if else after Neapolis's sack; but it may be a clear indication the North and the Padan plains are recovering economically also due to the considerable level of corruption and bribing. Maybe it also plays how between Noricum, Roman Gaul, and Dalmatia (+Pannonia) the North may felt more safer since ages so a "why we should pay service if we are in peace" thought may prevail in part. But I still hope a more Italic military prowess or spirit or elan may stand after some generations developing a military sense of duty not among the upper class but rather among the common people. And as I said before the Church may give a relevant message and input.

Meanwhile, the Imperial family grows, good sign but as usual future marriages could bring the Empire towards one or another direction but at least with a stable dynasty the West would be more supportive of it. At the moment only obscure envy from certain politicians, sudden lack of direct heirs or a very hard defeat and consequent losscan bring down Nepos's legacy. Besides the upper echelons of the Western Roman Army stood loyal for almost 40 years, which is a very good result in proportion to other past periods! Let's hope would continue like this and if crisis would happen, hopefully in a period when threats from Franks, Visigoths or Eastern Romans could be countered or limited.

Oh for me the current format works perfectly, if you want to change it I don't mind, the important is you would be comfortable in this. Also welcome!
 
I think that if conscription finally works and able to do it without resistance you are going to have destroyed the power of the Aristocats families
 
The conscription issues would plague Roman Italy likely for a longer time if not returning into cycles but as long the Imperial reaction would be a firm stick and carrot one it would work. And I don't see other solutions than to keep conscription for a very long time in the Empire, because it would take generations to ingrain into the Italics they had to protect the Empire themselves and the golden days of otium and parasitism towards the provinces was long gone. Also it looks the North and the Central regions of Italy were more resistant to conscription, despite in theory they are the more exposed from possible future invasions from Barbarian peoples. The South and Rome may probably be more cooperative if else after Neapolis's sack; but it may be a clear indication the North and the Padan plains are recovering economically also due to the considerable level of corruption and bribing. Maybe it also plays how between Noricum, Roman Gaul, and Dalmatia (+Pannonia) the North may felt more safer since ages so a "why we should pay service if we are in peace" thought may prevail in part. But I still hope a more Italic military prowess or spirit or elan may stand after some generations developing a military sense of duty not among the upper class but rather among the common people. And as I said before the Church may give a relevant message and input.

Meanwhile, the Imperial family grows, good sign but as usual future marriages could bring the Empire towards one or another direction but at least with a stable dynasty the West would be more supportive of it. At the moment only obscure envy from certain politicians, sudden lack of direct heirs or a very hard defeat and consequent losscan bring down Nepos's legacy. Besides the upper echelons of the Western Roman Army stood loyal for almost 40 years, which is a very good result in proportion to other past periods! Let's hope would continue like this and if crisis would happen, hopefully in a period when threats from Franks, Visigoths or Eastern Romans could be countered or limited.

Oh for me the current format works perfectly, if you want to change it I don't mind, the important is you would be comfortable in this. Also welcome!
What I am trying to doing here is to represent how difficult was to apply the law back then, especially when it basically pissed off everyone. We will return to the matters in the future...

Sincerely I don’t think we can really differentiate norther and southern Italy, since the sack of Neapolis represent and heavy blow only for the inhabitants, while everyone else will continue to mind his own business and interests. However the final goal here is to have the Italic Diocese able to provide what its needed for the defence of the empire and the recent economic measures certainly favour this.

The imperial family keep expanding, and for all of them I already have a story in mind, but it’s quite obvious that this dynasty won’t last forever. However I won’t add anything else here...

Even after 30 years people still remember the fate of Odoacer and his soldiers. But this “memory” can’t really prevent further military uprising, maybe even a new crisis like the one of the III century.
I think that if conscription finally works and able to do it without resistance you are going to have destroyed the power of the Aristocats families
Conscription will take time before becoming the normal custom. And even after that, large recruitment of Germanic troops will remain sizeable. However at a certain point we will see a great chance in the structure of the Roman army. The senatorial family will remain an important factor in Roman politics since they represent the backbone of the imperial administration, so what we can do here is to limit their power, while favouring those families loyal to the emperor.
 
Chapter XXX: A new generation of kings
Chapter XXX

The period of time between the death of Nepos and that of Anastasius represented a period of changes for every barbarian kingdom around Rome. The representatives of an old generation of rulers and kings were all replaced by young and ambitious leaders. Some of them however proved to be more successful than the others. In Africa, the kingdom of the Vandals was ruled by Thrasamund, since the death of his brother Gunthamund in 496 AD. The new king of the Vandals inherited a kingdom troubled by constant attacks from the Berbers and divided between Romans and Vandals. Since the time of Genseric the Vandals were trying to preserve what they had conquered from the Romans during the last century. However once their naval raids against the empire ceased to be effective, thanks to Nepos’ successful defence of Italy, the pressure they could exert on Rome had drastically decreased. Furthermore the unsuccessful campaign against Sicily had further weakened the kingdom while blocking any chance of expanding its territory. Even worse was the fact that their authority within the former Roman Diocesis of Africa was constantly undermined by various Mauro-Roman leaders. It was during Thrasamund’s reign that the Vandals started to lose their control over the former provinces of Tripolitania and inner Numidia, with the kingdom reduced to the region around Carthago and the Mediterranean islands. None of the Vandalic kings proved to be as skilled as king Genseric or able to prevent the decline of the kingdom.

Different was the situation in Gaul, where, after Clovis’ death in 511 AD, the Frankish kingdom was divided among his four sons: Theoderic, Clotaire, Clodomer and Childebert. This new situation resulted advantageous for the Romans but more importantly for the Burgundians. Their king, Gundobad, had attempted to gain the protection of the empire from the Franks since the death of Iulius Nepos. The four Frankish kings still represent a threat to him, as he was the last obstacle toward total Frankish domination over Gaul. The only other power able to preserve the Burgundian kingdom, was the empire but the question was if it was willing to protect its northern neighbour. At the imperial court many believed that after Clovis’ death, the Franks no longer posed any threat but, as the Burgundians showed during the past decades, where there had been unity before there were chances for a return of it. This opinion was shared by important officers like Symmachus and even the Magister Militum Avitus, who deemed the independence of the Burgundians as of great importance, since the Gallic army was too small to oppose an eventual aggression from a united Frankish kingdom. Through the mediation of the Praefectus Praetorio Symmachus, Gundobad was able to win the support of emperor Marcianus. This officially came in the form of the elevation of Gundobad to the rank of Patricius, in 514 AD. The return of this title was followed by the appointment of Gundobad as Magister Militum Vacans, general without an army or a region officially assigned to him, thus tying even more closely the Burgundian king to the imperial administration. After Gundobad’s death in 516 AD, his son Sigismundus would succeeds him as king of the Burgundians and Magister Militum of the empire.

Among the many Romano-barbarian kingdoms that emerged in the West, the Visigothic kingdom was the one which suffered the most during the first years of Marcianus’ reign. Alaric’s defeat at Vouille represented a stain to the prestige of the king, a stain that his successor Gesalec unfortunately inherited. The loss of the Gallic portion of his kingdom, including his capital and the treasure, provoked a negative reaction from the gothic aristocracy. The first threat to his rule came from Toletum in 508 AD, shortly after having secured peace with the Romans and the Franks, where his opponents had gathered an army in an attempt to overthrow him. The king quickly marched against his enemies, before reaching them near the city of Caesaraugusta. The young king was able to defeat the rebels in battle and kill their leader Thorismund but couldn’t completely destroy them. Part of the defeated army marched south, towards the city of Carthago Spartaria, were they joined the rebellion of Iovinus, a local Roman who took advantage of the gothic weakness to proclaim himself emperor. There were no chances that this usurper would ever be able to conquer the empire for himself, especially considering the limited resources at his disposal but, after being joined by the gothic rebels, there was a chance for him to become emperor over Hispania with the support of his gothic army. His situation further improved when the Suebi, a Germanic population located in Gallaecia, started to attack the northern territory of the Gothic kingdom. King Gesalec was forced to quickly march against this new enemy that was threatening the existence of his own kingdom. After having reached the city, he started the siege that would last 3 weeks before taking it. The city was sacked by Gesalec’s troops, while the defenders were all slaughtered and Iovinus beheaded. With the end of this threat, Gesalec could finally focus on the Suebi, but his reign was far from being secure.
 
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Conscription will take time before becoming the normal custom. And even after that, large recruitment of Germanic troops will remain sizeable. However at a certain point we will see a great chance in the structure of the Roman army. The senatorial family will remain an important factor in Roman politics since they represent the backbone of the imperial administration, so what we can do here is to limit their power, while favouring those families loyal to the emperor.
so we’re are going to see Rome turn into a feudal and the families evoke into nobles house I hope Rome doesn’t go the way of the Byzantine where they were constantly in civil war with each other to gain power which allowed Islam in
 
so we’re are going to see Rome turn into a feudal and the families evoke into nobles house I hope Rome doesn’t go the way of the Byzantine where they were constantly in civil war with each other to gain power which allowed Islam in
Definitely. Feudalization helped to eliminate the advantage in administration that the empire held over its neighbors and was probably the biggest long term failure of Alexios Komnenos' reign. Hopefully this won't be the case here.
 
so we’re are going to see Rome turn into a feudal and the families evoke into nobles house I hope Rome doesn’t go the way of the Byzantine where they were constantly in civil war with each other to gain power which allowed Islam in

Was thinking the same - potential feudalization in Roman Western Imperial sauce. Besides feudalization affected the Eastern Empire despite its administrative system, could the West indeed avoid the same fate? Considering is distributing outsides patrician and magister militum titles everyone can see how a Western European "nobilty" of Roman Imperial descent is starting to germinate, sure, for now only towards the barbarian kings, but it wasn't like this how started feudalization? But certainly the issue is not of easy solution and would take longer discussions.

Meanwhile, Burgundy switched again loyalties, the Vandals are quite on the fall, the Visigoths were going as OTL so not too shabby for them in Iberia. For now.
 
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