From Exile to Triumph: a Western Roman Timeline

You're right, but i don't think Alaric and his followers should be considered in that sense. The 'visigoths' between their crossing of the danube and the sacking of Rome where caught in a halfway house; they were fairly romanized and they wanted to be Romans with roman rights and roman land but the roman establishment didn't want to integrate them, hence the purge of stilicho and the brutalization of the visigoths that happened afterwards pushed them away. Even Athulf didn't completely give up on the idea of integration, thus why he married Galla Placidia.
The Visigoths were probably the best example of what Rome could have achieved under a different leadership. Instead by strictly keeping, as much as possible, the two groups separate they only prevented any possibility of integration thus allowing the parallel existence of two different sources of authority, Roman and Gothic, two armies and in the end two completely different and conflicting set of objectives. Thus the Visigoths (and others) acting regardless of what Ravenna wanted or needed, since the Romans no longer had the means to enforce their will.
Or as Orosius put it ; "Therefore I have more prudently chosen the different glory of reviving the Roman name with Gothic vigour, and I hope to be acknowledged by posterity as the initiator of a Roman restoration"
A timeline where the half-Gothic Theodosius survives and succeeds both his father and his uncle would make for a really interesting story.
 
Chapter LVI: Hispania on fire
Chapter LVI

Hispania on fire

In 534 Rome’s most loyal ally was assassinated, king Agila had fallen victim of his stepson’s conspiracy. By taking advantage of Agila’s decreasing popularity and his son’s absence from the kingdom, the two young princes Alaric and Theodoric had managed to overthrow their stepfather and seize power for themselves. All of this took place while the imperial army was crushing the last remains of the Vandal kingdom, while in the East Amalaric, another pretender to the Gothic throne was preparing his offensive against the empire. Agila’s death meant that now Alaric, the third of his name, was the ruler of a kingdom now hostile to Rome. He wasn’t, however, the only one to claim the kingship over the Goths. Lots of help came to Alaric’s cause from the aristocracy of his kingdom and now they were more than eager to make sure that the king would listen to their will. One of the main cause for their support was the desire to replace a powerful king with one more amenable to their desire and for this reason they had asked Alaric, as condition for their help, to share his kingship with his younger brother Theodoric.

A minor damage to his rule sure, but nothing compared to the open defiance of his authority coming from part of his kingdom. The assassination of his predecessor was not at all completely accepted by all layers of the Gothic and Roman society. Loyal to Agila and now loyal to Athalaric were the cities of Baetica, where the memory of Gesalec’s sack of Carthago Nova was still alive. Carthago Nova, Hispalis, Dianium and many other cities along the coast, counting on support from Rome, closed their gates to Alaric’s men, while urging Athalaric to return to Hispania, to take his father’s throne. Unfortunately for them no help could come their way, as the empire was already too stretched thin with wars in Africa, Dalmatia and Sardinia. All the help they could receive was limited to naval support and supplies. An attempt by Athalaric to land in Hispania was met with failure once he arrived. Too few men could join his army as his main supporters had fled to the northern part of the kingdom, and the southern cities couldn’t spare any man of their garrisons to provide him with an army to avenge his father. His stay in Baetica was also too short to have any lasting consequence in the civil war of his kingdom, since most of the army had already joined his rivals to the throne and now Theodoric, at the head of 4000 men, was marching against him. Back to Septem the Romans led by Dux Mauretania Procopius and the local Gothic garrisons loyal to Athalaric had to withstand a siege for the whole length of the summer, before Theodoric was forced to retreat, unable to dislodge the Romans. Shortly after that, Athalaric went to Italia to enter directly into the service of the emperor against Amalaric, hoping that his service would earn him more support for his cause in the future.

In the north meanwhile far greater threats were ready to strike at the Visigoths. In Tarraco a Roman named Caecilius proclaimed himself emperor, once news of the civil war between the three brothers reached that part of the kingdom. A short lived usurper, however Caecilius came close to achieving recognition of his rule from Rome, where one of his embassy had reached emperor Marcianus petitioning for military support, in exchange for Caecilius ruling in Hispania as Caesar in the name of Marcianus. The whole thing came to nothing, both because the whole endeavour was deemed too costly and risky and because Marcianus died shortly after Caecilius’s request reached Rome. In Agilapolis even more determined to resist Alaric and Theodoric were Agila’s friends and former supporters. Built by Agila himself after his victory against king Ricimer as a bastion of his kingdom, it was now a bastion against that same kingdom. Ruling over the city and the surrounding territories was a council of men, Goths and Romans, who had served under Agila during his days of glory. Formally these men where exerting authority in the name of their new king Athalaric, who had no hope of joining them in the fight and could barely communicate with his supporters, and for this reason their city was now a safe haven for anyone whose life was now endangered by Alaric and Theodoric’s rule. As a consequence of the fall of Agila, new anti-Roman policies were now enacted by Alaric aimed at the local Hispano-Roman aristocracy, the Nicene churches and their assets. To have these riches redistributed between his supporters, the Arian clergy and himself was the perfect way for Alaric to secure his rule and finance his wars. The drawback of this was further fueling of the fire of rebellion of the many Goths and Romans opposed to him.

True was that the city of Agilapolis was well fortified but the real reason why Alaric’s army could never subdue the city was the support coming foreign powers. The new anti-Roman stance of the Visigoths had forced the Romans to seek the support of other kings. Thus that same year the Suebi were recognized as Foederati of the empire while king Ricimer and his son, also called Ricimer, were elevated to the rank of Comes. More meaningful was the subsidy paid by the Imperials to the Suebi to have them wage war against Alaric while supporting the rebels at Agilapolis. For Ricimer this was the occasion to free himself of the tribute imposed to him by Agila and to expand his kingdom at the expense of the Goths by making common cause with the rebels. Two sieges of this stronghold were thwarted by the Suebi and the local garrison. The first siege took place in 538 and the second one in 543 and during the latter king Alaric almost lost an eye to an arrow. Further help to the rebel’s cause indirectly came from Caecilius contemporary rebellion. Despite the lack of external support this usurper proved capable enough to secure much of the kingdom north of the Ebro for himself and to hold his position against Alaric until his final defeat in 537. After that, and having finally secured the southern flank of his kingdom with the capture of the last centre of resistance there, Carthago Nova, king Alaric moved against the Suebi. All of this allowed Patricius Clotaire of Aquitania to launch a powerful raid against the northern border of the Gothic kingdom, forcing Alaric to withdraw from the siege and focus on improving the fortification to the North. After another failed siege of Agilapolis had left the two sides too exhausted to prolong the conflict and after some years of minor skirmishes, in 547 king Alaric and Ricimer finally agreed to a truce freeing the Suebi of their tribute and allowing them to extend their influence over Agilapolis, officially though still independent and at war with Toletum. That same year would also be remembered for the only attempt made by the Romans to meddle directly into the civil war. Led by Magister Militum per Gallias Flavius Vitrasius, units of the Gallic army supplemented by Burgundians and Franks attempted an offensive against the kingdom. The army only made it to the walls of Tarraco before the retreat of the Franks forced the whole army to withdraw and give up their attempt to take the city, despite the promise of a local inhabitant, a former supporter of Caecilius, to open the city’s gate.

With Alaric’s power growing more secure with each year passing, the king felt safe enough to take some drastic measures. The first one, in 535, was the banishment of his wife, Agila’s niece, whom his predecessor and his mother had forced him to marry in 530 as a condition for being associated to the throne. Despite taking a new wife immediately after that, the son that had come from that marriage was acknowledged as heir of his father’s kingdom. And after the already mentioned expropriations aimed against his enemies and his victories had strengthened his rule, Alaric took the final step towards complete power: the ousting of his brother and young nephews from the royal palace in 539, forcing them to retire to the countryside, closely watched by Alaric’s guards. After so many wars and losses once again a member of the legitimate Balti dynasty was sitting firm an alone on the throne of his people. His love for the pleasures of life and his many vices, especially his heavy drinking, would cost him his life at the beginning of 551, leaving behind his 19 years old heir Alaric IV and his 12 years old daughter from the second marriage, Matasunta.

This was the situation in Hispania at the beginning of the second half of the VI century.


Note

After more than a year we are back to the Visigoths and other events taking place outside the empire. Hopefully from now on the story should proceed more quickly.
 
Chapter LVII: Intrigue and splendour at the court of the emperor (535-551)
Chapter LVII

Intrigue and splendour at the court of the emperor (535-551)

If one could ever find the right words to describe the reign of emperor Theodosius III, those would be a reign of striking contrasts. While his father and grandfather before him had been forged in an age of crisis, where most certainties known to man seemed to be about to crumble, Theodosius was overseeing over Rome’s finest years since the end of the IV century. Even during these years of fears caused by the plague, the imperial propaganda could still claim how great the reign of the new emperor was. Far from being a soldier emperor, like his predecessors and relatives, Theodosius had brought back to the empire the once forgotten advantages intimately linked with Rome’s superior civilization. With its newfound wealth, the empire was now not only able to protect itself and make Rome’s name feared and respected once again, but could also fund new projects throughout all of Italia. Restorations of old monuments earned the emperor the approval of the Senate, new churches showed the clergy the religious devotion of the “Vicar of Christ”, while the imperial palace at Mediolanum was enriched with both new pieces of arts and men of great intellect.

In the age of the plague it would only be natural to ask how all of this was possible. True was that the reconquest of Africa had been a blessing for the empire’s treasury. But Rome was still busy fighting long and exhausting wars along its borders. New enemies were continuously replacing the old ones and only the resilience of the imperial armies was enough to prevent the collapse of the whole system. The truth is that this was also an age of abuses. While Nepos and Marcianus had strived to fix the many injustices and internal problems of the empire, Theodosius was more than happy to take advantage of the situation. It would be unfair to depict Theodosius as an incompetent emperor. Far from it, Anicius Theodosius had many skills that greatly secured his long reign. Thanks to his lineage he could secure the support of the most noble families of Rome. His noble appearance, cold gaze and sharp mind could only arouse awe towards the imperial throne. The reason for this change of course can only be found in Theodosius’s great vision for his empire. A vision that saw himself as Restorer of the World, not only territorially but most importantly culturally and religiously. And for this reason it was only natural that the people of his empire would have to pay a small price, for the greater good of their souls and the empire as a whole.

This is why the emperor found a precious ally in Eleutherius. The man clearly had no such great and noble vision in his mind. Mere desire of wealth and thirst for more power were his only driver. But he knew better than anyone else how to take advantage of the empire’s full potential. New sources of income, favours and titles he could sell, inheritances he could lay his hands on, Eleutherius knew how to satisfy the emperor’s needs for his costly projects. All of this while also enriching himself and ensuring the real power would remain in his hands. With friends and relatives in almost every single branch of the imperial administration, few could escape his absolute control. By marrying his niece to the emperor he had already secured his position beside Theodosius. Only the emperor himself and the members of the imperial family could escape, or even openly oppose his power. Sure his policies had earned him the hostility of the general population who saw in him the successor of the equally hated Praefectus Praetorio Ioannes, and for this reason was nicknamed the new Cappadocian. And the Gallic aristocracy had no respect for him after what he had done to Agricola, Gallia’s most prominent man at court.

Moving behind the throne wasn’t only the Praepositus Sacri Cubiculi. Already mentioned was the empress dowager’s concern over Eleutherius’ growing power. In her role as the “Galla Placidia” of her time, it was her duty to ensure the safety of the empire and most importantly the safety of her family. This included preventing the rise to supreme power of anyone who was not part of the imperial family. After all Galla Placidia herself had played the same game with Aetius and Bonifacius. The empress only needed to gather around herself Eleutherius’s many enemies.

Most of them came from the senatorial aristocracy. We have already mentioned the reason behind the hostility of the Gallic aristocracy towards Eleutherius. However even among the Italics, the man didn’t enjoy universal popularity. Many are the reasons, the most important being the fact that under the new regime it was much harder for anyone to climb the political ladder without being a mercenary of Eleutherius. Others reasons included personal rivalries between different families now siding with these two opposite emerging factions, Eleutherius’s craving for more wealth at their expenses and finally the humble origin of the man.

She could also count on the support of Magister Militum Valens, the man she had personally elevated to his high rank. His was not a full commitment to Eudoxia’s cause thought. As a man foremost loyal to the empire, and now also a father, he was unwilling to risk the open hostility of a man so close to the emperor. Sure he was the most despicable creature he had ever met and the empire as a whole would never benefit from the likes of him in position of power. But Valens, more than many men of this time, took the words of his wife seriously. There was some wisdom in what she said and although that may have made him look undecided or even weak for listening to a woman, he knew she was only trying to preserve her new family from the dangers of the palace.

Finally behind Eudoxia was her own daughter Iulia Galla, Belisarius’s second wife. It was only natural for her to side with her own mother, but her personal distaste for empress Eusebia only made her involvement even more likely. In her own eyes Eusebia was just a low-born woman whose only merit was being the beloved niece of one of the most powerful men of that time. She was also the daughter of a man related to the world of entertainment, until his death in a chariot accident forced her to move to her uncle’s household. And as everyone knows, only the worst scum of the common rabble outside the palace could ever have any link to that environment. To make matters worse Eusebia possessed a streak of cruelty unnatural even for a woman in her position. The feelings were reciprocated as Eusebia was jealous of anyone who could wield any influence over her husband.

What started as a minor squabble between women of power turned into a true rivarly when both of them became mothers. With some difficulties for Eusebia, she gave birth to her first son only in 544. Flavius Anicius Valentinianus was now the heir to an empire that stretched from Septem to Sirmium. Almost a miracle was the birth of Flavius Anicius Constantius two years later, when both mother and son had risked their lives. Now that she had delivered two heirs to her husband Theodosius she was going to make sure that no one would dare to threaten her position or that of his two sons.

On the other hand it was a completely different situation for Iulia Galla. A mother since 537, Iulia Galla had hoped for her first-born son to become the heir of his, back then childless, uncle. After that year, many more sons and daughters followed as, even though her was a political marriage with a man 10 years older than her, it was still a happy marriage. Belisarius was willing to allow (or maybe unable to control) her wife much more liberties that it would be appropriate for the time. For this reason Iulia Galla always actively acted not only for her own interest but also tried to further her husband influenced at the palace. The birth of Valentinianus didn’t mutate her high hopes for her sons and daughters, however the jealousy and veiled threats from Eusebia made her fear for her family.

And so many years passed by. During these years men of power had expanded their own power base. Men of intrigue had plotted their way to a position of influence. Many lost the game and along with it their lives and everything else, only to be replaced by a new generation of sycophants. All of this while the empire of the Romans continued to overcame its many problems. In a world always evolving only the empire could represent to men a pillar of certainty, always powerful, always eternal. In its quest to accomplish his vision of the world, emperor Theodosius resolved he would be remembered for more than just a civilizer. The idea came one night in 550 while reading his uncle Procopius’s history of the events of the last century, Iulius Nepos’s biography and the rise of his own dynasty. All this works had been provided to him by his dear cousin, empress Constantina, his trusted eyes and ears at the palace of Costantinople and occasionally an unbiased voice when everything around him seemed only backed by personal interests.

While reading Theodosius came to the conclusion that the Goths were just natural enemies of what he stood for. He couldn’t trust them. And even the few he could call friends of the Romans, like Agila and Athalaric, were usually ousted from their position of power by their own countrymen. Savages. There was more though: as the heir of Nepotianus, the last rightful Magister Militum of Hispania the empire had appointed before surrendering it to lackeys of the Goths and finally to the Goths themselves, it was only natural for him to look at Hispania as something more than a forgotten province. A long lost daughter. Diplomacy had failed, and now even his last attempt to destroy the man more than others responsible for the fall of an ally of Rome had also failed. He would now crush the whole kingdom. The death of his rival the following year only made him more resolute in his purpose. Almost everyone at the imperial palace was opposed to his change of course in dealing with the Visigothic problem. They were already finding excuses to postpone or cancel his war. He would personally find the resources he needed if necessary. It would take some years to do it but Theodosius would have his war. He would destroy the last Goths.
 
Love to see this timeline still going. Any plans about the Lombards perhaps?
Well I have some ideas for them, but to say more would reveal too much of the story. What I can say is that they are not going to create their own kingdom in Italy (of course not). Still they are going to survive and be a threat of a certain importance. This is just what’s going to happen before the end of the century. However more important events are gonna take place between the end of the VI and the beginning VII century and their history is not going to be as interesting as said events taking place somewhere else. After that the timeline is over so it's anyone guess what will happen to them next.
 
Great to see this is still going!

I'm a bit concerned that Theodosius is looking to start a major war with his own house not quite in order. Given the time, this is going to be very hazardous to his health.

The goal though is good. Spain is valuable and still has a large culturally Roman population. It needs to be retaken and the Empire will be exponentially better off for it should this be done, but failure here could undo literally everything in a chain of assassinations, civil wars and opportunistic invasions.
 
Forgive me if it has been mentioned before, but if the Visigoths are still Arian, this is going to facilitate the reconquest (whether partial or complete).
 
And now the stage is set for a great war reshaping the West. So glad to see this back! @Flavius Iulius Nepos great update!
Thank you, I hope what is coming doesn’t disappoint!
Great to see this is still going!

I'm a bit concerned that Theodosius is looking to start a major war with his own house not quite in order. Given the time, this is going to be very hazardous to his health.

The goal though is good. Spain is valuable and still has a large culturally Roman population. It needs to be retaken and the Empire will be exponentially better off for it should this be done, but failure here could undo literally everything in a chain of assassinations, civil wars and opportunistic invasions.
Lots of things could go wrong here and Theodosius is going to throw away a lot of resources for his war. Sure Spain would be a great addition to the empire but only on one condition. Actually under two conditions.
Forgive me if it has been mentioned before, but if the Visigoths are still Arian, this is going to facilitate the reconquest (whether partial or complete).
They said the same thing about Italy, and look how it turned out in the end.
But yes, currently the Visigoths are Arian and not in good terms with the Nicene church.
 
@Flavius Iulius Nepos
I was thinking about making a map for you regarding the Western Empire's political boundaries. Are the Empire's territories still smaller enclaves in North Africa, or has it reclaimed the rest of its de jure territory? What of Hispania? Has Rome pushed its frontier to the Western coast at least?
 
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Awesome chapter! Glad to see your still going at it. Hopefully the after effects of this war Theodosius wants are better for the empire than i think they will be....
 
Theodosius wants are better for the empire than i think they will be....
The name Theodosius is such a cool Roman name. Plus every time in Roman history a Theodosius was on the throne, some massive change was going on in the Empire. Theodosius I managed to stabilize the Eastern and Western halves of the Empire defeating the barbarian incursions while also employing Goths en masse within the Roman army. HIs rule was the last time both halves were united under one Emperor. Theodosius II saw the first major codification of Roman law, and the general consolidation of the Eastern Roman state as it largely broke from Constantinople and focused on its own affairs. The reign of Theodosius III was also the final chapter of the Twenty Years Anarchy following the end of the Heraclian dynasty which had ruled for 5 generations.

Edit:
@Flavius Iulius Nepos here's the map I made. Let me know what you think. Feel free to use it in your timeline. I enjoy it very much and can't wait for the next update!
DmDJx1M.png
 
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The name Theodosius is such a cool Roman name. Plus every time in Roman history a Theodosius was on the throne, some massive change was going on in the Empire. Theodosius I managed to stabilize the Eastern and Western halves of the Empire defeating the barbarian incursions while also employing Goths en masse within the Roman army. HIs rule was the last time both halves were united under one Emperor. Theodosius II saw the first major codification of Roman law, and the general consolidation of the Eastern Roman state as it largely broke from Constantinople and focused on its own affairs. The reign of Theodosius III was also the final chapter of the Twenty Years Anarchy following the end of the Heraclian dynasty which had ruled for 5 generations.

Edit:
@Flavius Iulius Nepos here's the map I made. Let me know what you think. Feel free to use it in your timeline. I enjoy it very much and can't wait for the next update!
DmDJx1M.png

Thats a pretty neat note in the history of that name, one that i never even noticed. Also thats a dam good map!
 
The name Theodosius is such a cool Roman name. Plus every time in Roman history a Theodosius was on the throne, some massive change was going on in the Empire. Theodosius I managed to stabilize the Eastern and Western halves of the Empire defeating the barbarian incursions while also employing Goths en masse within the Roman army. HIs rule was the last time both halves were united under one Emperor. Theodosius II saw the first major codification of Roman law, and the general consolidation of the Eastern Roman state as it largely broke from Constantinople and focused on its own affairs. The reign of Theodosius III was also the final chapter of the Twenty Years Anarchy following the end of the Heraclian dynasty which had ruled for 5 generations.

Edit:
@Flavius Iulius Nepos here's the map I made. Let me know what you think. Feel free to use it in your timeline. I enjoy it very much and can't wait for the next update!
DmDJx1M.png
This map is gorgeous.
 
Thats a pretty neat note in the history of that name, one that i never even noticed.
It’s a shame there were only three Theodosius’ in Roman history. It’s one of my all time favorite Roman names up there with names like Constantine, Aurelian, and Justinian.


Also thats a dam good map!
Thanks, though I took some liberties in regards to the borders of Africa as I was unsure of how much the Romans now controlled. I assumed that since Belisarius is a major figure in the West, the Empire likely retook the land it did in otl under Justinian in 533.

I wanted to add in the Sassanids but I didn’t quite understand how much the actually held in the Caucuses. I’m not sure based on the older map if Armenia was annexed, or a client state here as historically it was a buffer and the Romans fought to make sure that it was friendly as Armenia was the main corridor for any sort of invasion into Persia.


This map is gorgeous.
Thanks!
 
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