From Exile to Triumph: a Western Roman Timeline

Flavius Iulius Nepos · Jul 16, 2018

Chapter XX

The rise of a new emperor in the East, brought many problems to the empire. The new administration quickly replaced many Isaurians, who had gained powerful offices under the previous emperor Zeno, with proper Romans. This move immediately earned the eastern emperor the support of the population in the capital. In order to further strengthening his position, Anastasius reduced the burden of taxation imposed to the inhabitants of the cities, with a focus on particular social classes like the artisans and merchants. Meanwhile he ordered the population of the countryside to convert most of their taxes payed in goods in an equivalent sum of money. This last measure was not really appreciated by the farmers of the empire but showed that the eastern empire was once again prospering economically and that the difficulties of the recent years were now over. The Eastern Roman soldiers were among the first to benefit from this economic recovery, now regularly payed with money instead of food (however the use of Annona as a complement to their pays didn’t completely disappear). The fact that now the Goths under Theodoricus Amalus had finally left the Balkans while the Thracian Goths were now struggling to find a successor to Strabo (who died the previous year) meant that the territories of Thracia and Dacia [1] could finally stop to worries about the Gothic threat, at least for a while. Problems, however, appeared in the east. Many prominent former Isaurian officers, unhappy with the current changes, decided to support Zeno’s brother, Longinus and his revolt in Isauria. Quickly however the first pitched battle between the two opposite factions proved the superiority of the imperial army over the Isaurian. Many prominent Isaurians leaders were captured or killed during the battle and what was left of their forces, resorted to a retreat to the Isaurian mountain. The war would continue for 5 more years however Anastasius’ position was now secure and the Isaurian were no longer a powerful faction inside the empire.

Empress Ariadne, key element for the overthrow of the Isaurians

Shortly after the battle Anastasius received the congratulations of his western colleague Nepos. The western roman emperor, after Zeno’s death, had quickly recognized Anastasius as sole ruler of the East. Nepos choice was a dangerous move, considering that an eventual victory of Longinus would have provoked the worsening of the relations between Rome and Constantinople. Fortunately it didn’t happen and now the West could continue to enjoy the eastern favour. Anastasius decided that a meeting between the two emperor would now be necessary, given the current situation of the Danubian limes. The 2 rulers of the roman world met in the city of Sirmium, along the border between East and West. The city had been reconquered by the Romans only three years ago and still didn’t have entirely recovered from the damages inflicted by the various populations that had attacked her during the previous decades, however the contemporary presence of both emperors and their courts would represent a boon for the city. The presence of an emperor was a fortunate events, but the presence of both represented an unique opportunity for the locals. From the countryside men flocked into the city, to sell their services to the Imperial staff and to enjoy the games and celebrations that both emperor were financing. Some of these men and their family would definitely settle in the city, prompting local authorities to petition the emperors to finance the restoration of the wall and other buildings that could incentive more families to move there, like a Circus and Baths.

While the soldiers of the empire where fighting for the restoration of roman authority along the Danube, their emperors were enjoying the celebrations, but also discussing about the current situation of the empire. Anastasius was completely determined to help his colleague to restore security and peace in the Diocesi of Illyricum. A stronger western roman presence in Pannonia would bring benefit also to the eastern sector of the Danube subjected to Anastasius. Hence Anastasius would continue to subside Nepos, as his predecessor did before him, while also contributing 2000 men to the military efforts in Pannonia. However his main focus would go toward the Diocesi of Thracia. Here the Thracian Goths had finally received what they wanted, but Anastasius recognized that they still posed a threat to the heart of the East. Therefore he would resort to the help of the population north of the Danube (like the Bulgars) to keep them busy an unable to further attack the Roman territories. The old ways of paying someone to do the job would remain part of Roman’s habits. However Anastasius refused to finance any major expedition against the Vandals in Africa, despite Nepos’ pleads: the memory of the failure of the last expedition and its economic consequences was still alive in Constantinople, and Anastasius had no intention to squander the imperial treasury. Finally the two emperor discussed also about religious matters. The Monophysite sympathy of the eastern emperor were known to everyone, even to the West. However the emperor had pledged to respect the decision of Chalcedonia and also tried to mediate between the different positions inside the Church, as Zeno tried before him with the Henotikon, instead of imposing his own beliefs over the orthodox population. But the zealotry of some, would quickly prove to be an insurmountable obstacle. Before the end of the year Anastasius departed from the city to return to Constantinople. Overall the meeting could be considered positive: not only the emperors confirmed their will to cooperate but they also established, despite personal and religious difference, a sincere friendship after the months spent together.

Note: [1] Nowaday Serbia.

Ok now some information about the timeline: this Wednesday I will move abroad. This mean that I will not be able to continue this timeline with the same rhythm. If I’m lucky i will post 2-3 update during this summer, otherwise I will resume the story in October. I will still be here for any questions or for other interesting threads in this forum but unfortunately I won’t have much time, during these months, to dedicate to the writing of the next updates. However I hope you enjoy this one.

Flavius Iulius Nepos · Aug 3, 2018

Chapter XXI

After almost 4 years of war, military operations in the north were coming to an end. After the previous defeats (and successive minor skirmishes) the Gepids had finally resorted to peace, sending envoys to the emperor. Meanwhile the lombards proved to be a more difficult opponent. Still on the losing side, they were occasionally able to win minor battle against the goths and the Romans, thus slowing down Roman efforts to bring peace to Pannonia. But despite their resistance, the Pannonian provinces were destined to the Goths and no matter what, their superior strength would grant them the prize of this war. However the last moments of the war would be fought without much support from the Roman. In 493 Nepos had decided that it was finally time to return to Italy, his presence no longer required. With him he would bring some units of the Italian and Illyrian armies, until that moment under the command of Laurentius, thus reducing the military support to Theodoricus. Before departing however, he would arrange the organisation of the reconquered territory (despite the fact that the war was not entirely over). Military speaking, Roman involvement would be minimal, given that local defence and military duties were assigned to entirely gothic units loyal to Theodoricus. However as Theodoricus was acting as magister militum per Pannonia, he would reinstate the old office of Dux Valeria ripensis, entrusted to a Goths of his choice. Administratively speaking the Romans were allowed a greater degree of intervention in local matters, as provincial governors were appointed by the emperor for the administration of the four Pannonia. Nevertheless these governors would have to deal with the omnipresence of the gothic leader,who as king of the ostrogoths was wary of any Roman intromission, therefore subjecting these governors to the magister militum of Pannonia instead of the local Vicarius. An anomalous situation, but required, due to the specific conditions under which happened the reconquest there. These governors, among many duties, were responsible for the new land redistribution, in order to make room for the new arrived. The recent depopulation of the region (consequence of more than 50 years of devastation and lack of central authority) would help the process somewhat, but surely it would provoke resentment among the locals. An exception would be represented by the province of Pannonia secunda, as the Romans showed renewed interest for the region and the city of Sirmium. The southern part of the province would be controlled by a Roman governor directly subjected to Salona, with the addition of a Dux Pannonia secunda, while the northern part of the province would be aggregated to the gothic ruled Pannonia Valeria. Surely the situation was not really stable and further changes would take place here in the future, however with the recent campaign the Romans managed to get once again under their direct control part of Pannonia and inner Dalmatia.

Some rest was now totally deserved, yet the emperor refused to stay idle. Constantly working and trying to improve the conditions of his empire, no aspect of his office was neglected. This time his focus was directed to the Italian army. Taking inspiration from the eastern situation and the advice of the member of his m court, Nepos decided to further decrease the power of the magister militum in Italy with the creation of a second army. The bulk of this army would be constituted by those units that came with the emperor from Pannonia, while some of the regiments under the command of Syagrius would be transferred to this second army and his new commander, Gaudentius. The main reason for this change was the fear that the magister militum praesentalis held to much power, with which he could threaten the emperor. Another minor reason was the jealousy and envy that some members of the imperial court held toward Syagrius. If they were given the opportunity, this man of non italic origin would be already dead but the benevolence of the emperor and the support of some of the key members of the imperial administration (among them the Praefectus Praetorio Marcellinus Liberius) allowed him to survive in what still was the most dangerous political arena of the Mediterranean world.

While the emperor was in Verona, busy with the aforementioned changes and local matters, news reached him from the kingdom of the burgunds about the death of his ally, king Chilpericus II, leaving the kingdom in the hand of his two brothers and the western borders of the empire now potentially threatened, should the kingdom be united by Gundobad. Events were taking an interesting path in the West and now Rome was finally ready to take an active role after many years of passivity and weakness

Flavius Iulius Nepos · Aug 4, 2018

Chapter XXII

In 494 AD several important events took place. In Pannonia the Lombard, after their last defeat, finally and officially gave up against the empire. Like other populations, they were forced to leave the lands south of the Danube. Instead they would receive a simbolic tribute from the emperor, in order to keep peace in the region. Other smaller tribes were instead absorbed by the empire, or more specifically by the pannonian goths, now the hegemonic barbarian power in the region. More important events however, took place in Italy. After spending the last months of 493 in northern Italy, Nepos finally returned to Rome during the summer of the new year. Here celebrations were arranged by the recently appointed Praefectus Urbis Apollinaris ( Sidonius Apollinaris’ son) to celebrate the recent victories of the emperor, partly paid by Apollinaris himself in order to show his gratitude for the received honour of the prefecture and earn further imperial favour. However one more reason justified these celebration: the ventennalia of Iulius Nepos. Officially western Roman emperor since 474, Nepos was one of the few Roman to enjoy a very long reign in the West, a real achievement since the last emperor that ruled for so long was Valentianus III. During these days the population of Rome had the opportunity to enjoy games and banquets while the civil and military officers of the empire received small donations of money and other goods that commemorated the emperor, his reign, his family and the peace he brought back to Italy. Similar celebrations were held in other cities of the empire, albeit to a lesser degree.

During the following months and years the emperor continued to take care of the empire and the needs of its citizens. After receiving a petition from the inhabitants of the city of Neapolis, he decided to grant them a partial tax exemption for the next four years, in order to allow them to recover from the devastations brought by the vandals some years ago. More important were the measures he applied to the whole empire, taking inspiration from similar decisions of his eastern colleague. Thanks to his economic reforms, the stability he brought to Italy and the positive administration of Caecina Mavortius and now Marcellinus Liberius, the imperial treasury could now count on a respectable surplus of money. Instead of embarking in big and potentially risky adventures, or spending big sums for new monuments or churches (but still supporting the restoration of already existing buildings and infrastructures), the emperor proceeded to implement three new measures. The first one he took regarded a small tax reduction for certain categories of workers (like the merchants) in the cities of the empire. A similar conversion of tax payed in nature to tax payed in money was not yet completely imposed on the farmers of the empire (like it happened in the east), yet as a second measure the emperor increased the proportion of money that would be payed to the soldiers thus slightly reducing the payment in goods, therefore improving the economic condition of the soldiers (albeit not every single regiment was affected by this change) and the willingness of the people to serve in the army. Finally he regulated the custom of the cities and their aristocracy to pay for precious gift to the imperial treasury upon the acclamation of a new emperor. Not an imposed duty, local aristocracy however felt the need to pay for such gift in order to gain the imperial favour (or avoid the enmity of the new emperor) or to avoid to be outshined by rival cities ( famous was the rivalry that for instance existed between Lugdunum in Vienne). A large boon to the treasury of the new emperor however, it tended to represent a problem in the long run, as occasionally these cities were subsequently unable to respect their economic obligations toward the emperor, after spending so much for these gift, forcing him to directly intervene in local economic matters. Therefore he proceeded to limit such custom, ordering that only certain cities, with a strong presence of curiales (at least 200 men) were now allowed ( but not forced) to pay such homage to the new emperor. Probably reducing the amount of money that a new emperor could quickly gather after his accession to the throne, Nepos however contributed to further stabilise the economic situation of the cities of the empire and that of their most important representatives. The western empire was far from being that economic and military power it was at beginning of the century, but certainly it was now ready to enter the new one with the intention and the strength necessary to reverse the trend that occurred during the V century.

Flavius Iulius Nepos · Aug 11, 2018

Chapter XXIII

Italy wasn’t the only part of the Mediterranean world where events that could decide the fate of kings and peoples took place. During the last decades of the V century, Gaul faced numerous changes. Here one of the several Frankish chieftains, Clovis, undertook the road for hegemony and glory. Slowly emerging from the rest of his peers, Clovis subdued a great number of Frankish tribes under the control of his rivals, before trying to get the biggest prize available to him, Roman Gaul. In 486 AD, after defeating the Magister Militum Syagrius, Clovis ruled over the entirety of northern Gaul, and with this renewed strength (coming from the conquered territory and the few surviving “Roman”units that accepted to serve under him) he attempted to subdue the remaining internal opposition (composed by minor Frankish kings) and external minor entities. During the last decades of the century he also established relations and alliance with several different rulers. He himself married the Burgundian princess Clotilde, Chilpericus’ daughter. In 496 AD, under the pressure of his wife but more importantly after defeating the Alemanni and annexing part of their territory, King Clovis converted to Christianity, avoiding the interlude of Arianism. From this event important consequences would take place, as not only Clovis gained the complete support of the Gallo-Romans but also attracted the interest of the imperial court at Rome.

The Burgundian kingdom was another important player in the events that were shaping what once was roman Gaul. The joint rule of the four brothers proved to be unstable. After the death of king Gondioc the number of his descendants quickly shrank, with the assassination of Gundomar and later of the Patricius Chilpericus II by Gundobad. The assassination of Chilpericus worried both Clovis and Nepos, considering that the former was his son-in-law while the later was his ally. As Gundobad tried to reinforce his tie with king Alaric in order to counter the Frankish threat, both Nepos and Clovis sought the friendship of the last brother still alive: Godegisel. Threaten by Gundobad, Godegisel sought the friendship of Clovis to counter the visigothic alliance of his brother. Additionally after the assassination of Chilpericus, he received the title of Patricius ( that once belonged to his brother) from Iulius Nepos one year after the celebration of the ventennalia. With his legitimacy strengthen in the eyes of his Roman subjects, Godegisel and his portion of the kingdom slowly entered in the orbit of the empire.

The assassination of Chilpericus provided also the ground for new talks between Clovis and the Emperor. Both men were still bitter about the issue of Gaul and Syagrius, yet both men felt damaged by the recent course of events that were taking place in the kingdom of Burgundy. The recent conversion of Clovis to Nicene Christianity also favoured the easing of relations between the two men. Shortly after the elevation of Godegisel to the rank of Patricius, official negotiations resumed between Rome and Clovis, bringing to an end the period of enmity that existed previously. The Frankish king finally renounced to claim Syagrius’ head while the Romans (albeit grudgingly) acknowledged Frankish rule in Gaul. Despite not reaching any sort of alliance, the two rulers were now more prone to cooperation.

The assassination also brought some change in the military organisation of Italia Annonaria. Feeling no more safe from potential western threats, Iulius Nepos created a new military office: likewise to the situation of Venetia, he created the office of “Dux Liguria et Alpes”, based at Segusio tasked with the defence of western Italy. Subjected to the Magister Militum Praesentalis I Syagrius, he had under his control a couple of units of recent creation. Additionally two units of Burgundian origin were added to his control, with most of the men former followers of king Chilpericus II. These changes and the consequently construction of new fortifications took place during the years between the celebration of the Ventennalia and the beginning of the VI Century.

The beginning of the new century would bring several changes with it, as the Burgundian kingdom once again faced important changes while pressured by the Romans, the Franks and the Visigoths. Intentioned to avenge is father-in-law and to bring the Burgundian under its hegemony, Clovis exploited the division that existed between the two brother to attack Gundobad with the support of Godegisel. After beating him in battle he forced Gundobad to pay a tribute and provide auxiliaries for incoming wars while renouncing his alliance with Alaric II. Yet Gundobad was able to strengthen his rule with the murder of his last remaining brother, thus reuniting the Burgundian kingdom under his control. From this development both the Romans and the Visigoths lost their remaining influence over the Burgundians as the last king was now subjected to the Franks. Complete Frankish hegemony over Gaul was now entirely possible, as only the Goths of Alaric stand now on their way.

Flavius Iulius Nepos · Aug 17, 2018

Chapter XXIV

Since the collapse of imperial authority outside Italy, the Visigoths have been the dominant power of the West. From the Loira to souther Hispania , their kingdom covered almost the entire territory of the old Gallic Praefecture. During the last century they exploited the imperial weakness and reliance on their power to carve their own kingdom, while the gothic kings proved to be more powerful than the western emperors, as the year passed and former Roman provinces were gradually absorbed by the barbaric entities. But these entities proved to be stable as long as their kings proved to be strong. During the past years, after the death of king Euricus, Alaric II engaged in something more difficult than the mere military conquest: preservation and integration of his domain. Both internally and externally the Gothic kingdom faced problem after problem, as the question of the contraposition between Roman and Goths remained while a new threat emerged in the north. The Franks under king Clovis showed an aggressiveness equal to that of the Goths one century earlier. In order to counter this threat, king Alaric had attempted an alliance with king Gundobad before losing this ally after Clovis’ recent victory. Therefore he pursued the diplomatic way, trying to avoid a conflict over southern Gaul. At first Clovis proved receptive to this attempt and even the Roman emperor showed support to this initiative, aimed at avoiding another conflict that could potentially threaten even the Italian peninsula.

Unfortunately, in the end, war proved to be the only solution, as Clovis had only dissimulated his real intention while Alaric was now forced to fight a conflict he had tried to avoid. The war broke out during the seventh year of the new century and saw the gothic army led by the king himself marching against the invaders. The two armies met in Aquitaine, at Vouille, not far from the Frankish-Gothic border. The fight between these two Germanic population saw an initial stalemate, until Clovis was able to engage and personally kill his Gothic opponent. The death of Alaric meant the end of any chance of victory for the Goths and the beginning of a period of hardship for their kingdom.

The victorious Franks proceeded to occupy the now almost undefended Gothic territories in Gaul, the three Aquitanian provinces, while their Burgundian subjects moved against the cities of southern Gaul. The empire however didn’t only watch the events that were taking place in Gaul.

Since the beginning of hostilities the emperor had readied his army in order to protect the western flank of his empire, but never he would have expected such outcome. As soon as news of the battle reached the emperor at Mediolanum, he ordered his army to move quickly in order to secure what was left of Gothic Gaul from the Franks and Burgundians. Officially his move was justified by the need to secure the throne for the young prince Amalaric, Theodoric’s grandson, against his illegitimate older brother Gesalec. The real reason behind this war however was the possibility to recover what the emperor had lost in Gaul more than 30 years ago. Several italic units were detached by the two Italian armies ( including the Burgundian frontier units) for a total of 7000 men. To these army the Roman could add 3000 Ostrogoth soldiers sent by Theodoric to protect his grandson’s rights. What was really exceptional in this war however was the fact that at the head of the army neither the emperor nor some old commander from previous war was present. Instead the Roman army was led by the young Caesar Flavius Iulius Marcianus,who had replaced his uncle Anthemius Iunior in the position of Comes Domesticorum Peditum. Supported by the Roman fleet and with the addition of one Scholae as a personal guard, Marcianus moved from Segusio to Gaul. Here the Romans took several minor coastal cities before encountering the metropolis of Arelate, once the administrative capital of the entire Gaul. The city was besieged by the Burgundian king Gundobad, who after receiving news of the incoming army, retreat back to his kingdom, leaving alone the gothic garrison of the city. Here the Roman population welcomed the imperial liberation while the small gothic garrison gladly accepted to officially serve the young Amalaric, as the Visigoths were not unanimously supporting Gesalec as their new king. From here Marcianus proceeded into two directions: north against the Burgundians who threatened to attack again Arelate and cut his supply lines, and then west against the province of Narbonensis I. After devastating the territory of the Burgundians, Marcianus took the city of Arausius, a key city on the road from Lugdunum ( Gundobad’s seat of power) to Arelate, thus securing the Gallic capital. After securing the recent conquest, Marcianus headed west toward the Gothic capital of Tolosa, while passing through import cities such as Nemausus and Narbo, before reaching Tolosa after an exhausting march. The Romans had crossed the entire southern Gaul in order to reach the capital before the Franks, who were currently busy subduing the Aquitanian territories, so that they could secure for themselves this strategic city, and for this reason Marcianus had ordered his soldiers to move more quickly than what was usually required from an army. The effort however had repaid, as the Romans were now besieging the target while only some day later the first Frankish units reached the city. Here any possible conflict was avoided, as Clovis had previously ordered to avoid any clash with the Roman army in order to avoid a worsening of the conflict. Therefore the Franks halted their march toward the Mediterranean, focusing on the pacification of the recently conquered Aquitania and Alvernia. Meanwhile the Romans could focus on Tolosa, where the local garrison and what was left of the gothic army of Alaric refused to surrender the capital. Their only hope now was the arrival of reinforces led by Gesalec himself.

Flavius Iulius Nepos · Aug 18, 2018

Chapter XXV

After the Frankish retreat, king Clovis had implicitly recognised the limit of his conquests. He had gained what he really wanted and further advances could only provoke a worsening of his diplomatic situation. The Aquitanian region was now part of his possession and sincerely he could not care about the lack of gains for his Burgundian ally. Meanwhile the Romans under the lead of Iulius Marcianus, were trying to exploit this moment of chaos and weakness to recover the bits of Gaul left after the battle of Vouille. Before departing from Italy, the young Caesar had been granted from his father the right to lead the war and the subsequent negotiations as he wished. This measure was aimed at reducing the burden of the empire over the old emperor but also to let his young heir earn his legitimacy and the respect of the key elements of the imperial court. Since the beginning of the conflict, Marcianus already now that his gains would probably be limited and that he couldn’t face more opponents at the same time, unless he wished to face the same fate of his deceased uncle Anthemiolus. In order to consolidate his recent conquests in southern Gaul, Iulius Marcianus had to take the strategic city of Tolosa, if he wanted to secure a stable border between Rome and the kingdoms on the north. After taking the city of Arausius he had left one of his subordinate, Eparchius Avitus, in the region so that he could reinforce local defences aimed at containing Gundobad.

Now it was up to him to remove the Visigoths from their remaining possessions in Gaul. Time was against the young Caesar as he was unsure if he could face both the incoming gothic king and the local forces inside the city. His rather small army had been deprived of almost 2000 men for the defence of Arausius/Arelate and what was left ( including some gothic soldiers loyal to Amalaric and reinforces from Italy) was not suited for a long war against numerous foes. Luckily the defenders were not unanimous in their intention as a faction quickly gained prominence among the inhabitants and the military officers. Not enough to gain the surrender of the city as the majority of the soldiers opposed the idea of giving up the capital, but enough to gain access to the city through a gate left open, during the night, by a local section of the garrison and his officer, allowing the Romans to storm Tolosa and defeat his garrison with the support of the pro-romans Goths. After an initial battle between the two sides, the Goths quickly realised that they had no chance to repulse the Roman soldiers and thus surrendered to Marcianus. The gothic capital had fallen to the Romans but more importantly the Gothic treasury now belonged to Rome. Marcianus quickly took some necessary measure like reinforcing the local defence and leaving behind 2 units ( whose loss was partially compensated by the conscription of some pro Roman Goths into the army) before departing again for the city of Narbo.

Here Marcianus delivered the gothic treasure to the fleet assigned to him with the task of bringing it to Italy, away from the war and the possibility of losing it, before the beginning of the winter season. Some weeks after these events, news reached him about the approaching gothic army led by his king some miles south of Narbo. That same news informed him that the king had halted his march against the Romans and that he was preparing to return back to Spain. Afterwards two delegations reached the army of the Caesar, one from the east and one from the west. The first delegation informed him about Gesalec’s intention to reach a deal with the Romans, as the news of the fall of Tolosa had reached him and now there were little reasons for the king to move north with his army, as the city and the royal treasury were already in Roman hands and local gothic forces were no longer available to assist him against Marcianus. Meanwhile he still had a kingdom to defend in Spain, a kingdom threaten by his political opposers and now also by the Romans and their candidate for the gothic throne, Amalaric. Most of his political opposers, were trying to rally support for the young prince and now that the news of the fall of Tolosa would soon reach them, they would have the perfect occasion and reason to overthrow Gesalec, thus prompting him to eliminate this threat even at the cost of heavy concessions. He was ready to recognise what the Romans had conquered so far, including his capital, as long as they revoked their support for his stepbrother, thus removing the threat coming from the north while weakening the position of his opposers. Even though he was tempted to resume his successful campaign during the new year, the young Caesar know that he had not enough resources to lead a war of conquest in Spain while keeping his recent conquests in Gaul safe from the Burgundians or even the Franks. Additionally there were the informations coming from Italy brought by his uncle, the patrician Marcianus, that deserved his personal attention. His father had died of old age, some weeks after his return to Rome, almost completely alone as his close relatives were all miles away from him. Before dying he asked to his friends and most trusted collaborators to show to his son the same respect and esteem they had showed to him during his long reign. Finally he had wished to his son a long and prosperous reign but most of all the bless of God for his future actions and for his empire. After carefully pondering over these news and being acclaimed Augustus by his army, the young emperor accepted the proposal of the Goths, before departing for Italy. A new emperor, a victorious general, was now coming from Gaul, ready to take control of Rome.

Flavius Iulius Nepos · Aug 28, 2018

Chapter XXVI

The years between the celebration of the ventennalia and the gothic war represented a period of change, transition or return to a previous situation. After the rise of Anastasius to the throne, the eastern empire had to face a revolt from the Isaurian elements of the empire. The war lasted for five years, but the decisive battle took place during the first year of the conflict. After other five years of peace a new conflict erupted between the empire and Persia, that ended after four years without any significative changes except the construction of a new fortification along the eastern Roman border: Anastasiopolis. However the renewed conflict against Persia had negative consequences in the Illyrian portion of the eastern empire.

Since the death of Theodoricus Strabo in 491 the Goths of Thrace had faced a brief period of lack of leadership before appointing as their leader the Gothic-Alan Ermanaric, Aspar’ son who was also related to the last gothic king, Strabo. His reign would last only four years before being succeeded, in 497, by his son Athalaric. The new gothic leader took advantage of the last Roman-Persian war to launch a series of attacks against the undefended Illyrian provinces while allowing barbarian tribes from beyond the Danube to do the same, in order the gain further concession from Constantinople. Until the end of the eastern conflict, the goths inflicted upon the defenceless city of Thrace every kind of damage before being forced by the Roman troops, no more engaged in the East, to renew the previous treaty and accept the preservation of the status quo. Despite what was the expectation of everyone after Amalus’ departure, it was clear that the Danubian limes was far from being completely secured and that the gothic question was still a problem for the eastern Roman court.

Different was the situation of the western empire. After a long period of war, military recovery and stabilisation of the frontier, the inhabitants and soldiers of Italy could finally enjoy a deserved period of peace. Since the end of the Pannonian campaign, Iulius Nepos had spent most of his time in the imperial capital. Long absence from the city were now a rarity, and most of the time the emperor delegated this kind of duties to his most trusted advisors. It was during these years that the magister officiorum and Patricius Marcianus greatly increased his power, often acting as the real master of the events that were taking place in the imperial palace. Old and tired, Nepos had lost the vigour that had marked the first years of his reign, thus delegating the control of the empire to his subordinate while enjoying the pleasures that the palace on the Palatine and the city of Rome had to offer to him. He didn’t however, completely ignore the need to preserve and continue the stabilisation of the empire and more importantly the need to ensure a peaceful transition between his reign and that of his son. Since 497, Marcianus was appointed Comes Domesticorum Peditum and during that same year it was finally celebrated the marriage between Iulius Marcianus and Anicia Eudoxia. Now the current western Roman Caesar was officially part of the wider Theodosian dynasty, thus earning him that legitimacy that his predecessor had failed to acquire since the death of the last Theodosian. After three years from these events, Nepos’ wife, Alypia, along with his brother Anthemius Iunior and his son Procopius, departed from Italy, with the intention of reaching the places where Christ had lived. Here Alypia would earn great fame through donations to the poor or by financing the renovation of old churches. Meanwhile the other members of his entourage would soon leave her in Palestina, before proceeding to the city of Antiochia. Here uncle and nephew would quickly discover their shared interest for knowledge and culture, while attending some lessons of local learned men. During the next years the two men would visit the most important cultural centres of the eastern Roman world, including the cities of Thessalonika, Nicomedia and even Athens. Here the young prince would earn the fame of a great orator, with a deep knowledge of law and history. During his stay at Nicomedia, in 505, Procopius Iunior would earn the permission to enter the imperial capital, where the emperor wished to make good use of his skills. Here Procopius entered in contact with the most important members of the eastern court and administration before becoming an integral part of it. During the following year he would officially represent, along with other important members of the imperial court, emperor Anastasius in front of the Persian envoys, where an agreement was reached by the two side in order to end the recent conflict. After this diplomatic mission, Procopius would return to Constantinople, where he would start to gather the material he needed for his first literary work.

Flavius Iulius Nepos · Aug 31, 2018

Chapter XXVII

Despite being eager to reach the capital of his empire and secure the throne against possible usurpers, Marcianus knew that he had to secure Gaul first, before crossing again the Alps. Only 30 years ago the lack of proper control and defence brought to the loss of the region to barbarians, at the time of his father’s deposition and exile. God however had finally granted the Romans another change, by spreading discord among the barbarians and Marcianus had no intention to waste this opportunity. Thus he spent the remaining months of the year 507 in the city of Arelate. Here he would apply the same laws and reforms that his father had enacted in Italy for 30 years. More importantly he would also appoint the responsibles for the application of this laws. Three new provinces would be created inside the new Diocese of Gaul: Narbonensis I, Narbonensis II ( comprising the coastal territory of the former provinces of Narbonensis II and Viennensis) and Alpes Maritimae. Each provinces would be ruled by a Praeses while the entire Diocesi would be assigned to the Praefectus Praetorio in Arelate ( since his praefecture included only a single Diocese there was no need for a Vicarius as intermediary). The first Prafectus appointed by Marcianus was the influential senator and former Praefectus Urbis Quintus Aurelius Memmius Symmachus, a man that the emperor was sure would bring peace and stability to the inhabitants of Gaul. Thanks to the influence of Symmachus, his son-in-law Anicius Boethius would be appointed Quaestor Sacri Palatii, one of the most important administrative position of the empire. The military defence of the recently conquered territory would be assigned to a Magister Militum per Gallias, with the bulk of his army composed by some of the Italic and Burgundian units that took part in the recent campaign. Consequently the Dux Liguria et Alpes would be deprived of most of his units, considering that now Italy no longer faced existential threats from the West. The first Magister Militum per Gallias appointed by Marcianus would be the former Comes Domesticorum Equitum Avitus, considering that the previous holder of this title, Syagrius, had died in the years 501.

Before departing for Italy during the next year, Marcianus was also able to deal with the diplomatic situation of the empire with the other Romano-barbarian kingdoms in Gaul. As with the goths, Marcianus had also reached an agreement with the Franks of Clovis where the two men agreed to recognise the actual division of the spoils of war and the existing border between the empire and the Franks. Additionally the Frankish king was able to secure for himself the title of Patricius of the empire in exchange for the promise of keeping the Franks and his Burgundian vassal away from the small Roman Diocese beyond the Alps. The emperor however also dealt directly with king Gundobad in an attempt to secure analogues warranties and also in order to gain more influence in the region. Despite the unfriendly relations between the two, Gundobad recognised the need to protect his independence from his two powerful neighbours by gaining the friendship of at least one of them, thus prompting him to recognise the recent (limited) losses.

Having secured his conquered territories, Iulius Marcianus proceeded to cross the Alps and enter the Italian Peninsula, after the end of the winter. Among the many cities visited by the emperor there was Mediolanum, where Marcianus fulfilled his father’s promise of restoring the via porticata, with the help of the gothic treasure. From here he would move to Rome where he would join the official celebrations held in the capital for his recent victory and for the beginning of his reign. In the city of Rome the new emperor received delegations from the most important rulers of his time and most importantly the congratulations from his eastern colleague Anastasius along with the condolence for his father’s death. The two emperors would jointly assume the consulate during the following year. Another delegation from the gothic king and magister militum Theodoric prompted him to reinforce the ties between the Germanic leader and the empire, in order to allow his empire to focus on different matters. Therefore he agreed to a marriage proposal between his brother and heir Procopius and Amalasuntha, the young daughter of Theodoric and a woman of Pannonian origin. The wedding was celebrated in Constantinople, where his brother resided, an even though the young Caesar was initially disappointed by such decision, the marriage proved to be happy and immediately blessed with the birth of two twins. Born in 509 AD, the two infants were a boy and a girl. The boy was called Anastasius, in honour of his godfather the emperor, while the girls was called Constantina. Only time would tell it this link to the imperial family would be enough to satisfy the powerful Magister Militum.

Flavius Iulius Nepos · Sep 2, 2018

Chapter XXVIII

Since the death of the last Theodosian, Flavius Iulius Marcianus was the first Augustus of the west to enjoy a smooth succession. The first years of his reign didn’t see any particular threat to his rule and Marcianus knew that he had to thank his father for this situation. He was the first emperor who didn’t have to impose his authority to the provinces by force. The fact that the number of provinces had decreased during the second half of the previous century certainly favoured this.Yet the empire still suffered from several problems, old and new. But before dealing with these problems, Marcianus had to enact an additional measure that he deemed necessary for Gaul. Cities like Tolosa or Arelate were granted two years of tax exemption, in order to allow a quick recovery from the last war and more importantly to win the support of the inhabitants, as some of them had actively collaborated with the goths while others resented the imperial decision of imposing military units inside the cities.

Back to Italy the emperor took some time to think about how he should spend the gothic treasure that had so generously filled the imperial coffers. Part of that treasure had already been spent in order to finance the celebrations in Rome, the gift to the inhabitants of Mediolanum and the new administration in Gaul ( that required money in order to enforce the recent laws, in particular those that involved the recovery/distribution of lands) but Marcianus had something more in mind. Not related to the necessities of the empire was the construction of a new Mausoleum for his family, just outside the city of Rome, where the land for the location was slightly more cheaper, thus allowing to spend more on the monument. This new Mausoleum was built along the Ostiensis way, not only for the amount of land available along the road but also for another reason: the first time that Nepos conquered the throne, it happened after his landing in Ostia in 474 and his march to Rome that took place along the Ostiensis way. In was there that his family had conquered the empire, and it was there that his family should rest.
His father would be the first to enjoy the eternal rest inside the building, quickly joined by the already deceased son of emperor Procopius Anthemius, Romulus ( who had died in 504 AD) and Anthemiolus, who had died about 30 years earlier in Gaul and until that moment was buried in the city of Arelate. Nepos’ uncle, Marcellinus, remained in the city of Salona, after a delegation from the inhabitants reached the emperor with the request to allow the deceased Magister Militum to rest in the city, where the inhabitants now considered him their protector. Thanks to the piety of a Roman priest, the unburied body of Procopius Anthemius, the man considered the founder of this new dynasty, had been preserved and recovered. Ricimer’s act of impiety had finally ceased its effects, after almost 40 years. With the final addition of Marcia Euphemia, the imperial mausoleum now housed the entire “Procopian” dynasty, the successor of the Theodosians and now their political heirs.

After all these expenses, Marcianus still had resources available for more useful projects: he resumed his father’s policy of increasing the proportion of money used for the payment of the army, thus reducing the use of goods for this purpose. This change aimed at improving the economic condition of the Roman soldier while making such position more desirable. However the frontier units of the Limitanei were not affected by this measure. Additionally he implemented another measure that took inspiration from a decree of the eastern Roman emperor, concerning the payment of taxes by the landowners. With some exceptions for certain categories like the Beneficiarii and certain provinces like Raetia and Noricum, the landowners of the empire from now on would be required to pay their taxes in money rather than in goods. These two measure had one precise purpose: the return of the western empire to an economy based on a proper currency rather than continuing with the use of the products of the land for the upkeep of the army and the bureaucracy . The empire had lost almost every province, but what was left was one of the richest land of the Mediterranean, deemed by the emperor as able to sustain this change. Certainly this measure would not be gladly accepted by the ones affected by it, but the emperor finally had the means to impose once again his will upon the inhabitants of the empire. And with an army that was directly and positively affected by the emperor’s will, there wasn’t much that his opponents could do against him, lest they wished to risk their assets and maybe their own lives. Still after these measures, the emperor could count on a substantial part of the gothic treasure, however Marcianus didn’t undertake further expensive projects, except minor reparations of the city’s infrastructures and a partial embellishment of the imperial palace. What was left was spared for future projects or necessities, since Marcianus adopted Anastasius’ attitude toward the economy, in an attempt to increase the resources available to him and so the options available to the empire.

Flavius Iulius Nepos · Sep 7, 2018

Chapter XXIX

The first years of Marcianus’ reign represented a period of consolidation for the Romans. Consolidations of what had been achieved during Nepos’ reign. This emperor would be remembered as one of the most active western emperor of the V century, alongside Majorian and Constantius III. Yet some of his decrees and laws proved to be difficult to apply, among this laws there was the one concerning the recruitment of roman soldiers. The system devised by Flavius Gaudentius almost 20 years ago, despite its good logic, encountered the resistance of many. While the Illyrian and Gallic Dioceses proved more receptive, the Italic ones showed signs of disrespect toward this law and the emperor’s will. During his last years, Nepos’ actions against this episodes proved weak and unwilling to upset the Italic cities, probably a consequence of his old age. Rather different was the attitude of the new emperor: Marcianus was a man well conscious of what was due to the emperor and what was necessary to the empire. Under the urge of his namesake uncle, Marcianus the Patrician and following the example from the first years of his father’s reign, the emperor adopted a more cautious approach,

In 512 AD, the emperor harshly punished the representatives of several Italic cities, which had failed during the past years to fulfill the emperor’s request for recruits. Through bribery, the Curiales were able to bypass the Roman law and thus the requests coming from the Praetorian Praefectus or his subordinates. Occasionally, the officers sent to ensure the fulfilment of their duties proved to be accomplices, thus encouraging this crime. Indeed the bribery of some military officers was deemed by the local aristocracy as cheaper than renouncing to their manpower. Even without the use of bribery, this men were powerful enough to attempt a violent resistance against the small military detachment sent to the cities, thanks to the use of personal militias or the manipulation of the local population. During one of the most recent episodes, 6 Roman soldiers were killed by the mob while 17 more, including their officer, were injured and forced to flee. Therefore the emperor resorted to the use of massive resources. After this episode the emperor sent an entire unit of Domestici and one of Scholares, under the command of his uncle, against some of the cities of the Italian Peninsula. Among these cities there were Mutina, Perusia and Tarvisium, but many more faced the wrath of the emperor. The peculiarity of this expedition was that it targeted only minor cities and thus the least powerful members of the Italic aristocracy. By punishing those who represented in his eyes a minor threat, the emperor aimed at sending an important message also to the more powerful representatives of the Italic aristocracy, without totally alienating them: after finishing with the small fishes they would be the next. Meanwhile those who were found guilty during this expedition, were stripped of their assets and exiled while their place would be assigned to one of their fellow citizens ( or one of his relatives) along with the lands and other assets confiscated from the previous owner. However after the fall of the first victims, the emperor and his uncle adopted a more soft approach, limiting the punishment to a certain amount of money they would have to pay as a fine for their crimes and for the losses they had caused to the empire. Less amenable was the emperor towards the military officers who accepted such situation after receiving a generous sum of money. For them, after having actively hindered the Roman army with their actions, only death would be appropriate.

After the recent events, the Curiales proved to be more willing to follow the Roman law, as they had recently experienced something totally new to them: for the first time after a long period of weakness, a Roman emperor supported by his army was able to enforce his will on his subjects. And finally the empire had the effective emperor it needed. In time, hopefully, Italy would once again provide to the empire the soldiers it needed for its own defence, since at the moment the barbaric element, along with the Illyrian soldiers, still represented the dominant force inside the Roman army. After having sent this message to the Italic aristocracy, the emperor like his father before him, resumed a policy of compromises with the Italic cities, especially when these cities had a reason to ask for a relief from their burden, as the emperor knew that after all he needed their support as much as they needed his protection

That same year would be remembered also for another event, the birth of Iulia Galla, Marcianus and Eudoxia’s daughter. Two years letter the imperial family would be blessed with the birth of another daughter, Iulia Placidia. Unfortunately the young girl was not strong enough to survive her first year of life. Finally during the following year, in 515 AD, the empress gave birth to her first son. A relative of the powerful gens Anicia, but more importantly a direct descendant of the emperor Theodosius I, the young infant was therefore called Flavius Iulius Anicius Theodosius. The event represented an occasion for celebrations throughout the empire and more importantly for the city of Ravenna, were the imperial family was temporarily residing at the time of his birth. Expectations for young Theodosius were great, but only time would tell how great his reign would be.

Flavius Iulius Nepos · Sep 8, 2018

Chapter XXX

The period of time between the death of Nepos and that of Anastasius represented a period of changes for every barbarian kingdom around Rome. The representatives of an old generation of rulers and kings were all replaced by young and ambitious leaders. Some of them however proved to be more successful than the others. In Africa, the kingdom of the Vandals was ruled by Thrasamund, since the death of his brother Gunthamund in 496 AD. The new king of the Vandals inherited a kingdom troubled by constant attacks from the Berbers and divided between Romans and Vandals. Since the time of Genseric the Vandals were trying to preserve what they had conquered from the Romans during the last century. However once their naval raids against the empire ceased to be effective, thanks to Nepos’ successful defence of Italy, the pressure they could exert on Rome had drastically decreased. Furthermore the unsuccessful campaign against Sicily had further weakened the kingdom while blocking any chance of expanding its territory. Even worse was the fact that their authority within the former Roman Diocesis of Africa was constantly undermined by various Mauro-Roman leaders. It was during Thrasamund’s reign that the Vandals started to lose their control over the former provinces of Tripolitania and inner Numidia, with the kingdom reduced to the region around Carthago and the Mediterranean islands. None of the Vandalic kings proved to be as skilled as king Genseric or able to prevent the decline of the kingdom.

Different was the situation in Gaul, where, after Clovis’ death in 511 AD, the Frankish kingdom was divided among his four sons: Theoderic, Clotaire, Clodomer and Childebert. This new situation resulted advantageous for the Romans but more importantly for the Burgundians. Their king, Gundobad, had attempted to gain the protection of the empire from the Franks since the death of Iulius Nepos. The four Frankish kings still represent a threat to him, as he was the last obstacle toward total Frankish domination over Gaul. The only other power able to preserve the Burgundian kingdom, was the empire but the question was if it was willing to protect its northern neighbour. At the imperial court many believed that after Clovis’ death, the Franks no longer posed any threat but, as the Burgundians showed during the past decades, where there had been unity before there were chances for a return of it. This opinion was shared by important officers like Symmachus and even the Magister Militum Avitus, who deemed the independence of the Burgundians as of great importance, since the Gallic army was too small to oppose an eventual aggression from a united Frankish kingdom. Through the mediation of the Praefectus Praetorio Symmachus, Gundobad was able to win the support of emperor Marcianus. This officially came in the form of the elevation of Gundobad to the rank of Patricius, in 514 AD. The return of this title was followed by the appointment of Gundobad as Magister Militum Vacans, general without an army or a region officially assigned to him, thus tying even more closely the Burgundian king to the imperial administration. After Gundobad’s death in 516 AD, his son Sigismundus would succeeds him as king of the Burgundians and Magister Militum of the empire.

Among the many Romano-barbarian kingdoms that emerged in the West, the Visigothic kingdom was the one which suffered the most during the first years of Marcianus’ reign. Alaric’s defeat at Vouille represented a stain to the prestige of the king, a stain that his successor Gesalec unfortunately inherited. The loss of the Gallic portion of his kingdom, including his capital and the treasure, provoked a negative reaction from the gothic aristocracy. The first threat to his rule came from Toletum in 508 AD, shortly after having secured peace with the Romans and the Franks, where his opponents had gathered an army in an attempt to overthrow him. The king quickly marched against his enemies, before reaching them near the city of Caesaraugusta. The young king was able to defeat the rebels in battle and kill their leader Thorismund but couldn’t completely destroy them. Part of the defeated army marched south, towards the city of Carthago Spartaria, were they joined the rebellion of Iovinus, a local Roman who took advantage of the gothic weakness to proclaim himself emperor. There were no chances that this usurper would ever be able to conquer the empire for himself, especially considering the limited resources at his disposal but, after being joined by the gothic rebels, there was a chance for him to become emperor over Hispania with the support of his gothic army. His situation further improved when the Suebi, a Germanic population located in Gallaecia, started to attack the northern territory of the Gothic kingdom. King Gesalec was forced to quickly march against this new enemy that was threatening the existence of his own kingdom. After having reached the city, he started the siege that would last 3 weeks before taking it. The city was sacked by Gesalec’s troops, while the defenders were all slaughtered and Iovinus beheaded. With the end of this threat, Gesalec could finally focus on the Suebi, but his reign was far from being secure.

Flavius Iulius Nepos · Sep 16, 2018

Chapter XXXI

In the eyes of the people who lived at the beginning of the VI century, the gothic kingdom in Spain appeared as the target of God’s wrath. Alaric’s death at Vouille represented a real misfortune for the Goths, but no one could ever imagine that it was only the beginning of a long series of unfortunate events. Shortly after defeating the Roman usurper Iovinus, Gesalec moved against the Suebic kingdom in the north in order to stop their attacks. This campaign represented Gesalec’s only opportunity to strengthen his maimed kingdom by bringing the Suebi under Gothic hegemony, thus finally uniting the Iberian peninsula. However the war was neither quick nor glorious as the Suebi proved elusive, while the gothic army was growing unhappy with Gesalec’s inability to bring this war to an end. Finally the two armies clashed near the city of Salmantica in 514 AC. For the second time in less than a decade the Goths suffered a crushing defeat. For a second time a gothic king found death while trying to preserve the integrity of his own kingdom. This time however neither the Suebic king Veremund, nor any of his soldier initially claimed the victory against Gesalec and soon the goths started to blame one of Gesalec’s commanders for the recent defeat. Nonetheless the kingdom required a king and the war required a leader. Before dying, Gesalec sired two sons: Alaric and Theodoric, respectively now 3 and 2 years old. Thus the real power was exerted by their mother Amalafrida. Her position as regent for her two sons was immediately weakened by the peace treaty she concluded with Veremund: the suebic kingdom would expand its territories, with the city of Salmantica now representing the limit of its eastern expansion while the Tagus river represented its southern border. Only time would tell if the gothic kingdom would survive this crisis.

On the other end of the Mediterranean, the eastern half of the empire was at a turning point. In 518 AC emperor Anastasius died of old age. The old emperor had no child but many relatives, who could succeed him. His niece Irene was married to the former consul Flavius Olybrius Iunior, emperor Olybrius’ grandson and Marcianus brother-in-law, thus making him a valid and prestigious candidate for throne. A second option was the former eastern consul Flavius Probus, Anastasius’ nephew. Finally there were the two brothers Hypatius and Pompeius who could claim the throne. However none of these pretenders had the support of the key elements of the imperial palace in Constantinople, probably due to the religious affiliation of emperor Anastasius. After Anastasius’ death, the only military units that resided inside the imperial capital and thus were able to influence the election of the new emperor, were the Scholae Palatinae, the Domestici and the Excubitores. While the first two units were a creation of the early IV century and now they represented a sort of parade regiments, the Excubitores formed a smaller but better equipped and trained elite unit. After having proposed several candidates as possible successor to the deceased emperor, including the Illyrian “Candidatus” ( member of the Emperor’s bodyguard) Pietrus Sabbatius, the Excubitores were able to impose their own candidate to the other military units and the Senate. The new emperor of the east was an Illyrian soldier originating from Bederiana, the Comes Excubitorum Iustinus.

The new emperor of the east was old and childless but he didn’t lack relatives. One of them was that Pietrus Sabbatius who had refused the throne and was Iustinus’s nephew. Soon this young and ambitious man, who would take the name of Iustinianus after his uncle, would become one of the most powerful member of the imperial administration, receiving the title of Magister Militum, Consul and later Patricius. It didn’t take long before the new emperor received the official congratulations from the western court, while the western Caesar Procopius would deliver a great speech in front of the eastern Senate, praising the military skills of the new emperor and his Chalcedonian faith. Even thought the two Augustii didn’t enjoy a special relationship, like the one between Anastasius and Nepos, the two men still showed mutual respect and the will to cooperate with their counterpart. This immediately came in the form of religious reconciliation between Rome and Constantinople, with the official rejection of the Henotikom and the Monophysite policy of the previous emperor. The new eastern emperor enjoyed a brief but peaceful reign as the Persian remained quiet during his reign, while the imperial coffers were filled with the riches the previous emperor had accumulated thanks to almost 30 years of wise financial policies. The only initial threat to his reign was represented by Flavius Vitalianus, Magister Militum Praesentalis, who had previously rebelled against the Monophysite faith of the previous emperor. Despite having favoured the religious reconciliation between Rome and Constantinople, this general was too powerful and autonomous, but more importantly he had once defied an emperor, a crime in the eyes of Iustinus. Thus he was appointed Consul in 520 AC and invited to the Great Palace in Constantinople where he would be treacherously stabbed by an officer loyal to Iustinus. With the elimination of this threat the new dynasty now safely sat on the throne of Constantinus.

Flavius Iulius Nepos · Sep 22, 2018

Chapter XXXII

The western empire under the leadership of the new emperor was enjoying an unprecedented period of prosperity. After the death of Valentinianus III, the empire gradually ceased to exert effective power outside the Italian Peninsula, despite the attempt of the imperial government to avoid the total disintegration of the West. Nepos’s rule had proved to be beneficial for Italy and even though the empire had recovered the Pannonian Diocese, the island of Sicily and a foothold in Gaul, talks about further military campaigns didn’t cease in the imperial palace. Recent events in Spain and Africa were considered as a sign that time was ripe for the recovery of these territories. However the emperor was more cautious, as he could certainly m afford a war but couldn’t afford any defeat. Yet even if he was trying to avoid to start any conflict for the time being, he couldn’t do much when these reached him.

The first serious threat to his rule took place one years after Anastasius’s death, in the province of Venetia and Histria. Here a revolt against Marcianus’s reign took place when Orestes, Romulus’s son, decided that the imperial purple belonged to his family. The occasion for his revolt came while two Roman units were moving from Italy to the province of Dalmatia, after the emperor received a worrying report from Magister Militum per Illyricum Flavius Sigeric about gothic movements in Pannonia. During its march, the small Roman army stopped in the city of Aemona where Orestes intercepted them. Here the young man was able to buy the loyalty of the soldiers and their officials, before proceeding with the elevation of his father Romulus to the role of emperor, albeit against his will. Afterwards the self proclaimed Magister Militum would march with his small army against the city of Aquileia Nepotiana before taking it by surprise. Faced with this sudden attack from fellow Roman soldiers, the local garrison quickly surrendered to the attackers, while the local Dux was killed during the first phase of the battle. He was not the only victim, since among the population of the city there was an important member of the imperial court: Marcianus Senior. The old man was spending a couple of week inside the city where he was supervising the profit coming from his own lands he had previously acquired in the province. After the fall of Aquileia this representative of the current regime was captured alive by Orestes, beaten by the soldiers and finally beheaded in front of the population. With the capture of Aquileia, the rebels now controlled the eastern access to Italy.

The imperial response was quick as the emperor promptly arranged a punitive expedition against the usurper. He had the numerical advantage but he also realised that the current events probably were to be linked to the recent movements of the Goths in Pannonia. If that was true, he didn’t have much time before risking to face a Roman usurper backed by the Goths. Marcianus quickly gathered a small force composed by Italic units, including the Domestici. During that same year, Magister Militum Praesentalis Flavius Aurelius Sebastianus led the soldiers against Aquileia, where the rebels were probably awaiting the gothic reinforces. The city, given its strategic value, was heavily fortified and had enough food for a long siege. An assault against its walls was deemed risky while simply waiting for the eventual surrender of the garrison could give the Goths ( if they were really involved in war) enough time to intervene in the conflict. Luckily for Sebastianus, Orestes proved to be an harsh and cruel commander. The measures and punishments he took against anyone who dared to disappoint him quickly provoked resentment among his supporters. During one night the soldiers responsible for the defence of the gate situated in front of Natisone river decided to open it to the attacker, allowing Sebastianus to take the city with minimal losses. Even thought the revolt had been crushed, Orestes was able to escape before the fall of the city. He would flee toward the gothic court of Theodoric, where the king would deny any link with this revolt. Probably he really wasn’t involved in the revolt of he simply was unable to send reinforces to Orestes before the fall of Aquileia), however he would refuse to return the rebel to the Romans. The need to avoid a conflict with the Goths forced Marcianus to accept Theodoric’s justification but with the recovery of Aquileia he had avoided a worsening of the situation. Finally Romulus wasn’t able to escape with his son and after the end of the revolt he was brought to Rome, in front of the emperor. Here Marcianus recognized his passive role in the recent revolt and almost decided to spare him before his wife convinced him that no one should be allowed to challenge the emperor, kill his relative and then be allowed to live. Therefore Romulus was strangled and his body thrown into the Tiber, while a couple of days later Marcianus Senior would reach his relatives in the imperial mausoleum. His son Flavius Marcianus Valens, the emperor’s cousin, would succeed him in the title of Patricius before being appointed Magister Militum Praesentalis the following year.

Flavius Iulius Nepos · Sep 29, 2018

Chapter XXXIII

Since the end of the Pannonian campaign Rome had largely ignored the region, leaving the burden of reconstruction to the Goths. Emperor Nepos considered the Pannonian question as a solved problem and thought that the appointment of Roman civilian officers would be enough to preserve a certain degree of control over the recently reconquered territory. However after over 20 years and with the rise of Marcianus, who seemed to focus more on the western and internal question rather than the problems coming from the north, the region had gradually slipped away from Roman control. Roman administration survived, but its representatives were local Pannonian inhabitants directly appointed by Theodoricus and loyal to him. The military and civilian administrations were now completely under the control of a single man who could also count on the support of his own people. These two elements proved beneficial to his rule, since they combined the military security that the region desperately needed with an efficient administration that could help with the economical recovery of the population. As Magister Militum and representative of Roman authority in Pannonia, Theodoricus diligently implemented in the territory subjected to him, some of the decrees that the Roman emperors were at that time enacting in Italy, thus recognising their value and their benefits. Particularly important was the implementation of the law concerning the recovery of Pannonian land, later distributed among his own people, thus finally securing for the goths a place where to live.

Yet Theodoricus wasn’t completely satisfied. After having secured his control over Pannonia, he started to exert influence outside his domain. After having failed to secure the reunification with the Thracian Goths, Theodoricus sought compensation in the Visigothic kingdom. However his plan to install his nephew on the Visigothic throne didn’t succeed thanks to Frankish aggression followed by Rome’s recognition of Gesalec’s rule over the Visigoths. After this last failure to diplomatically increase his power outside the empire, Theodoricus attempted to increase his influence inside the empire. Despite his minimal involvement in the recent revolt led by Flavius Orestes, the emperor and his imperial court had good reason to think that Theodoricus was supposed to play an important role in the rebellion, probably to the point that he could have been the real leader of the revolt. His attitude toward Orestes only confirmed these suspects and probably he was already planning his next move after this setback.

Meanwhile in Constantinople the eastern Romans were experiencing a period of peace under their new emperor. Iustinus’s reign represented a period of changes, since Zeno and Anastasius’s religious policy was repealed in favour of a reconciliation with Rome. During his reign two men rose to prominence: Flavius Petrus Sabbatius Iustinianus and Flavius Iulius Procopius. The first one was a relative and the most probable successor to Iustinus while the second was Marcianus’s brother. After having acquire great fame during Anastasius’s reign, Procopius further increase it with his literary works: a description of the city of Constantinople during Anastasius’s reign, a biography about his deceased father and a history of the western half of the Roman world from Valentinianus’s assassination to the death of Anicius Olybrius. The small gap represented by Glycerius’s reign was briefly covered with Nepos’ biography. Other minor works included religious hymns, a panegyric of the new emperor and several letters he wrote to members of the eastern imperial administration, senators with similar cultural interests and even a couple of letters directed to the Persian prince Khosrow. Later these letters would be published by his daughter Constantina.

As a prominent representative of the previous regime and even after having initially supported Olybrius’s claim to the throne before giving his support to Iustinus, the new emperor decided to keep this brilliant man in the imperial court with the title of Quaestor Sacri Palatii. Thanks to this position, Procopius was able to exert great influence over the emperor and the empire, an influence that however clashed against the power of Iustinianus, the man that effectively managed imperial affairs. During his uncle’s reign, Iustinianus was able to repeal an old law concerning the prohibition for members of the senatorial class to marry someone socially inferior, thus granting him the possibility to marry his lover Theodora.

In 526 AC an earthquake destroyed the city of Antioch. Even thought it wasn’t the first earthquake in the history of the city, it proved to be really destructive with an huge number of victims, including Procopius, the last living son of western Roman emperor Procopius Anthemius. His sister Alypia died before him in 519 AC, after having spent the last years of her life helping the poor and the pilgrims in the city of Jerusalem. During the following year the old emperor died, not without suffering and was succeeded by Iustinianus. The Roman Empire was now entering a new period of its history, as relations between the emperors were about to change.

Flavius Iulius Nepos · Oct 6, 2018

Chapter XXXIV

The news coming from the East worried the imperial court in Rome. Iustinianus wasn’t a supporter of the current Western imperial dynasty nor a supporter of the concept of two emperors for the empire of the Romans. This was clear to everyone well before Iustinus’s death. Since Marcianus had no possibility to prevent Iustinianus’s ascent to the throne, he resorted to prepare his own empire for the incoming troubles. Since 522 AC the “Dalmatian” fleet was moved back to the Adriatic, after having spent almost 40 years in the Tyrrhenian Sea protecting the coast of Italy against the Vandals. During the following year the emperor ordered the creation of a new western fleet to counter any possible threat coming from Africa. Since a war against Constantinople would require a huge amount of resources, Marcianus was forced to limit the expense for this new fleet, which would reach a total strength of 50 Dromons and a double amount of minor vessels. Most of these vessels were just mercantile ships forcefully included by the emperor in the new fleet.

Four years later, in 527 AC, with the death of the eastern emperor, the threat from Constantinople became real. Luckily for Marcianus, Iustinianus was now involved in a new conflict against Persia, as the two powers were now trying to increase their respective influence on the Caucasian region at the expense of the other. The war saw an alternation of Roman and Persian victories, like the battle of Dara and Callinicum, and a prominent role was played by Flavius Belisarius, the new Magister Militum in the war against Persia. Despite the ongoing conflict, Iustinianus was able to take some important measure concerning the civilian administration of the empire. He removed Iulius Procopius from his position of Quaestor Sacri Palatii, replacing him with Tribonianus. The new Quaestor would immediately start to work on a revision of all previous Roman laws and decrees which later would be included in a new Codex, a continuation of the previous Codex Theodosianus. In the meantime Iustinianus had to face the pressure of the Thracian Goths and their leader Athalaric, who was now eager to exploit the current conflict of the Romans with the Persian to increase his power and his influence. With promises and gift Iustinianus was able to postpone the problem but the days the Romans could buy time and peace were coming to an end.

13 January, 532: that day at the Hippodrome of Constantinople the population was restless. Iustinianus’s expensive policies, like the war against the Persians, the gift to the Goths, the lavish imperial court and many other ambitious projects, worsened the economic conditions of the Romans. At that time the inhabitants of the capital were grouped into two factions, the Blue and the Green, which represented the political evolution of the original four chariot teams. The Blue represented that portion of the population closer to the interests of (or better led by) the members of the Senate and also closer to the Chalcedonian creed while the Green represented those inhabitants linked with the merchants and other emerging social classes opposed to the predominance of the Senators/landowners. Religiously speaking these men were prone to Monophysite influence and thus close to Anastasius’s religious policy. Since the beginning of the races the crowd started to insult the emperor and his wife, who were watching the spectacle from the imperial palace. It wasn’t the first time a emperor was subjected to insults at the Hippodrome, but this time the two factions were now jointly expressing their anger against Iustinianus. No one in the Hippodrome even tried to defend the emperor, the few who attempted to speak in support of the emperor were quickly eliminated by the angry crowd. The population was now unanimously shouting their anger: Nika,Nika,Nika!. The emperor immediately retreated to the Great Palace, besieged by the Roman population of the capital.

Under the pressure of the rioters, emperor Iustinianus was forced to make some concessions like the removal of his most trusted advisors. Tribonianus and Praefectus Praetorio Ioannes ( responsible for the heavy fiscal burden placed upon the population) were some of the most prominent victims of this concession. However the news of their removal and replacement with Basilides and the patrician Phocas came too late, as the crowd were now asking for the removal of the emperor himself. At this point what they needed was a candidate to the throne and this candidate was Hypatius, Anastasius’s nephew. The crowd brought him to the Forum of Constantine were he was forcefully crowned emperor of the Romans before reaching again the Hippodrome.

In the meantime in the imperial palace, the emperor was discussing with his advisors about the possibility to escape by sea to the city of Nicomedia. Despite the support of many senators that had found refuge in the palace, empress Theodora spoke against this idea prompting Iustinianus to fight for the purple now instead of leaving the heart of the empire to the enemy. After having taken the decision to resist the rioters, Iustinianus ordered his generals to quell the revolt with the use of the remaining loyal military units. While the emperor could still count on the support of the Excubitores and on the support of his generals’s personal retinue, most of the soldiers of the city were simply waiting in their barracks, where they were waiting the unfolding of the events. Iustinianus knew that his soldiers couldn’t face the vastly numerically superior enemy, therefore he ordered the eunuch Narses to negotiate with the leaders of the Blue in order to undermine the unity of the rioters. Narses immediately left the imperial palace with a small retinue and enough money to buy the support of the Blue. At the hippodrome the bold Armenian delivered a speech to the most prominent members of the Blue, were he reminded them the favour they enjoyed under Iustinianus’s rule before finally showing them the gold. The Blue were ready to desert Hypatius, thus bringing the revolt to an end. Until the moment a man entered the Hippodrome accompanied by some soldiers. Flavius Iulius Procopius was now trying to take part in the recent events.

A couple of days earlier.

16 January, Arcadiopolis: Athalaric was moving with some Gothic units toward the city of Constantinople, in the hope of receiving new concession for himself and his people. This was his last attempt to settle the matter with the use of diplomacy, since the Romans were now less prone to diplomatic pressure, given that their conflict with Persia was now reaching its final phase. It was during his march that a gothic soldier reached him, with news about the recent riot in the capital. He finally had the occasion to meddle in imperial matters, thus granting him the possibility to force the hand of the emperor. He therefore departed with 3000 horsemen in order to reach the city before the emperor could restore order in the city. Upon reaching the city a couple of days later, he realised that even with the riot inside the city, Roman units were still garrisoning the wall while awaiting news from the Hippodrome and the Great Palace. His arrival didn’t go unnoticed and immediately the Romans prepares for a possible attack. Carus, the officer responsible for the defence of Gate of Charisius was the first one to react. A sympathiser of Hypatius, Carus quickly warned the rioters about the possible Goths threat. Here the crowd decided to send the only men with enough authority, who hadn’t escaped after the beginning of the riot, to negotiate with Athalaric: former Quaestor Sacri Palatii Procopius, a friend of Hypatius and opposer of the current emperor, Flavius Pompeius, Hypatius’s brother and Olybrius Iunior. The Roman delegation met the Gothic leader outside the city where they explained the current situation. However Procopius altered some of the facts in order to win the immediate support of Athalaric. According to him Iustinianus had already been deposed and now the population was trying to eliminate his last supporters and find a suitable candidate to the throne, with Hypatius as the most likely choice. In this way Procopius leaved to Athalaric no choice, as Iustinianus was a lost cause leaving him with only the possibility to support the current change. Thus Athalaric officially sided with the man who had the highest possibilities to become the next emperor. Procopius later returned to the Hippodrome at the right moment, since his entrance coincided with the moment when Blue’s support for Hypatius was about to fade. Here he read Athalaric’s official letter to the Romans and the most important ( and still alive) representative of the imperial government, where he announced his support for Anastasius’s nephew. Before finishing to read the letter, Narses and his men attacked him, thus provoking the reaction of the Green immediately followed by the Blue, once again supporting Hypatius. Iustinianus’s delegation was captured along with the Gold, while the crowd started a new assault against the Great Palace, supported by the gothic soldiers who were allowed to enter the city and were now trying to destroy the last opposers, unbeknownst of the fact that they were actively crushing the resistance of the still alive emperor. After a short siege that lasted some hours, the rioters and the Goths were able to enter the complex where after a brief fight and the massacre of those civilians unable to escape the fury of the attackers, the defenders surrendered. The city of Constantinople now belonged to Hypatius and the defeated were at his mercy.

Flavius Iulius Nepos · Oct 13, 2018

With the riot over Hypatius now had to deal with the consequences of it. The city had been devastated during the days of the riot and despite the victory of the population over the loyalists, the inhabitants of Constantinople had suffered heavy casualties. Among the victims of the recent events there were the Praefectus of the city Eudaemon, senators loyal to Iustinianus and even Belisarius’s wife, Antonina. The fate of the survivors was now up to Hypatius: Iustinianus, Narses, Mundus and many others. Unfortunately for Hypatius and his supporters, Magister Militum Belisarius and empress Theodora, along with the remainder of the loyalist troops, were able to escape from the city before the fall of the palace. Some days later news would reach Hypatius that the survivors fled to the city of Nicomedia.

Among his first measures as emperor, Hypatius attempted to consolidate his power while trying to reconcile the population of the capital with the imperial authority, now his own authority. His friend and main supporter Procopius was granted the office of Quaestor Sacri Palatii, while Olybrius received the Praetorian Praefecture of Illyricum, with administrative responsibilities over the european side of the empire. Finally senator Origenes received the Praefecture of the city. Militarily speaking, the emperor had to move really carefully: Athalaric, who after being deceived had supported his claim to the throne, was rewarded with the title of Magister Militum per Thracias , thus receiving official recognition for himself and for his people, while the current Magister Militum Chilbudius was recalled to Constantinople. Hypatius know that his fate was currently in the hands of the Goths, forcing him to grant all the concessions that the gothic leader demanded, like additional land for the Goths and the payment of subsidies. With the support of the Goths and the few Roman troops inside the city who supported him, Hypatius was able to bring back order in the capital.

Another problem for the new emperor was represented by what was left of the previous regime: emperor Iustinianus was allowed to live his life peacefully in the palace of Hormisdas, the palace that two centuries earlier had belonged to the Sassanian prince Hormisdas and more recently, during Iustinus’s reign, served as residence for Iustinianus himself. Heavily guarded by the emperor’s soldiers, Iustinianus would be able to spend his life focusing on theological matters. His most trusted commanders were less lucky: the eunuch Narses was condemned to death while the Germanic general Mundus, having played a less prominent role during the riot, was temporarily imprisoned in the imperial palace. The real threat however was now represented by Belisarius, the hero of Dara and Magister Militum per Orientem. The man was loyal to Iustinianus, having served as his bodyguard and now there was the serious possibility that a civil war could erupt between the two factions. Certainly the fact that empress Theodora was among his retinue only reinforced this hypothesis. However Belisarius was also a pragmatic man: he knew that he couldn’t take the city without the support of the population and even if he could, Iustinianus would be dead before the end of the siege. Moreover there was the possibility that a war against Hypatius would quickly turn into a war against the Thracian Goths and the Western Romans. Finally despite Cosroe’s desire for peace, in order to consolidate his power after his father’s death, the outbreak of a civil war between the Romans could prompt him to prolong the war in the East.

Thus after the deposition of the previous emperor, a long and difficult negotiation was established between Constantinople and Nicomedia. Through their representatives, Procopius and Petrus, the two sides finally reached an agreement before the end of the month which included the confirmation of Belisarius as Magister Militum and an economical compensation for all his properties destroyed during the riot. Belisarius would accept to serve under the new emperor and would also deliver the former empress to Hypatius who would in turn grant her the possibility to spend the rest of her life with her husband in Constantinople. Her return to Constantinople however would be kept secret in order to avoid to inflame the population of the capital. Yet the new emperor was forced to sacrifice the most prominently representatives of the previous government, if he wanted to preserve his throne: Praefectus Praetorio Ioannes, the man responsible for the heavy fiscal burden placed upon the population, Tribonianus, hated by the senators who considered him an upstart, along with many others were executed in order to appease the people.

Even though Hypatius was forced to get rid of important members of the imperial administration in Constantinople, outside the city he had the possibility to impose his own will. Concerning the current war with the Persians, Hypatius decided to follow the same path of his predecessor: he confirmed Sittas as Magister Militum per Armeniam while resuming official negotiation with Cosroe. An agreement was only reached before the end of the year and included the recognition of Roman influence over Lazica while the Persian would retain control over Iberia. Additionally the Romans would pay the incredible sum of 10000 pounds of gold ( during the celebrations for his consulship in 521, Iustinianus spent 4000 pound which was already considered at the time an incredible sum) to the Persians, thus avoiding the humiliating condition of an yearly tribute. A minor note of this agreement was the return of the last members of the Academy to the empire, after they had been forced to flee in 529 AC. With peace secured in the east, Hypatius could now focus on the many internal problems of his empire which threatened his rule. In the east he would start the works necessary to rebuild Antioch, after an earthquake had destroyed the city in 526 AC. In the west he would find a way to repay a friend.

Flavius Iulius Nepos · Oct 29, 2018

Chapter XXXVI

Gesalec’s death at Salmantica marked the beginning of a new phase of the gothic history in Hispania. Queen Amalafrida was left with a weakened kingdom and two son unable to rule. Furthermore the kingdom was divided between two factions: a pro Roman faction and an anti Roman faction. The members of the former sought to restore order and peace inside the kingdom while seeking an alliance with the emperor in Rome and an agreement with the Roman Nicene population of Hispania, while the members of the latter sought to restore Gothic hegemony outside Hispania through the use of war and without resorting to any agreement with the Romans while privileging the Gothic Arian element of the kingdom. After Vouille and Salmantica a strong and capable leader was necessary, forcing queen Amalafrida to seek the support of one of the two factions. In 515 AC, she would marry the leader of the Roman faction, Agila, in an attempt to stabilize her right to rule. Agila was a Gothic noble who had distinguished himself at Caesaraugusta and Carthago Nova and quickly rose to be the most prominent supporter of a policy of pacification of the kingdom and reconciliation with its Roman population. His political enemies called him a Nicene and a traitor of the Goths and after the marriage even the queen received a similar treatment. Yet his subsequent successes allowed him to rule as regent of the kingdom without facing any serious obstacle. Yet with the birth of a son during the second year of his regency, Athalaric, the fate of the two young Balti, Alaric and Theodoricus, appeared even more darker. King Agila, during his first year as regent, quickly sought the friendship of the Western Roman Emperor Marcianus, who in turn realized the opportunity to extend his influence over Hispania. After Clovis’s death in 511, the frankish kingdom in Gaul was left divided among his four heirs and even though each single king didn’t represent a threat to Roman Gaul, the fear of a united Frankish menace prompted Marcianus to accept the offer of mutual help from Agila. In 517 king Agila was therefore elevated to the rank Comes, a military title that was gradually disappearing from the hierarchy of the roman army, which legitimized his right to rule, while giving to everyone in his kingdom a clear sign of how close the new king was to the emperor.

The friendship between Agila and Marcianus would immediately bring its fruits two years later, when the Gothic king resumed the conflict with the Suebi, in an attempt to remove the stain of Salmantica. 3000 roman soldiers were sent from Gaul by Marcianus, to support the king’s effort to recover the territory lost by Gesalec against what he perceived as a kingdom unlawfully established over roman territory. From Toletum, the new Gothic capital, Agila would march north against the eastern border of the Suebic kingdom. Once again the two armies clashed near Salmantica, with the Suebi ready to repeat their previous success while the Goths were eager to avenge their defeat. This time however the Suebi, overconfident over their strength, were routed by Agila who personally slew the Suebic commander. Unable to take the city, Agila started to devastate its territory before moving further west where he would reach the Atlantic shore near Portus Cale. During its march, the Gothic army didn’t spare any village or Suebic garrison, with the population of the former deported to the Gothic kingdom while the latter were given the opportunity to serve the new king or die. What was left was destroyed by fire. During the second year of the campaign, Agila moved against the core of the Suebic kingdom, where he captured and destroyed the city of Asturica, once again deporting its population. His siege of Legio failed in capturing the city, however he was able to deliver another blow against the Suebi with the foundation of a new fortified city, where the Douro river start marking the limit of the Lusitanian province, called Agilapolis. After two disastrous years of military campaign, the young Suebic king Ricimer, Veremund’s son, opted for peace with the resurgent Gothic power: all territories conquered by his father, including Salmantica, would be returned to the Goths, while the Suebi would be forced to provide military help when required and pay an yearly tribute of 12000 Solidi.

The recent victory against the Suebi allowed Agila to further cement his control over Hispania. The next step was represented by the replenishment of the Gothic treasury and the improvement of current administrative system. He therefore resorted to the help of a wealthy and influential roman citizen of senatorial origin, Flavius Rusticus Caesarius Candidus, who slowly took control of the entire administration of the Gothic kingdom. With the entire administration under his control, Roman citizens all over the kingdom gained prominence, especially the Roman clergy which saw its juridical responsibilities in the cities increased. Public infrastructure, both inside and outside the cities, were repaired while the excess and corruption of certain regional governors was fought with the appointment in each city of the kingdom of a representative yearly elected among the Curiales, with the right of access to Caesarius or the king himself while on the economic field, Caesarius implemented the same beneficial laws recently enacted by the emperors Anastasius and Marcianus. These and other measures allowed Agila to increase his treasury while strengthening the kingdom with the support of his Roman subjects.

In 523 he would also repay the help he had received by Marcianus during the war, by supporting the emperor’s interest in Gaul. Here the Frankish kings were threatening the existence of the Burgundian kingdom, whose king, the recently converted Sigismundus, was a close ally of emperor Marcianus. Small raids against the Burgundian territory were led by the Frankish brothers, however the intervention of the old former Magister Militum Avitus and his personal troops, forced them to interrupt their attack. After the temporary end of the conflict, Avitus demanded the Franks to end their aggression against an ally of Rome. The reply was less than satisfactory: their were avenging the death of king Chilpericus II, a former ally of Rome, therefore they were fighting for what they perceived as a right cause and demanded Rome neutrality in the conflict as they didn’t have any intention to end the conflict. Knowing that he was not ready for a conflict against the Franks, Marcianus demanded Agila’s support in Gaul, who in turn was eager to reinforce his ties with Rome while extending his influence north of the Pyrenees. Unable to resist the diplomatic and military pressure of the Romans, the Burgundians and now even the Goths, who just started their own raid against Aquitania, the Franks wisely opted for peace. Even though the brief conflict didn’t bring any meaningful change, both Agila and Marcianus perceived it as a success. During that same year, king Agila further improved his position in the eyes of the Romans by spending 3 weeks in the capital of the empire where, as a reward for his services, he was appointed Consul for the incoming year. Here the population of Rome would enjoy the games that Agila would offer for the occasion, while he would be granted the privilege of assisting the races with the emperor and his family in the imperial Kathisma. This episode would leave a lasting positive memory of him among the Romans while leaving him even more convinced about the rightness of his choices.

Flavius Iulius Nepos · Nov 2, 2018

Chapter XXXVII

In 523 AC king Thrasamund was succeeded by king Hilderic, Genseric’s grandson. His mother was Eudocia, daughter of the Western Roman emperor Valentinianus III, who was captured by the Vandals during the second sack of Rome and brought to Carthago. Here, according to her father’s will, she was forced to marry Genseric’s son and successor, Huneric. While she was held captive by the Vandals she witnessed the steady decline of the Western empire and she was allowed to leave the kingdom only when her physical condition worsened. She didn’t live long enough to become queen of the Vandals or even to see her sister Placidia becoming empress of the West, however she would leave a lasting mark in the kingdom through her son Hilderic. Hilderic was the product of the contact between the empire and the new Romano-Barbarian kingdoms. He was not the first man to claim to be related to both the imperial family and one the local Barbarian dynasty (Ataulf’s son, Teodosius, represent an illustrious precedent), however he was the first Romano-Barbarian prince to effectively rule over one of these kingdoms.

His reign marked the beginning of a period of good relations with the imperial courts of Rome and Constantinople and the Visigothic king Agila. Thanks to his mother’s influence, Hilderic was loyal to the Nicene creed despite the opposition of the nobles of the kingdom. His position was similar to that of Agila but with some important differences: King Agila was an able commander and almost a necessity after his kingdom was left, with Gesalec’s death, without alternatives, while Hilderic lacked any skill. His open support of the Nicene clergy and his inability to repeal the Berbers would cost him the throne after seven years of reign, following another defeat. His successor, the Arian Gelimer, would therefore win the loyalty of the Vandal nobility but would find himself isolated on the diplomatic stage. The Goths would turn hostile to the new king while Iustinianus even demanded the return of the previous king to the throne. Marcianus instead would adopt a more cautious approach: he strongly disapproved the recent development but he couldn’t afford the enmity of the Vandals while Iustinianus sat of the eastern throne. But with Iustinianus deposed by the people of Constantinople, he could finally return to focus on the Vandals. Theodoricus’s death during that same year would leave the Goths in Pannonia relatively busy with the question of succession, giving the Romans the respite they needed.

533 AC: The expedition against the Vandals was a project that Marcianus had considered since he ascended the throne, 26 years ago. Many emperors before him had attempted to recover the strategic Diocese of Africa to the empire and failed: Maiorianus with his own resources and his grandfather Procopius Anthemius with the support of Leo I. Now it was his turn, his occasion to succeed where great man failed. Or die in the attempt, since he know that another defeat would undo all his and his’s father accomplishments. During the previous year resources were massed for the preparations of the expedition, while men were recalled from Gaul, Illyricum and even beyond the Danube as the imperial army was for the occasion reinforced by additional Germanic troops. The whole expedition was financed with what was left of the Gothic treasure of Tolosa. Emperor Marcianus was also able to win the military support of his eastern colleague Hypatius, thanks to his brother’s influence at the imperial court of Constantinople. This support amounted to 7000 soldiers and the fleet necessary to transport them led by Magister Militum Belisarius. Emperor Hypatius couldn’t afford a bigger expedition, as his rule wasn’t entirely stable, yet this campaign represented for him the opportunity to get rid of supporters of the previous regime including Belisarius, the skilled general who couldn’t be entirely trusted.

The joint expedition would depart from Syracuse at the end of May, with their first target the city of Lilybaeum. It was a bless for the Romans the fact that at the time the Vandal army was in Sardinia dealing with the rebel commander Godas. The capture of the city was only a matter of days and with its fall the Romans could now focus on the next phase of the war. From Lilybaeum the army sailed for Africa, crossing the sea without encountering any resistance from the enemy fleet and landing near the city of Hadrumentum/Hunericopolis renamed by the emperor Marcianopolis. From here he would move with his army against Carthago. Meanwhile king Gelimer hastily assembled an army in order to oppose the advance of the Romans while ordering the return of his brother Tzazo from Sardinia. His intent was to avoid any battle with the Romans until the arrival of Tzazo with his army, however with the emperor quickly approaching the capital he couldn’t delay the battle any longer. The two armies met near Carthago in a place where Gelimer hoped to encircle the Roman army with his numerically superior army and the reinforces coming from south. Unfortunately for him the reinforces would never attack the imperials as they engaged a Roman detachment composed by 2000 Scholares and led by Marcianus Valens, who would earn enough time for the emperor to deal with Gelimer before turning south against the reinforces. While Gelimer was able to retreat with what was left of the main army, the second army was completely destroyed by the Romans, who were now free to move against Carthago unopposed. Marcianus would enter the city on the last day of August, greeted by the Carthaginians as a liberator while Gelimer fled west. Even though Carthago was once again in Roman hands the war was not over yet, as the conflict against the Vandals was only the beginning of something that would have unexpected consequences outside Africa.

Flavius Iulius Nepos · Dec 8, 2018

Chapter XXXVIII

News of the fall of Carthago quickly spread outside Africa. The reactions to it ranged from the astonishment of the close allies of Rome to the envy and worries of its enemies. More concrete actions would however ensue, as new opportunities were now available for everyone with enough ambitions. The Visigothic kingdom would be the first “victim” of such men. But first we have to go back a couple of years.

Here the regent of the kingdom, Agila, was facing for the first time, since the beginning of his reign, serious threats to his rule. His victories in Hispania won him prestige, power and the friendship of Rome and since then his rule over the Goths was based on these key factors. However almost 20 years had passed since Gesalec’s death and the memory of his victories were now more feeble. Prince Alaric and Theodoric were now ready to rule and their supporters were clamouring for the end of the regency. Loyalists of the previous dynasty, distant relatives of the Balti, personal enemies of Agila and members of the Arian church were all rallying behind the two princes, after having being forced into obscurity for almost two decades. King Agila was still strong enough to preserve his power through the use of strength and his personal riches, however the risk of a looming civil war forced him to seek cooperation and compromises. Thus in 530, the king was forced to associate the two Balti to the throne, even though their power was only nominal. Yet the first breach had now been opened. This was not his only concession as he was forced to get rid of Caesarius, his most trusted advisors but also a man despised by the same men who loathed Agila. His loyal service to Agila however didn't failed in earning him back the help of his liege, who was a man always prone to reward skills and diligence: warned by the king about the risk to his life, Caesarius and his family would secretly leave Toletum along with many other Roman members of the royal court. A ship would bring them to safety in Italy, but from now on these men were effectively banished from their own homes. One year later the death of the queen would further weaken Agila position among the Goths, as his ties with the royal family were now lost and so was the influence he could exert on Alaric and Theodoric through their mother.

Back to Africa the war between the Romans and the Vandals was still going on. A serious blow had been inflicted on the Vandals with the loss of Carthago, yet their kingdom was not lost yet. The area west of Carthago was still controlled by Gelimer. His army still represented a threat and with the return of his brother from Sardinia, he had now seriously possibilities of attempting to take back the capital. The Sardinian rebels led by Godas had been defeated by Tzazo, who had left a small garrison inside the city of Calaris before heading back to Africa. While defeated, survivors of the rebel army still roamed on the northern part of island, as Tzazo lacked the time to deal once and for all with them before the beginning of the new season which would have made the sea unsafe. Meanwhile in Carthago the Romans were preparing to march against Gelimer and end the Vandalic kingdom before the end of the year. Thus in September, the Roman army departed from the city, marching against the city of Hippo Dyarrhytus, where the Vandal army was reported to be located. Before reaching the city small skirmishes between Roman and Vandalic units started harassing the emperor’s march, slowing down the army. The Vandals carefully avoided any major engagement with the Romans in an attempt to wear out their morale and numbers while attacking minor enemy detachments or their supply lines. During one day in October, local inhabitants reported to king Gelimer that they saw the Imperial Labarum leaving the main army with many soldiers behind it: a sign that the main army was no longer leaded by the emperor himself and an opportunity for him to attack the two armies separately. Gelimer decided that the opportunity to recover his kingdom had finally arrived, prompting him to march against the Romans. To his dismay he encountered the entire Roman army ready to face him. True was the fact that the emperor was not with the army but that was due to the fact that he was exploring the surrounding area with a small reconnaissance unit. The civilians who reported to Gelimer about the departure of the emperor, probably were not used to the estimation of the dimension on an army and to distinguish a small detachment from a major formation. Or probably those men had been previously bribed by the Romans. Nevertheless Gelimer cursed himself for being so rash before preparing for the unavoidable battle. Even though the initial enthusiasm of the Vandals for the incoming easy victory had completely disappeared, the two armies numbered an equal amount of soldiers and the chances of a Roman success were the same of a Vandal victory. When informed that a battle between his army and that of the Vandal was taking place, Marcianus quickly attempted to reach his soldiers. He had left them during the moment they needed him the most and now the fate of the African expedition was completely outside his control. When he arrived to the field, the battle was over. He was relieved to see that his soldiers had prevailed over the Vandals, thanks to Marcianus Valens leadership. His cousin once again proved to be a precious resource in the hands of the emperor as he not only was always able to accomplish his duties but even exceeded them: tales about how he distinguished himself in battle, personally leading his soldiers in the midst of the battle and never refraining from taking personal risk, were in the mouth of every single soldier who personally witnessed Valens deeds during that day. Other emperors would have seen such men as a possible threat for themselves but not this emperor: Iulius Marcianus valued skills above everything else and deeply trusted his cousin. What followed after the battle would be a proof of this: the emperor assigned to Marcianus Valens most of the lands that personally belonged to Gelimer ( even though the king was still alive). Finally he appointed Marcianus Valens Caesar of the Western Roman Empire and so his designated successors as Augustus of the empire, as he felt that in case of his sudden death, his young son Theodosius would not be completely ready yet for an empire which was still trying to recover from the disasters of the previous century. And, even though he couldn’t know it, an empire that would soon face other disasters.

Flavius Iulius Nepos · Dec 24, 2018

Chapter XXXIX

The battle of Hippo Dyarrhytus left the Vandals crippled and unable to oppose much resistance. However even before the battle the Vandals couldn’t do much against the vultures waiting for their definitive collapse. With the news of the fall of Carthago reaching Hispania, the Gothic army began their unopposed march against their weakened neighbour. The motivation behind this aggression was the need for Agila to strengthen his power with a new victory while at the same time securing the border of his kingdom.

Back to Africa the Roman army was trying to destroy once and for all Gelimer’s army. The king deprived of his kingdom, was now left wandering in the area between Dyarrhytus and Hippo Regius haunted by the Roman army. As the months passed desertions would start to afflict his army, with many warriors returning to their homes or joining the victors. During one of these episodes, 400 cavalrymen would free the deposed king Hilderic before deserting Gelimer’s cause.

Meanwhile the Roman emperor Marcianus was gradually moving his focus from the annihilation of the Vandals to the reorganisation of the reconquered territory. With many cities conquered and others willing to disown their oath of loyalty to the previous rulers, the only form of control that the Vandals could exert on the territory, now that they couldn’t afford to garrison them any longer, Roman control now extended along the coast of the two Provinces of Byzacena and Africa Proconsularis, with a stronger presence around Carthago which gradually faded when moving toward the interior of Africa. Here the Romans restored much of the previous organisation: a proconsul would be put in charge of Carthago while a consul would be responsible for the region around Hadrumentum/Marcianopolis. At the head of the administration of the entire Diocese of Africa there would be a Praefectus Praetorio instead of a Vicarius, a temporary but necessary measure given the amount of reorganisation required by the new administration and the degree of autonomy and immediacy it would need in order to be effective, something that the distant Praefectus Praetorio of Italia couldn’t effectively provide. Petrus Marcellinus Felix Liberius, a man who already distinguished himself at the service of the imperial administration, would be honoured with an office of such importance. However the new army required for the defence of Africa would have its own leader, a Magister Militum. Emperor Marcianus would entrust this military office to Flavius Belisarius, who would further increase his prestige and influence at the imperial court by marrying the emperor’s daughter Iulia Galla during the following year, thus earning him the rank of Patricius.

During the first months of the new year, the situation for the Vandal army became critical, as starvation would start causing its victims. Unable to save his kingdom, Gelimer would finally surrender to the Romans in February. With his surrender, what was left of his army finally scattered and the men returned to their families. Meanwhile the emperor decided to spare the lives of Gelimer and his family and to send them back to Carthago where they would be carefully watched until the moment the emperor would be ready to decide about their fate. Despite some protest, even Hilderic would be subjected to the same treatment, despite the fact that he was an ally of Rome.

Even thought the pacification of Africa was far from being achieved, the Romans would soon find new problems to deal with. News reached them that the Goths were able to successfully occupy the Baleares and the cities of Septem and Tingis which represented the gates of Africa. Despite the friendship between the Romans and Agila, Marcianus couldn’t tolerate these conquest. Way before Gelimer’s surrender, Roman envoys had already been sent to Toletum, demanding the immediate retreat of the Goths. King Agila couldn’t afford to cause hostilities between his kingdom and the empire thus he nominally consented to these demands. However we would also send his young son Athalaric to Carthago in order to further discuss the matter with the emperor: appealing to the long friendship between the two rulers and keeping in mind the difficult internal situation of the king of the Goths, Agila hoped to secure for himself some gains and prestige from the recent conflict. The young prince would only reach the Romans at the end of the conflict, when both the Romans and the Vandal prisoners were returning to Carthago. Here Athalaric would be allowed to bring his petition to the emperor himself, who in turn would be positively impressed by the young boy. Nonetheless the imperial court at Carthago would wait several days before finally taking a decision: Agila would be allowed to retain the islands but would have to surrender his conquest in Africa. With the decision finally taken, the prince was sent back to Hispania along with a small contingent of Roman soldiers, with the aim of taking direct control of Tingis and Septem. At the head of the small expedition there was Procopius, a man belonging to Belisarius’s personal retinue, for the occasion appointed Dux Mauretania. Upon reaching Septem with a fleet, several weeks later, the Romans were allowed by the local garrison to enter the city and take control of it only to discover what the Goths themselves had discovered a couple of days earlier: king Agila had been assassinated.

From Exile to Triumph: a Western Roman Timeline

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