From Exile to Triumph: a Western Roman Timeline

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Hi everybody, and welcome to my new timeline “From exile to triumph”, a story based on the roman emperor Julius Nepos and how he was able to reverte the destiny of his empire. Feel free to post any comment, suggestion or idea and please forgive me for any error you will find in the story or in the grammar.

Chapter I

In the year 480 the emperor of the West, Flavius Julius Nepos, was preparing an expedition to take back his rightful position as sole ruler of Italy and the empire. This wasn’t the first time the Dalmatian army crossed the sea in order to restore the imperial authority in Italy. Six years earlier that army was sent to Italy to depose the puppet emperor Glycerius and impose the rule of Nepos, elevated to the purple by his colleague in the East Leo, and that same army had threatened many times in the past various usurpers in Italy, while serving under Marcellinus, Nepos’ uncle. It was now his duty to once again save the roman people from tyranny and abuses. During his previous reign in Italy, Nepos committed one fatal error: to trust and appoint as Magister Militum Flavius Orestes, who quickly overthrew the emperor before being killed by a germanic commander serving under the roman army, Odoacer. Despite officially recognizing Nepos as emperor in Italy, Odoacer still refused to let him return to Rome. This situation could no longer be tollerated. During the previous year Nepos made all the preparations necessary for the incoming war, this included the summoning of his army and that of the few allies he could count on. These included 3000 men and money from the Eastern emperor Zeno, who couldn’t provide more soldier due to the recent civil war against Flavius Marcianus (Procopius Anthemius' son) and to the actual war against Theodoricus Strabo. Most of these men were ostrogoths themselves, renowned cavalrymen willing to fight for anyone able to pay them, in this case emperor Zeno. In addition to this men, Nepos also contacted his previous Magister Militum Ecdicius Avitus, Emperor Avitus’ son, a wealthy man and hero of Augustonemetum, and entrusted him with the task to gather reinforces and negotiate with local Barbarian chieftains and Kings. By the beginning of the spring of the next year the emperor was able to muster an army of almost 15000 soldier (including the troops sent by Zeno), among which there were 4000 men able to fight on horse. Most of these men were either Illyrians or barbarian foedereti of Hunnic origin. Meanwhile Ecdicius was able to negotiate deals with some of the most important Kings that were ruling at the time in Gaul: king Euricus of the Visigoths and King Chilpericus II of the Burgundians. It was not the first time Nepos resorted to negotiate with Euricus, the first time in 475 when he negotiated the return of Arelate in exchange for Augustonemetum and the Alvernian region. After the deposition of Nepos, Euricus considered the treaty void and occupied the Gallic city, however thanks to the mediation of the gallic bishop Sidonius Apollinaris, Ecdicius’ brother in law, Euricus showed interested in restoring his ties with Nepos. He didn’t like Odoacer and he feared such an enterpresing king ruling over Italy, so he decided to support militarily Ecdicius, in exchange for recognition of his rule over Arelate and the official end of the "foederati" status for him and his people, a move that would gain him much prestige. Meanwhile Chilpericus II king, along with his three brothers, of the Burgundans, proved willing to help Ecdicius thanks to the fact that in the past he helped the Burgundians during a famine. He was also eager to emerge over his three brothers, and an alliance with the empire seemed the perfect occasion for him to do so. Even the roman general Syagrius, despite the distance, tried to help the emperor with a few hundred men. The reason for this small help was that both Nepos’ uncle and Syagrius’ father had served as fellow commanders under emperor Majorian, thus Nepos was able to win the support of the Magister Militum Per Gallias. The last attempt to restore the rule of Rome in the west was about to begin.

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter II

By the end of April the roman army was finally ready to cross the Adriatic sea, when it met the first obstacle: a conspiracy. Many officers inside the army opposed a new expedition against the barbarian King, among them there were two Comes, Viator and Ovida. Under torture the two Comes were forced to reveal the names of eveyone involved in the plot and unsurprisingly one of them was the bishop of Salona, the deposed emperor Glycerius. In addition to personal reasons, Glycerius was forced to admit the involvement of the king of Italy in the attempted assassination, as he knew about the incoming war and promised Glycerius the restoration of his rule in exchange for the death of Nepos. Fortunately for this one, the plotters were not able to keep the secret for long and were finally discovered by one of Nepos’ officer: Constantianus. The punishment was harsh, most of the traitos were execute while Glycerius, a man of the church, was exiled to the small island of Augusta (modern day Lastovo). Constantianus was promoted, for his services, as the new commander of the Dalmatian army. Finally on the first day of May, the emperor was able to cross the sea towards Italy. It took almost 3 Days for the fleet to reach the Italian shore and the city of Ancona before coasting the entire Picene region, moving north to Ravenna. They reached the city the next day where the Army was finally able to land, while the small urban garrison, after a generous remuneration, delivered the city back to the Empire. Here Nepos was once again, as 6 years ago, greeted as Augustus by the local population. Meanwhile news reached him about the location of Odoacer, who was gathering the army that elected him King, in Mediolanum. After his attempt to avoid the war through assassination failed, he was now forced to resort to war. Yet there was no sign of Ecdicius and his forces crossing the Alps and moving to reach the main army, causing lot of concerns in Nepos. After almost one week of waiting it was decided to march with the army outside Ravenna, in order to meet the reinforces and face together the usurper. They were able to reach Placentia after 8 days of march before meeting the barbarian army but still there was no sign of Ecdicius. The roman army under Nepos amounted to 15000 men while the army under Odoacer amounted to 18000, with more soldiers expected to join him as time passed. The vanguards of the two armies clashed the first time outside Placentia and despite being a minor confrontation, without many consequences, the first victory went to Odoacer. Thus Nepos decided it was better to avoid any further confrontations and await the reinforces inside the fortified city. While the nearby river Padus could be used as a way to supply the city and its army, it was just a matter of time before the romans would have to surrender to the besieging barbarians. Now only the arrival of his allies could save Nepos and the empire from Odoacer’s desire for his head.

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Roman Placentia​

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter III

The days passed as the roman army and his emperor were under siege. Nepos knew that sooner or later his army would abandon him unless he was able to break the siege. His only option was a pitched battle outside the city of Placentia, the same city were the usurper Flavius Orestes lost his life. As the days passed, the emperor was more and more resoluted to face Odoacer’s army, before the end of the supplies and the subsequent starvation could start to weaken his men,as Constantianus warned him. Then finally Nepos was able to receive news about Ecdicius and his allies. The newly appointed Magister Militum finally crossed the Alps with the intention of reaching his emperor. With him there were 3000 visigoths and almost 2000 Burgundians to which he could add a contingent of 1000 romans, mostly Bucellari (a personal army usually recruited by wealthy landowners to protect them and their lands from the bandits, barbarians and sometimes even the state) awhile the others, some hundreds regular soldiers, were provided by his colleague in the north Syagrius. The reinforces first reached the city of Segusio, then Augusta Taurinium before taking by surprise a small contingent of 3000 Scirii, who were marching to the east to join with the main army. This battle, that resulted in the capture and rout of the entire contingent, was the first victory for the romans, since the war started. After leaving behind one hundred men in the city, guarding the prisoners, Ecdicius, finally knowing through the interrogation of the prisoners the exact position of Odoacer and the critical situation of his emperor, decided to quickly move to Placentia. The news of the battle of Taurinium reached Nepos some days later, who finally decided to avoid any sortie and await for the incoming reinforces. That same day Odoacer received the news about the defeat of the Scirian reinforces and the threat coming from the west. The only way now for him to avoid that the romans could join their forces was to quickly destroy either Nepos or Ecdicius before it was too late. Therefore he order his army to assault the wall of the city, just to be repulsed by the defenders who could count on strong walls and the protection of the Padus on one side. A second assault the next day was equally driven back by the romans with heavy casualties on both sides. Without the possibility to capture Placentia before the arrival of Ecdicius, Odoacer decided it was better to focus on the smaller contigent, thus ordering his army to leave the siege and preparing for the march. Nepos knew he couldn’t stay idle while Odoacer was moving against Ecdicius, so he decided to leave the fortified city, in order to join his forces with those led by his Magister Militum. Carefully following Odoacer’s army while avoiding any possible clash, the three forces met each other three days later at Iulia Dertona, the city where the roman emperor Majorian was deposed and executed. Odoacer had failed in his attempt to quickly meet the enemy reinforces and destroy them before the arrival of Nepos. Now the romans, in addition to their recent, success could also count on a numerical superiority, albeit not abysmal. The ensuing battle showed the deep determination of both sides to win that day and the entire war, knowing the fate that would attend the defeated, given that the winner would not probably be so merciful. The battle was decided when Tufa, leader of the left flank mostly composed by the heavy infantry of the Heruli, while trying to reach the emperor who was leading his right flank, was killed by an ostrogothic knight, provoking the rout of the Heruli, and leaving the other tribes fighting alone against the imperial army. What was left of the barbarian army, quickly tried to escape the capture or even worse the massacre that would follow after the battle, while Odoacer himself, after trying to reorganize his army, decided flee from Nepos with as many men he could find ready to follow him. Victory belonged to Nepos, who now had to deal with what was left of the enemy, before stabilizing his rule over Italy.

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter IV

With the rout of the Foederati, now Nepos was finally ready to march on Rome. Before departing he ordered Ecdicius to send back the Visigoths and the Burgundians, before they could cause any damage to the local population, while the rest of the army was tasked with the chasing of the small groups of barbarian who were trying to escape outside the imperial reach. Odoacer had to be captured alive and punished for his crime. He also ordered the realization of a monument in the city of Dertona, celebrating his recent victory, while at the same time presenting himself as Majorian’s heir and continuator of his project of restoration. While marching south with a small force, that would be used for his Adventus in the capital (the Triumphal entry usually reserved for the emperor), Nepos decided to send ahead a small force of cavalry in order to quell any possible disorder while moving quickly to take control of Sicily, before the Vandals could react to the recent events. The island, lost to the Vandals, had been recovered by Odoacer thanks to diplomacy, shortly before the death of King Genseric. Since then Sicily (with the exception of the city of Lilybaeum) had been part of Italy and Nepos had no intention to lose again the island, the same island where his uncle Marcellinus died while fighting king Genseric. During the march on the “Via Aurelia” the emperor was reached by the news that his wife died at Salona, shortly after the departure of the army. This shocking news meant thal all the ties he had with his previous colleague Leo I, and the actual emperor Zeno, were now no more. Sooner or later Nepos knew that he would have to address the problem of his legitimation in front of the eastern court and in front of the italic aristocracy. This and the problem of his succession. But now all his thoughts were focused on his moment of glory, because he succeeded where few before him had succeeded: conquering the throne for a second time. And his prize was Rome, the cradle of the empire. It was not the first time the emperor saw the city, yet as the first time he visited it, he was both amazed and saddened to see its conditions. The glorious capital, that centuries of history contributed to enrich, still showed the wounds of the two sacks and the devastating battle that happened 8 years ago between Ricimer and Anthemius. Nevertheless the city was still the most populated settlement in the west, and Nepos promised to himself that he would equally restore both the glory of the empire and the glory of the city of Rome. His first step would be the establishment of his official residence and the imperial court in the city, without obviously excluding the necessity to occasionaly move his court in other cities of the peninsula. Upon entering the capital, the emperor was greeted by the crowd before reaching the political heart of the capital, the Curia Iulia. Here in front of the senators and the Praefectus Urbis he delivered a speech about his intentions to cooperate fruitfully with this prestigious and venerable institution while avoiding the use of delations as a weapon against it. He also confirmed Quintus Aurelius Memmius Symmachus as Praefectus Urbis and Caecina Decius Maximus Basilius as consul before announcing his consulate for the following year. Soon he would also provide the names of the men called to serve in the imperial court and administration. Finally at the end of speech, he proclaimed 4 days of games in the Circus Maximus and banquets to celebrate his recent victory. In the following days, while reorganizing the empire, he announced the name of the woman that was called to serve as the new empress of the West…

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter V

Julius Nepos was still celebrating his recent victory over the usurper, when he finally announced the choice of his second wife: Alypia. This noble and young girl (at the time she was only 20 years old, while Nepos was almost 50 years old) not only was Ricimer’s wife (until the death of the Magister Militum), but also Anthemius’ daughter and Marcianus’ granddaughter. In addition she could claim to be related with the last members of the Theodosian-Valentinianid dynasty, that ruled over the empire until the reign of Valentinianus III and Theodosius II, through her adoptive grandmother Pulcheria. Surely such a noble and beatiful wife represented a powerful tool for Nepos, now more than ever in need of legitimation. But while Nepos was busy with the preparatives for the wedding, another occasion for celebrations that would have been really welcome by the people of Rome, news constantly reached him about the world around him. In the north Ecdicius was able to capture a considerable number of fugitives and the first reports indicated that the prisoner amounted to 5000 men (almost one third of the original army) while the casualties amounted to 8000 men. Some groups of fugitives were lucky enough to disappear before they could be punished. At the same time the romans and their alllies suffered fewer loss: almost 4000 men of the original army of 20000 men. Both sides suffered the heaviest casualties at Dertona. Maybe the prize was worth this bloodbath. Last but not least among the prisoners there was Odoacer himself: the so called “Rex Italiae” was finally caught alive, while we was trying to enter the city of Mediolanum. The city refused to open the gate, leaving him at the mercy of the men tasked with his capture. With his reign now over, Odoacer would soon reach Nepos at Rome, where he was expected to be exposed to the people of Rome before being strangled. This was not the last act of vengeance by Nepos. In order to avenge his father in law and his wife’s family (most of whom were now in Italy with the exception of Marcianus junior, who was a prisoner of the Isaurian Ilius) the emperor ordered the revocation of all the titles held by the assassin: King Gundobad of the burgundians. A simbolical act accompanied by the elevation of his brother Chilpericus II to the rank of patricius, further enhancing his position among his roman subjects while also appearing somewhat superior to his three brothers: Gundobad, Gundomar and Godegisel. Along with king Euricus he also received a small gift by the emperor in the form of some hundreds of prisoners of the battle of Taurinium. In the meantime southern Italy was also a source of really interesting events: while moving south with his cavalry, Constantianus discovered a small force of barbarians led by the Comes Domesticorum Pierius, that were trying to start a new rebellion in the south, with the help of local romans, by liberating the deposed emperor Romulus. Unfortunately for them, Constantianus had no intention to prolong a war that was already over and defeated the small contingent before resuming his march to Sicily. After hearing this, Julius Nepos ordered the death of Pierius while allowing Romulus to continue his life in exile. He also allowed the young boy to receive visits from his mother and his friends, something that could alleviate the pain of his exile, while showing everyone the mercy of the emperor toward an innocent boy. Nevertheless he also ordered to reinforce the guard around Castellum Lucullanum as he could not afford a new civil war. Nepos had no intention to be deposed a second time and the experience accumulated during his first reign would help him very well.

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter VI

Following the battle of Dertona, Nepos ordered the return of the Illyrian army back home, with the exception of few thousand men. These men were now the core of the new army of Italy under the command of Ecdicius Avitus who was confirmed as Magister Militum Praesentalis (a reference to the eastern title), tasked with the defense of Italy and the replenishment of his new army, something that surely would take time before being accomplished. Meanwhile the original army was now under the command of Gaudentius, Aetius’ son, who after the death of Genseric in 477 joined the emperor in his exile at Salona as one of his commanders. Instead of receiving the title of Comes Illyrici, he was rewarded with the restored title of Magister Militum per Illyricum, despite controlling only a small portion of the original Praefecture. The political reasons for this change were simple: to increase the autonomy and authority of the Illyrian commander while decreasing the power of the Magister Militum in Italy, who previously was superior to the Illyrian commander. This change were meant to reflect the military situation in the east, where his colleague successfully avoided the presence of a single strong man in the army. At the same time Nepos proceeded with further reorganization:

· Restoration of the 7 Cohortes of Vigiles (recruited among the population of the capital), tasked with police duties under the command of a Praefectus Vigilum, an office that in the previous decades had slowly decayed thanks to the marginalization of the city as a political capital;

· Restoration of the 3 Cohortes Urbanae (1000 men for each Cohors), a semi professional militia tasked with the defense of the city from small but sudden threat, under the command of the Praefectus Urbis;

· Reorganization of the Scholae Palatinae, an elite cavalry unit formed by barbarian under the supervision of the Magister Officiorum (further explanations in the next Chapter), 5 regiments of 500 men, each under the command of a tribune. Most of the ostrogoths that followed Nepos in Italy formed the bulk of this elite unit;

· Finally the reorganization of an elite unit formed only by romans, the Domestici, 2 regiment of infantry under the command of a Comes Domesticorum Peditum and 2 regiments of cavalry under the command of a Comes Domesticorum Equitum, tasked with the defense of the person of the emperor. Procopius Anthemius Iunior (Alypia’s brother) was promoted to the former position while Constantianus was promoted to the latter.

These were only some of the changes implement by the Nepos during his first years as emperor and obviously, given the circumstances, would take some time before being totally implement, especially the replenishment of the main army in Italy. To help this process Nepos allowed some of the prisoners of the battle of Dertona to join again the army in units of mixed ethnicities and under the command of roman officers. The majority of the prisoners, however, were executed while their properties were confiscated by the roman state (land assigned to them by Odoacer after his rise as king, further explanations in the next Chapter). A lesson had to be taught to anyone willing to incur in the wrath of Rome.

On the diplomatic side, some weeks after his arrival to Rome, Nepos received the official congratulations from the eastern court while a delegations of senators led by the patricius and former Praefectus Praetorio of Oriens ( his term expired at the beginning of May) Dioscorus delivered the imperial insignia to his rightful owner: Flavius Iulius Nepos Augustus, ruler of the west and now officially recognized as such by Zeno in front of the entire world. A second delegation also carried the official congratulations of another ruler: King Huneric of the Vandals. The delegation, led by the half roman prince Hilderic, however reached Rome in order to discuss more pressing matters: Sicily. Constantianus was able to secure the Island before the Vandals could prepare any response and now a solution had to be found if war was to be avoided. The obvious solution was the renovation of the treaty that was reached few years ago by Odoacer and Genseric: roman control over the island (barring Lilybaeum) in exchange of an annual tribute. The island, again under control roman rule after the death of his uncle, was assigned to the government of a new Consularis, Flavius Aemilianus. The two sides were also able to reach a deal about the piracy in the Meditteranean: Huneric, who was not a warlike king like his father, agreed to officially end piracy activity along the coast of Italy for the sake of the treaty reached over Sicily while allowing the emperor to ransom roman citizens held prisoner by the Vandals. An important success for Nepos who was now able to claim to have brought back peace in Italy. Surely this agreement could not stop the act of piracy led by independent vandal warlord eager for loot and for this reason he ordered to repair the infrastructures of the main harbours in the Tyrrhenian Sea, including the Harbour of Misenum where the Dalmatian fleet was expect to move in order to face potential threat from the south.

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter VII

Before proceeding with the story, I’m going to give some informations about the imperial court and some of the men who are part of it:

· The Quaestor Sacri Palatii, usually a man of culture and law,spokesman for the emperor, responsible for the Imperial Archives and most importantly they were tasked with the drafting of imperial law thanks to their knowledge of the “Juridical language”. Sometimes they also had the role of judge, along with other officers, in special tribunals. Macrobius Plotinus Eustathius was appointed to this office;

· The Magister Officiorum, a powerful man inside the administration, responsible for embassies and hearings in front of the emperor. He had authority over the “scrinia” (departments headed by a magister) that composed the imperial burocracy: the scrinium memoriae (responsible for the official imperial reply to various issues), the scrinium libellorum (responsible for the imperial tribunal, appeals and supplications) and the scrinium epistularum (responsible for the official correspondence between the emperor and the local administration). In addiction he also had power over the “scholae palatinae” and the “agentes in rebus”, the imperial couriers (and not only that). For this office Nepos chose Rufius Festus, former consul under Anthemius.

· The Praefectus Praetorio of Italy (given the situation, there wasn’t the need for a Praefectus of Gaul) with his seat in Mediolanum, head of the administration inside his Praefecture. Currrently he presided over the three Vicarii of Illyricum, Italia Suburbicaria and Annonaria. He was responsible for the application of new laws, taxation, for the feeding of the army, for local tribunals and others minor issues. Caecina Mavortius, brother of the consul, was appointed to this office by Nepos, with the immediate task of enforcing the confiscation of the land that Odoacer distributed among his followers. Another immediate duty was the realization of a new census among the population of Italy, aimed at revealing the effective economic capabilities of the various cities inside the empire in order to create a more efficient and equal taxation instead of the previous unequal and arbitrary distribution of the taxes among the communities.

· The Comes Sacrarum Largitionum, responsible for economy, the payments of the soldiers, donations, games, buildings, mints and imperial owned factories (especially weapons factories). Flavius Attalus, the new Comes, was also tasked with the recovery of abandoned lands, due to the death or capture of their original owners, by assigning it to the rightful heir or to a new owner who could also accede to a small imperial fund created by the emperor in order to provide the means necessary for the start of the new activities and the upkeep of old and damaged infrastructures like canals.

· The Comes Rei Privata, responsible for the assets directly owned by the emperor and for confiscations. Eugyppus was the new responsible for this office.

And this was a small overview of the imperial administration, obviously the general situation is more complex than what I tried to simplify here.

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter VIII

The first part of Nepos’ reign lasted almost 3 years, from 480 AD to the end of 482 AD. This period was characterized by the return of peace and order in Italy, now temporarely safe from external and internal threats. During his first year in Rome, the emperor enacted several decrees, aimed at the reorganization of the empire. Most of these decrees were just a copy and a confirmation of previous laws approved by his predecessors:

· The first decree concerned a remission of all previous debts the curiales (the responsible of the taxation in cities) owed to the state and an official pardon by the emperor for the curiales who escaped their duties if they returned to their cities before the end of the year;

· The second decree concerned the sales of the offices and the practice of “Suffragium”. The Suffragium was an institute that allowed a private citizen to hire a famous orator, who would use his skills to gain a particul office or privilege for his client. Back then it was impossible for the emperor to analyze every single candidate before choosing for an office, so most of the time it was the influence of a famous orator (sometimes a member of the court himself) who would influence the choice. Considering the impossibility to eradicate the problem, Nepos followed a path similar to the one adopted by previous emperors, by imposing a standardized price that one had to pay after being selected for a particular office while at the same time imposing a tax of 1/20 to the person who patronized the Suffragium (regardless of the success of this one). In this way the emperor institutionalized the sale of the office, providing an extra source of money for the empire (something that Nepos really needed) while at the same time reducing the prize of the offices (compared to the unofficial situation of the eastern empire), thus allowing the access to skilled but less rich men, but most importantly reducing the desire of this men to recuperate what they spent at the expense of the people they ruled;

· A third decree enacted during the last month of 480 concerned the preservation of buildings and monuments. Without an official permission by the emperor, the imperial court, the Senate or the governor of a province, the use of old buildings and monuments as quarries was punished with death for private citizen and with a fine in gold and the loss of the office for the local magistrate who authorized the damage. The emperor also favoured the conversion of previous pagan temples into christian churches instead of allowing their total demolition (probably inspired by the philosophic and pagan attitude of his uncle Marcellinus) while the Amphitheatrum Flavium was converted to a site of minor urban games and official proclamations in front of the people, similarly to the Circus Maximus (or occasionally the Hippodrome of Constantinople).

These were only some of the most important decrees that Nepos enacted before the end of the year. In 481 AD, during Nepos’ consulate, the imperial family was blessed with the birth in the imperial palace on the Palatine of the first son called Flavius Iulius Marcianus in honour of his great grandfather, emperor Marcianus. The young child was now destined to inherit one day the Western Empire, as Nepos intended to keep the power in the hand of his family. The event was celebrated with 3 days of games. During these days the people of Rome showed signs of unhappiness with Nepos’ rule, chiefly due to the shortage of food in Rome. Despite the relative decline of the city in the V century, Rome was still home to two/three hundred of thousand of inhabitants, the greatest city in Italy and in the entire west along with Carthage. Although the romans didn’t resort to the use of violence (not yet) their whistles and vocal threats prompted Nepos to act quickly to solve the problem of grain supply. For this reason Nepos tasked the Praefectus Praetorio Mavortius to provide for the distribution of the lands confiscated from the rebels (those who were spared were allowed to keep part of their lands). A small part of these lands were returned to their previous holders (mostly Nepos’ supportes), however most of these lands were granted to new owners. These new landowners were also granted access to the small fund created by the Comes Sacrarum Largitationum, necessary to buy the needed tools for their work. However these landowners didn’t have full possession of their lands: they were not allowed to sell their plot or part of it unless authorized by the governor of the province. These new plot also beared some duties that couldn’t be alienate from the control of the land: the holder had to focus on the production of grain and other consumer goods (while avoiding the production of luxury goods), pay most of the taxes in nature (necessary for the supply of the army and the capital) and provide for the upkeep of local infrastructures and roads (a sort of corvee required every year by the state called munera or liturgy in the greek speaking world). However they also enjoyed some privileges like a slightly lower taxation compared to a normal landowner and exemption from certain duties and tolls (like when entering the city to sell their goods) thus stimulating this new social class. These measures, along with the recovery of abandoned lands without owner by the Comes Sacrarum Largitionum Flavius Attalus, allowed a slow economical and agricultural recovery, that would benefit the empire over time.

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[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter IX

The new year saw an equally intense activity by Nepos and his advisors. After the return of many curiales to their original cities (thanks to Nepos’ policies of remission and pardon), the emperor provided to appoint the substitues for the ones who refused to return. Chosen among the elites of the cities (sometimes with the use of coercion), these new curiales were allowed to take possession of assets previously owned by their predecessor. The new census ordered by the emperor allowed them to accomplish their duties (tax collection) more easily, thanks to a more equal and lighter taxation (but more efficient and capable of obtaining almost the totality of what was due), while the gradual land recovery or redistribution and the consequent economic benefits allowed local communities to pay the full amount of what was required from them. The general recovery of the economic situation would take years, however with the first positive results, Nepos was able to gradualy replenish the “Italian army” while at the same time providing the cities of the empire (especially the capital) with the much needed upkeeps and reparations. Much emphasis was put on vital infrastructures like aqueducts, roads, docks, and everything needed to keep the marshes drained. Even the capital saw small improvements and recovery from recent devastations while the Imperial Palace on the Palatine, for decades plundered by barbarians and sometimes even by the roman population, once again returned to be a worthy residence for the emperor and his family.

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However the most important deeds of this year concerned the “religious policies” of the emperor:

· The first decree concerned the right of men and women, forced to take the religious vows in order to preserve the economic strength of the firstborn son, allowed them to renounce the vows and claim their part of the inheritance. Despite the opposition of the clergy to this decree, Nepos had several reasons to enact this laws: to ensure that only men and women with religious vocation joined the ranks of the church, thus increasing their respectability, to increase the natality of the romans by allowing them to conduct a secular life and to avoid the concentration of incredible wealths in the hands of few men;

· A second decree concerned the liquidation of this wealth in favour of the poors or the churh due to religious impulse. Such behaviour was seen as dangerous by Nepos as sometimes it would provoke huge economic repercussion reducing the taxable base of the empire while strenghtening the church, a non taxable institution. Another unpopular measure for sure, but necessary in Nepos’ opinion. This decree imposed a limit to such liquidations, with only a small percentage being effectively destined to the poors/church while the rest was destined to the Comes Rei Privata, responsible for the redistribution among the relatives of the previous owner.

In 482 AD Nepos continued and extended this policy to other matters despite Pope Simplicius’ plea for the revocation of previous decrees:

· A new decree (sometimes just considered a continuation of the previous one) stated that foundation of new monasteries and donations to ones already existing, now had to be approved to governor of the province, who now had to value if such new foundations were required or if it was better to direct new monks to already existing (but rather small) order. A decree that would at the same time strengthen already existing orders while avoiding new and ephemeral foundations. The decree also imposed a limit to this monasteries concerning the assets they were allowed to receive and manage for their maintenance, any excess to this limit would be confiscated by the provincial praeses/corrector/consulares and redirected to weaker orders or the imperial treasury.

While the emperor was busy with his legislative duties, news reached him about a pirate attack on the coast of Sicily and Campania. Despite the truce reached with Huneric, small attack still continued thanks to indipendent warlords. The pirates were able to plunder small settlements on northern Sicily, but after attacking the city of Puteoli they were intercept and attacked by the roman fleet stationed at Misenum (situated near Puteoli). The ensuing battle saw the victory of the romans, the destruction of the pirate fleet and the recovery of the loot that was returned to the survivors of Puteoli and Sicily. For this precise reason Nepos recovered an old decree authorizing the inhabitants of coastal cities to bear weapons necessary for the defense against other attacks from the sea.

Meanwhile news of the continuing war between emperor Zeno and the two Theodoric reached Rome. Nepos knew that sooner or later the gothic threat would have to be faced by the two emperor. But now Nepos had his mind focused on others issues. Before the end of the year, the emperor moved north with his court, intentioned to reach Verona as soon as possible. While resting in Ravenna, his wife Alypia gave birth to a second son named Flavius Iulius Procopius. A moment of joy for the imperial family, blessed with a second son, and an occasion for another celebration, this time in the city that acclaimed Nepos as emperor for the first time.

An example of the magnificent western roman art in Ravenna​

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Not an update but I think it should be considered an official part of this timeline: a map with the names of cities, Provinces and Diocesis. It could be useful in the future when I'll start to describe events outside Rome. It describes the situation at the beginning of the V century but it can still be considered valid at least for the territories under the control of Nepos.

Edit: fixed, reducing to Italy only.

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter X

By the end of 482 Nepos and his court were residing in Verona the most important city in the venetian province. But he was not the only one who moved there in the recent months: military contingents from the Italian army and the Dalmatian one were now gathering in the city following the emperor’s order. Among them there were 3000 men from the Dalmatian army, 4000 men from the Italian army in addition to the elite units such as the Scholae and the Domestici. Almost 11000 men were now ready for the new spring and the incoming campaign: the Danubian campaign. For decades the local inhabitants of Raetia and Noricum had been left alone to face the barbarian attacks, while the empire was struggling for the survival. For too long the emperor had ignored his duty to protect the citizens of his empire. Now that Italy was finally liberated and returned to imperial rule, it was time to restore effective control over these provinces, only nominally under the control of Rome. Despite the lack in these provinces of any authority and the dissolution of the local garrisons, the roman inhabitants were able to organize a resistance around their most important cities, sometimes under the coordination of local bishops or former soldiers. But their determination to preserve the roman civilization in this remote region of the empire was not enough against their numerous foes: among them the Alemanni, the Herulii and the Rugii. Differently from other populations (such as the burgundians and the visigoths) there people didn’t establish a proper romano-barbarian kingdom, instead they were more similar to the germanic tribes of earlier times, interested in loot, hostage and anything that could provide them a quick and easy profit. Slowly, however, there tribes were destroying what was left of the roman rule in these provinces, sacking cities, deporting inhabitants and damaging vital infrastructures.

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After almost 3 years from his previous expedition, Nepos finally feel ready enough to face another military campaign. There were many reasons that prompted him to arrange a new expedition: the need to further increase his prestige, thus strengthening his rule, the need to protect Italy from external threats and to increase the resources available to him thanks in particular to the rich presence of gold mines and steel of a fine quality. Resources which could be used by the emperor to further increase the army and to improve the equipment of his soldiers. The preparations for the Danubian campaign were not the only reasons for Nepos presence in northern Italy, an other reason was the reorganization of the border defense in Italy itself, in particular against eastern invasions. Since the death of Theodosius, Italy had been left without a proper defense against armies marching from the Illyrian region, while the destruction of Aquileia removed the last obstacle to foreign invasions. Therefore Julius Nepos proceeded with the reinforcement of the eastern sector of the Alpine region: where once stood the city of Aquileia, he ordered the foundation of a new walled city, while sending there 7000 citizens coming from other cities of "Venetia and Histria", called “Aquileia Nepotiana” but commonly know again as Aquileia. To stimulate the growth of the city, he provided the inhabitants with a small Circus and Baths while moving there the seat of the Consulares of the Venetian province (his presence and that of his staff would stimulate the economic and political activities inside the city).

Aquileia, before its destruction, near Natisone river.
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Meanwhile he also proceeded with the fortification of the road that linked Italy with the eastern provinces: the Castra Alpium Iuliarum. Destroyed during the civil wars of the previous century, Nepos saw these fortifications as vital for the protection of his empire. He himself once considered to invade Italy using this road. While he would be busy with the northern campaign he appointed a new officer, the Dux Venetia et Histria, to supervise the fortifications while training a contingent among the locals, responsible for the defense of these forts. The only officer with the rank of “dux” inside the Italian peninsula, he was subjected to the Magister Militum Praesentalis and would lead the defense of eastern Italy from the city of Aquileia.

The Castra Alpium Iuliarum​

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter XI

Given the nature of the campaign Nepos and his army were about to undertake, he divided his forces into two contigents. The first one led by the emperor himself, would comprise the Illyrian regiments and the Scholae while Ecdicius would take the command of the Italic soldiers along with the members of the Imperial guard. The first army would move west before crossing the alpine passes that linked Italy to the two provinces of Raetia while Ecdicius would act independently in Noricum. At the end of March 483 AD, Nepos departed with his soldier from Verona. 5 days later the army reached the city of Mediolanum. Here the emperor halted the march: the local Vicarius, responsible for the administration of Italia Annonaria, and the Praefectus Praetorio required his personal presence as they were facing some issues concerning the land redistribution. Most of the lands Odoacer gave to his men, belonged to the inhabitants of the provinces of Liguria and Venetia, yet only few of them gained back their properties. The reason for this behaviour from the emperor was simple: Nepos intended to develop a small class of landowner exploiting Odoacer confiscation, in this way he would gain the merit of this reform while Odoacer would gain the blame for the confiscations. Nepos had no intention to returned most of these lands to already wealthy and powerful landowners (unless they composed the base of his supporters). But local landowners didn’t failed to notice such arbitrary attitude. They were claiming the same privileges that were granted to few. During his permanence in Mediolanum, Nepos tried to address the problem that was risking to undermine his popularity among “Ligurian” and “Venetian” landowners.

Roman Mediolanum, notice the 600 m long colonnaded road on the right of the image.​

Therefore he summoned the Consistorium, an evolution of the previous and private Consilium Princeps, with the aim of solving the problem. The composition of the Consistorium included both permanent and occasional members, responsibles of the imperial administration, men of the church and friends of the emperor in addition to the “Notarii”, the secretaries responsible for the transcription, headed by a Primicerius Notarius. During the session among the participants there were the Vicarius Idatius, the Praefectus Mavortius, the Archbishop of Mediolanum Theodorus and the two Comes Attalus and Eugyppus. After recognizing the need to give satisfaction to these men, the Imperial Consistorium finally reached a deal with the representatives of landowners: the “Beneficiarii”, as they were termed in imperial decrees, would be allowed to receive and keep the land that the emperor was gradually granting them. Meanwhile the previous owners would be slowly refunded by the imperial treasure, which would officially “buy” these lands. Part of the refunds included also a partial and temporary tax exemption as a compensation. With the issue resolved Nepos spent some more days in the Imperial city, celebrating the Easter. To reward the city that refused to help Odoacer after the end of the war, Nepos promised the local inhabitants 2 days of games for the future and the personal restoration of damaged buildings: the imperial palace, the mausoleum of the Valentinian dynasty, the “Porticata” road at the gate of the city, and the Imperial Circus. Nepos himself was a fan of chariot race and a supporter of the Whites.

Supposed aspect of the "Via Porticata".
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After a long, but rather pleasant, permanence in the city, Nepos again departed from Mediolanum at the end of the second week of April. After two days of march he reached the city of Comum, birthplace of the two Plinii. Without wasting time, the emperor proceeded with his army north, toward the border between Italy and Raetia. From now on the situation was completely unknown to him and his soldiers as they were entering a potentially hostile region. Only after reaching the first roman community the emperor would be able to organize a proper strategy for his Raetian campaign, however he already knew what he would need to secure the northern provinces from external threat: this was not a campaign of great battles and sieges, this was a campaign were logistic and organization would play a leading role, something where the romans still excelled. Upon entering the Raetian territory, Nepos temporarely detached a small of contingent of 500 men, tasked with the reparation of the vital road and the construction of small forts at a distance of half-day of march between them. Nepos recognized that the severing of all links between Italy and Raetia allowed the anarchy in the northern provinces and the collapse of local administration and the desertion of the already small army. The restoration of this link would represent the first step toward the pacification of the Danubian provinces. That said, Nepos proceeded North, where he hoped to find trace of roman survival in the city of Curia.

Shields belonging to the Tertiani Italica (formerly Legio III Italica), once part of the garrison of Raetia​

I hope you enjoy this update. For some days I will be more busy with the university so expect a slower rhythm in this timeline for awhile. I will still be available for any questions or suggestions.

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter XII

After some days of travel the roman army finally reached the city of Curia. Luckily for them the city still existed, serving as a refuge for the local population and the inhabitants of neighbouring destroyed cities. Although the roman authority had totally vanished from the region, attempts of coordinated resistance were made by prominent bishops or former officers of the Raetian army. Fortified city offered protection against barbarian raids, but now with the destruction of smaller settlements, they also became the new targets of attacks from the germanic populations. The biggest threat for the Raetian were the Alemanni, a germanic population that tried to establish a kingdom in the territory of the former provinces of Raetia, Germania I and Maxima Sequanorum. The Alemanni posed a bigger threat to the local inbatitants than the Rugii or the Heruli, yet they were also increasingly subjected to the power of frankish kings, as recent battles showed the superiority of the franks against them.

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During the first year of the campaign the roman army didn’t see any important battle, instead Nepos ordered his soldiers to repair local infrastructures: while marching further north, the romans provided for the reparations of roads and bridges, forts were built on strategic positions, while roman officers were temporarely the detached from the main army with the task of training the locals. New recruits along with the small militias of fortified cities were organized into units of “limitanei”, while former soldiers, previously abandoned to their destiny by the empire, slowly rejoined the ranks of their original units. Nepos main objective was to ensure the link between the various Raetian cities and forts with the Roman authority in Italy. However he also established local autonomous authority by seizing the powers of local bishops and restoring it to the Praeses of Raetia I and Raetia II, while the military commands of local units was assigned to a “Dux Raetia Prima et Secunda” subjected to the Magister Militum Praesentalis. Depots of grain were built or restored to ensure the supply and the payment of the Limitanei (foods composed a great part of the “Stipendium” of the roman soldiers during the Late Empire), necessary to avoid desertions of entire regiments, while Nepos also tried to bring people back to their villages and lands. The years saw small engagements between isolated imperial units and local bands of bandits or barbarians, constantly pushed north by the romans in an attempt to bring peace and security to the provinces. However small units of defeated barbarians were allowed to join the growing ranks of the roman army while their families where settled in depopulated villages in the southern part of Raetia, and occasionally northern Italy. By doing so Nepos hoped to incorporate part of the enemies, by giving them a place to live under the rule of the emperor and a reason to fight for Rome.

Example of a roman fort, usually home to a small garrison of 500 men. This particular fort is situated at Saalburg.​

But the majority of the barbarians still preferred the old way of devastations and raids, forcing Nepos to constantly push North with his army while limiting the range of movement of the enemies. The more he moved North to bring order, the more the barbarians opposed organized resistance to his attacks. In 484 during his march to Augusta Vindelicorum and the Danube, after being reinforced by almost one thousand men from Italy, Nepos was forced to face the first serious threat to his campaign as an Alemannic army of almost 7000 men stood on his way to Augusta. Despite the almost equal numbers of the two armies the Alamannic king Valdomar totally underestimated the strength of his opponents, considering them equal to the roman garrisons he had faced during his previous campaigns. The following battle proved him wrong: the soldiers of the imperial army showed a resistance superior to that of Raetian while the Ostrogoths of the Scholae were able to surround and kill king Valdomar, provoking the route of his army. With the city of Augusta finally liberated from the immediate threat, Nepos proceeded with the reorganization of the defenses on the Danube and the restoration of the fortification in the city. During the winter that Nepos spent in Augusta he received important news from Noricum: similar results were accomplished by his general in the region, however the army had to stop the operations due to the sudden death of Ecdicius, who undefeated on the battlefield died of old age. While his son Eparchius Avitus, commander of the elite unit of the “Ioviani Seniores”, was too young to take the command of the entire army, he was promoted to the position of Comes Domesticorum Equitum, while Constantianus would take the role of Magister Militum Praesentalis and the command of the campaign in Noricum. Even more interesting was the news from Gaul, about the death of king Euricus of the Visigoths, who was succeeded by his young son Alaric II, a weak leader in the opinion of many, probably a great opportunity in the opinion of Nepos.

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter XIII

The following years saw limited battles between the romans and the various barbarian tribes, usually small raids and skirmishes. Meanwhile the emperor continued to bring back order and to restore local Limitanei units under the command of officers detached from the main imperial army. Given the situation of Raetia, with many cities now in ruins, Nepos tried to recover the fleeing population in the campaigns, returning it to the remaining fortified cities like Curia or Augusta or occasionally providing with the reconstruction of cities of strategic importance. To relieve the local populations, Nepos granted them (and later also to the population of Noricum) a partial tax exemption, given the amount of damages they had suffered. For the time being, the only thing they were supposed to pay for was the maintenance of local units tasked with their defense. For this reason the emperor wrote to the Vicarius for Annonaria Idatius, giving him instructions concerning the reconquered territory and the offical attitude he was supposed to have with the locals: to alleviate to sufferings of the Raetians, to recognize them the right to recover from devastation before being subjected again to the full amount of their duties and to support them, economically, with the reconstruction. He also asked him to gradually implement in the region all roman decrees that were previously enacted by Nepos (and his immediate predecessors) in Italy and Dalmatia, in particular the one concerning the new Census and the recovery of abandoned land, and where a rightful heir was missing, to arrange a new distribution following the some procedures followed for the “Beneficiarii” in Italy. Later he also wrote a similar letter to the Vicarius of Illyria Severus Saturninus, asking him the same attitude towards the two provinces of Noricum subjected to his authority. Militarily the provinces of Noricum (and theoretically also the province of Pannonia I) were subjected to the Dux Pannonia I and Norici Ripenses under the command of Magister Militum Per Illyricum Gaudentius. Given that Vindobona was still outside roman control, the newly appointed Dux along with most of his units would take seat in the city of Lauriacum, one of the few surviving roman cities on the Danube, recently liberated from the Rugian threat thanks to the victory of Ecdicius and later Constantianus. Likewise the Dux Raetia I et II would reside in the city Augusta Vindelicorum, chosen due to its strategic position that made the city suitable to face north-western threats coming from Gaul.

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Meanwhile the world around the emperor was constantly evolving. In addition to the death of King Euricus another king had died in 484: King Huneric of the Vandals. Succeeded by king Guntamund (Genseric’s grandson), the new rulers ended the open persecutions of Nicene Christians, as a means to strengthen his rule in Africa. The Vandalic kingdoms, after Genseric’s death, was facing increasingly problems both internally and externally, and Guntamund resorted to seek the support of the native roman population in order to recover the lost territory and to resume Genseric’s expansion. But for the time being the new king accepted to renovate king Huneric’s treaty with the roman emperor, albeit after failing to obtain an increase of the tribute paid by the romans for the control of Sicily.

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In the East, the roman emperor Zeno was now involved in a new war against the Isaurian general Illus, forcing the eastern court to reach a deal with the leaders of the Goths: Theodoricus Strabo and Theodoricus Amalus would support with their Foederati Zeno in his war against Illus, meanwhile Zeno would return all properties and titles confiscated to the Gothic leaders. At the end of the war, he promised to discuss the problem of new lands for the Goths in the Balkans. But even more interesting was the fact that Marcianus, emperor Marcianus’ grandson and Nepos’ brother in law, the usurper against Zeno in 479 and now again in 484, escaped the control of general Illus (the real leader of the uprising) and fled west to the court of emperor Nepos. Illus continued his revolt against Zeno by appointing a new nominal emperor: Leontius. Meanwhile Marcianus was welcomed by Nepos and his family, his sister Alypia and the two surviving brothers Romulus and Procopius. Here Marcianus was awarded by his brother in law with the title of Patricius and Magister Officiorum despite some protest from the Eastern court while his predecessor Rufius Festus was awarded with a new consulate. This one along with many prominent western senators were sent by Nepos to the Eastern court to discuss about the Henotikon, an eastern document issued in 482 by emperor Zeno that recognized the Council of Chalcedon but prohibited further discussions about the nature of Christ. Nepos recognized the need of his colleague to bring back religious unit in the East, however under the pressure of Pope Felix III, and in order to gain back popularity among the clergy, he sent a delegation led by Rufius Festus to Constantinople to officially discuss about the document that risked to separate the two halves of the empire, something that Nepos had no intention to allow for political reasons. After the failure of the negotiation between East and West the churches of the two empire were now separated by a schism provoked by the unwillingness of Pope Felix III and Patriarch Acacius to compromise. Given the failure of the negotiations, emperor Nepos opted for a neutral and cautious stance: he once again recognized the validity of Chalcedon pleasing both Pope Felix and emperor Zeno but he avoided any further open condemnation of Monophysitism, Henotikon and the eastern Patriarch Acacius for the time being, leaving the Pope on his own in his struggle against the East. Attacking the Eastern positions would undermine the relations with emperor Zeno while open Christological declaration by a secular authority like Nepos would provoke the anger of the Roman Church. For this reasons Nepos resorted to neutrality, despite the accusation of indolence coming from his opposers: a strict neutrality until he understood which side would benefit more the western roman empire, would be his best choice in what seemed to be the first of many incoming religious troubles.

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[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter XIV

By the end of 486 AD military operations in the northern provinces could be officially considered over: the previous year the new king of the Alemanni, Gundmar, had finally asked the roman emperor for peace, while minor tribes were pushed out of the roman territory (or integrated in the roman army). Minor battles and skirmishes still occured in recently recovered territories but now the personal presence of the emperor was no longer required: confident in the ability of the commanders he appointed for the local defense, Nepos left in the provinces part of the army that followed him during these years, until the people of Raetia and Noricum would finally be able to defend their homes. In September the emperor was once again in the city of Mediolanum, finally able to join his family. Here Nepos spent only few days, supervising the operate of the local Vicarius Idatius and informing him in detail of the situation of Raetia. Before departing again from the city he also ordered the renovation of the Circus as he promised 3 years ago to the inhabitants, financially helped by the local Curiales, grateful to the emperor for the relief of part of their economic burden. Later the emperor, along with his family, moved to the city of Aquileia Nepotiana, intentioned to supervise the repopulation of the city and the military reorganization of Venetia. Lacking a proper imperial palace, the emperor temporarily resided in the home of a local wealthy man, Livianus, who moved there from Altinus but whose family was native of the city of Iulia Concordia before its destruction by Attila. The province of Venetia et Histria heavily suffered the devastation brought 30 years ago by Attila, more than any other inhabitant of Italy. Under imperial patronage, several families were helped to return to their original homes, while ruined cities were once again brought back to life: cities like Altinum, Concordia, Ateste.

The province of Venetia et Histria: in blue the Via Postumia, in red the Via Aemilia.
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Here Nepos also received the Magister Militum Constantianus, who brought more precise informations about the situation of Noricum and the local reorganization he arranged following imperial instructions. Minor operations still took place there but the war was finally over and hopefully, over time, Noricum would once again flourish under roman rule. However the emperor quickly decreed that the production of steel in Noricum would be put under the supervision of the Comes Sacrarum Largitionum Flavius Attalus and directed to the production of weapons for the Imperial army. He also wrote to the four Praesides of Raetia and Noricum, asking them to ransom and recover as many as possible roman prisoners captured by the barbarians and resettle them in the pacified provinces and to present to Flavius Attalus an account of all expenditures they had to sustain for this reason so that the imperial treasury could help them. During his permanence in the city of Aquileia, Nepos also had to face news coming from outside the empire: a delegation coming from king Chilpericus II brought news of the assassination of his brother Godomar and the incoming civil war between the remaining brothers (Chilpericus II, Godegisel and Gundobad) for the control of his territory. But even more interesting was the news coming from Roman Gaul. King Clovis, one of the many frankish kings, after gathering a sizeable force of Franks assaulted the territory controlled by the Magister Militum per Gallias Syagrius. The battle that took place near the border between the two domains, saw the victory of the frankish king over the Roman general, who was forced to retreat. Unable to organize a resistance and chased by the forces of Clovis, Syagrius along with his family and his collaborators, crossed the Loira river and moved toward the Visigothic court of Tolosa. After being welcomed by king Alaric II, Syagrius sensing the king’s intention to betray him to the frankish king, quickly escaped east to the burgundian court of king Chilpericus II were he joined the delegation sent by this one to the emperor. In this way he was able to reach the imperial court alive, reporting to the emperor of the situation in Gaul.

Syagrius in front of the emperor
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Despite de fact that the emperor was ready to the idea of the imminent loss of Gaul, the recent defeat risked to undermine his prestige and recent successes in the North. During the new year the emperor received a frankish delegation sent by Clovis himself asking for the return of Syagrius. Nepos had no intention to surrender one of his general and ordered Clovis to return to Rome the territory he illegally occupied. As expected none of the rulers accepted the request of other and quickly the discussion came to the end. However in the summer of the year 487, during the travel from the city of Medioanum to the imperial court, now residing in Ravenna, the Magister Militum Constantianus was assassinated outside the city of Mutina. The death of this loyal servant of Rome would require a careful examination from the emperor himself.

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter XV

The recent events forced Nepos to once again summon the Consistorium. After the assassination of Constantianus voices quickly spread about the possible responsibles. Among them there were:

· Syagrius, the former Magister Militum per Gaul, who probably wanted the fall of Constantianus and his position as commander of the army of Italy;

· King Clovis, who may have ordered the assassination of the roman general, so that Syagrius would take the blame or alternatively the assassination of Constantianus was an error as the intended target was Syagrius himself;

· A third possibility was Eparchius Avitus, Ecdicius’ son, eager to gain his father's position.

At Ravenna the Imperial Consistorium, led by the Quaestor Sacri Palatii Macrobius and Magister Officiorum Marcianus, was now called to judge these men. Immediately Eparchius, when news reached him about this special tribunal that was called to judge him, resigned from his position of Comes Domesticorum, waiting for the imperial sentence in his home outside Ravenna. Meanwhile Syagrius vehemently accused king Clovis as the real responsible of the assassination of Constantianus, and the fact that he din’t bother to send a delegation to defend his position in front of the imperial court was the most important evidence, in his opinion. Nepos however was becoming more and more paranoid, all he saw was attempts to kill or overthrow him. Many senators were put under strict control, Praefectus Praetorio Caecina Mavortius spontaneously resigned from his office while many minor officers inside the army of Italy were temporarily arrested and put under surveillance. Not even the emperor’s brother in law Marcianus was safe from the emperor’s suspects. Nepos decreed that from now on the 5 tribunes of the Scholae Palatinae would reply directly to him instead of responding to the Magister Officiorum. During the first session of the Consistorium nothing was achieved, and Nepos feeling no more safe in the city decided to move to the imperial residence at Antium while leaving the Praepositus Sacri Cubiculi Seleucus (a sort of chamberlain, usually an eunuch of eastern origin) to represent him in front of the Consistorium and to inform him about the evolution of the events.

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During the following session it was verified the innocence of Eparchius and Syagrius while the suspects were now directed toward king Clovis. This until one day the assassin was discovered, drunk, outside a tavern in city of Faventia. He was talking too much when his words reached the ears of the wrong person, an agentes in rebus named Paulus. Paulus was investigating about the loyalty of the local Curiales to the emperor and their possible involvement in the murder when he luckily found this drunkard. At first annoyed by the drunk man, however he quickly realized, while listening to his boasting, that he was the man he was searching for. The poor drunkard didn’t know he was talking directly to the ears of of the emperor and soon was imprisoned and brought in front of the imperial Consistorium in Ravenna. Here after being “carefully” treated by the emperor’s most skilled torturers he revealed the reasons of the assassination: he was simply a man who was hired for the job by a wealthy senator who paid him generously to the task. His name was Iustus Celius Secondinus. This young senator was famous throughout Rome not only for his skill as orator but also for his wife, Iuliana Saturnina, a real beauty in the capital and the empire. Unfortunately Saturnina was also known as a promiscuous woman with many lovers, Constantianus among them. Tired of this situation Secondinus decided to take his own vengeance at the expense of Constantianus thus hiring an obscure man to do the job and paying him generously. Too generously, considering that the man revealed is involvement while celebrating and spending his reward. Realizing that he had nothing to fear, Nepos returned Rome with his family while reinstating everyone to their previous office.​

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The Consistotium had accomplished its duty and now the only thing left to do was to decide the fate of Secondinus. While ordering the decapitation of the assassin he decided to leave the decision of the fate of Secondinus to the Senate, considering that he was no threat to the emperor, given his motivation for which the emperor was sympathetic. The senators led by the Praefectus Urbis Symmachus decided to expel their colleague from the Senate, to confiscate half of his properties and to exile to Reggium while Saturnina was forced to join a convent where she would have enough time to think about her sins. Finally Syagrius was appointed as successor of Constantianus to the role of Magister Militum Praesentalis.

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[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter XVI

Back to Rome the emperor and his family could finally enjoy together some moments of peace. Almost 8 years after his second coming to Italy, Nepos could now see how the capital was slowly recovering its imperial status. The presence of the emperor, his court and his personal guard represented and incentive for everyone who wished to sell his products and his services to such prestigious customers. Meanwhile the people of Rome once again enjoyed the favour of their emperor: games took place more frequently, the Annona was now able to satisfy an increasing number of people while the buildings and monuments of the city were finally protected and restored by the imperial law. Slowly even the imperial residence on the Palatine was returning a place worth of its occupant. However during this months in Rome Nepos didn’t sit idle. After exposing his operate in Northern Italy, Raetia and Noricum in front of the senators he also announced his intention to carry out a minor reform of the Senate and his composition. During the last 2 centuries the numbers of wealthy men who could call themselves senators had greatly increased and now they were in the order of thousands. However they didn’t have the same political weight: all senators brought the basic title of “Vir Clarissimus” which dated to the old days of the Principate, however as the years passed the most prestigious members of the senate (and even members of the Ordo Equestris before being absorbed by the Ordo Senatorius shortly after Constantine I) started to add other titles like Vir Inlustris, Vir Spectabiles and Vir Inlustrissimus to the original one in order to emphasize their rank. But differently from the title of Vir Clarissimus, the other titles granted incredible privileges to its holders, and this explained why so many wealthy men attempted to buy offices and titles and thus privileges. But Nepos realized that the senate, as an institution, was slowly losing its prestige and its authority outside the city of Rome, with the title of senator denoting no more than a simple landowner. Thus the emperor announced that from now on the composition of the senate would be reduced to one thousand members of adequate economic and social status. In addition from now on all the Clarissimii who were not able to regularly attend the senatorial meetings would be excluded from the senate but allowed to retain their honorific title while the active members would now all bear the title of Clarissimus et Spectabiles (or simply Vir Spectabiles) while the senators who enjoy greater prestige and particular privileges, in addition to the member of the imperial court, would bear the title of Clarissimus et Inlustres (simplified as Vir Inlustres).

Forum Constantini and the Eastern Roman Senate
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During the last month of 488 AD the emperor received some interesting news about his former rivals: the puppet emperor Glycerius, Nepos’ predecessor, elevated to the throne by Gundobad, had died in exile in the island of Augusta unable to recover the throne that once belonged to him. But more interesting and worrying was the news that the former child emperor (no more a child now) Romulus had a son from a local Campanian girl, the daughter of his preceptor. The child was called Orestes, as the man who once deposed him, and Nepos ordered to the Consularis of the Campanian province to regularly inform him about the former usurper and his family.

Lucullus, who once owned what is now Romulus' place of exile
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From the East a roman delegation reached Nepos announcing the final victory of the imperial forces over the rebels and the death of Leontius and Illus. However the delegation lead by the Eastern Roman general Flavius Areobindus Dagalaiphus reached him to discuss about more important matters: the Gothic question and the insecurity of the Danubian Limes. Now that the war in Isauria was over, emperor Zeno was now forced to keep the promises he made to the Goths who fought for him during the recent war. Currently the Goths were divided between the leadership of Theodoricus Strabo and Theodoricus Amalus. Zeno came to the conclusion that the best way to deal with the the Gothic threat would be to definitely separate them avoiding the possibility of the two joining their forces against Constantinople. For this reason he proposed to assign to the Goths under the command of Strabo the lands belonging to Amalus’ goths. This one would move his people to another roman province were they would act as Foederati of the empire. It was decided that the best location for this Goths would be the 4 roman provinces of Pannonia. Nominally roman, these provinces no longer replied to the authority of Rome and Constantinople since decades, however by using the Goths the Romans would recover (nominal) control over the territory and secure once again this part of the Roman Limes. The majority of the expected military operations would be carried out by the Goths, however western roman assistance was required in addition to the Imperial authorization since these provinces legally belonged to Nepos. In exchange for Nepos’ acceptance of the deal, he would recover the direct control of northern Dalmatia and nominal control over Pannonia, with the Pannonian Goths legally required to assist the roman army in the region. In addition the eastern court was willing to pay the west what they had paid so far to the Goths of Theodoricus Strabo to keep them quiet, allowing Nepos to use this economic aid to reorganize the Pannonian provinces and rebuild what had been damaged over time. It was now up to Nepos to decide if it was wise to embark in a new military expedition.

Flavius Areobindus Dagalaiphus​

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter XVII

Spring 489 AD, Salona.

Once again the emperor was in Dalmatia. This time however he wasn’t exiled there. The emperor had almost renounced to recover the Pannonia region as the military effort required was considered excessive for the limited resources available to the empire after the recent campaigns. Now Nepos had the opportunity to recover and secure the Danubian limes with the support of Zeno and Theodoric. This one had been appointed by the western emperor, during an official meeting with the Nepos and his court, Patricius and Magister Militum per Pannonia [1], thus making him an integral part of the Roman empire. Before leaving Italy for this new campaign, Nepos had officially elevated his son Marcianus to the rank of Caesar, thus recognizing him as the heir of the empire. He also arranged the betrothal between the young boy and Dagalaiphus’ daughter Anicia Eudoxia [2]. The girl had noble blood as she was one of the last descendant of the Valentinian-Theodosian dynasty also related to the powerful western senatorial family of the Anicii. Finally her mother, Anicia Iuliana, was a powerful and influential woman in the eastern court, so this betrothal would prove to be really beneficial for Nepos and his son. An other important event was the appointment of the talented Petrus Marcellinus Felix Liberius, former Vicarius for the Diocesi of Italia Suburbicaria, to the position of Praefectus Praetorio of Italy, replacing Mavortius who was affected by health-related problems.

Anicia Iuliana, emperor Anicius Olybrius and Placidia's daughter​

At Salona the emperor had at his disposal the members of the Scholae and some units of the Illyrian army, including the veterans of the recent campaign, for a total 7000-8000 men. These men where outnumbered by their Gothic counterpart, almost 12000 men able to fight without counting their families. Despite this difference of numbers, the campaign would officially be led by the emperor himself, considering that Theodoric was now acting as a Magister Militum subjected to the power of Nepos. Gaudentius, Magister Militum per Illyricum, would also take part in the incoming conflict. The army departed from Salona at the end of April, moving north towards the territory controlled by the Gepids. Minor inconveniences were encoutered by the marching army only beyond the Dinaric Alps, but it was near the Sava river that the two armies finally met. The battle that followed (Battle of Sava) showed the deep enmity that existed between the Goths and the Gepids, and after a bold charge of Theodoric himself against the center of the enemy formation, the Gepids fled from the battle. The battle was not decisive, as the casualties on both sides were very limited, but the few prisoners of the battle who were captured by the Goths were executed. Differently the Romans showed mercy toward the Gepids, sending them to Salona. After the battle, following the course of the river, the army moved to where once laid the city of Sirmium. Here another battle took place between the Gepids and the Romans and like the previous battle, the Gepids were routed. This battle proved once again to be just a mere skirmish, however now that the Romans had reached the ruins of Sirmium, the reconstruction of the city could finally start. The city would serve as a perfect military base for further campaign in Pannonia.

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After the battle of Sirmium, Theodoric and his Goths left the main army, moving west along the Sava river, with the intention of occupying all bridges and road that linked the province of Dalmatia to Pannonia. During his march he encountered the city of Siscia, once the provincial capital of Savia [3], and with his army decided to spend the rest of the year there, reinforcing the city wall and the control over the river.

The city of Sirmium was one of the official roman capital under Galerius ​

Meanwhile the emperor, while supervising the reconstruction of Sirmium, which would ensure the control over the final part of the Sava, experienced sudden pains. Feeling weak the emperor decided to leave the command of the army to Gaudentius and return back to Salona. Here the imperial medics reassured Nepos about the causes of the recent weakness: the many duties of the emperor (especially military ones) and the related stress. Thus they asked him to leave military matters to his subordinates and enjoy some rest in the imperial palace that once belonged to Diocletian. Here the emperor would recover the energies he spent during the recent years while Theodoric and Gaudentius would continue the Pannonian campaign without his personal presence.

Diocletian's imperial palace
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From now on I think I should add some notes at the end of a chapter when necessary:

[1] I think that Theodoric deserves an higher title than Dux, however I didn't want to give him Gaudentius' title and control over the Illyrian army so that' s why I created this special tile
[2] OTL Dagalaiphus and Anicia had a son, here they had a son and a younger daughter;
[3] South-western Pannonia.

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter XVIII

During the new year (490 AD) the two contingents under the command of Gaudentius and Theodoric resumed the Pannonian campaign: departing from their base at Sirmium, the two commanders moved north flanking the Danube river until they reached the Drava . Here the roman and gothic general decided to follow the course of the river with the intention of conquering every single bridge and ford that linked the southern part of Pannonia with the North. The control of the river was considered of strategic importance and for this reason forts were built along the Drava to ensure the protection of the lands south of the river and the supply of the army from Sirmium. During their march the Romans and the Goths encountered a third Gepid army: the Gepids were trying to cross the river when they sighted the enemy army. Soon the Gepids, not ready for the battle, rushed to reach the opposite side of the river, while their cavalry attempted to slow down the Roman march. While the cavalry of the two armies clashed against each other, with the Gepids succeding in their intention of proctecting the crossing of the river, the bridge suddenly collapsed, under the weight of the so many men who were trying to reach the safety of the opposite side, killing many soldiers and isolating the rearguard from the main army. These unlucky men could not oppose much resistance to the Romans and with any possibility of escaping now vanished, they were quickly destroyed during the following battle. This third (and this time decisive) defeat had completely undermined the moral of the Gepids.

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Meanwhile the emperor was recovering the lost energies at Salona. This didn’t mean that he was completely idle as he was supervising the administrative reorganization of the Diocesi he was recovering. One of the first act was the establishment of a new imperial mint in the city, as the previous mints of Siscia and Sirmium had been closed at the end of the previous century. Then he started the works for new walls around the city, for the improvement of the docks and the construction of new grain depots necessary for the feeding of the population and the local military units. Then, like in Raetia, he started to improve the condition of the entire Dalmatian province with the reparation of roads that linked the province to Italy and to the east, the resettlement of abandoned villages (thanks also to the Gepids prisoners) the recovery of cultivable lands (especially beyond the Dinaric Alps) and the construction of new forts (with the relative recreation of previously destroyed units). Despite the fact that the Pannonian provinces were destined to Theodoric and his Goths, local roman administration was once again established in the recovered territory (Savia and Pannonia II). While the Goths would be almost entirely independent from imperial meddling, the local roman population would still be subjected to roman law and administration. The border between the territory of the Goths and the territory directly ruled by the emperor would be represented by the Sava river. Sirmium and its surrounding would represent and exception as the emperor intended to exert direct control over this strategic city. Beyond the Sava the Goths would receive 1/3 of the land, but considering the depopulation that the region suffered during the previous decades, Nepos thought that it wouldn’t be too difficult to apply this redistribution of the lands without angering the Pannonians.

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The emperor never stayed idle, but the same could be said about his enemies. While Nepos was busy with his campaign in the north, King Guntamund of the Vandals thought that the time was ripe for the reconquest of Sicily. For this reason during the summer a small military contingent of around 4000 men departed from the city of Lilybaeum with the intention of conquering the entire island while a small fleet would attack the Campanian coast. The attack to the province of Campania had a precise purpose: to liberate the exiled former emperor Romulus and possibly provoking a new civil war between Romulus and Nepos while the Vandals would once again establish their hegemony over the western Mediterranean sea, forcing this renewed Western empire to cede Sicily and increase the yearly tribute paid to Carthage. But unfortunately for the Vandals and their king, Romulus’ place of exile was to close to the main base of the Roman fleet. Vandal warriors wasted too much time looting the city of Neapolis and when they finally attempted to kidnap Romulus from his palace, who was guarded by some soldiers detached from the army of Italy, it was too late. The roman fleet had appeared in front of the city and the Vandals now had no way of escape. The naval battle saw a roman victory, the destruction of the vandal ship and the execution of the survivors, however the main enemy fleet was still active in Sicily, threatening the roman presence in the island. It took the roman fleet 2 days to reach the port of Ostia where an army had been improvised for the emergency. 2000 men of the Domestici in addition to 1000 men of the Italian army, led by Comes Domesticorum Peditum Anthemius Iunior, embarked from Ostia and after 5 days they reached the Provincial capital of the island. While trying to enter the city, the roman fleet was forced to face the enemies and their naval blockade. The battle of Syracuse (probably the first serious engagement between the Romans and the Vandals since Cape Bon) saw the Romans victorious and ready to prepare their offensive, while the Vandal fleet was forced to leave the blockade. A couple of days later the Romans could finally attack the besiegers forcing them to retreat behind the wall of Lylibaeum. At this point the war could now be considered over as the Vandals had failed to take Syracuse while the Romans could not completely blockade the city as the Vandal was still active and the Romans could not take any further risk. Finally king Guntamund recognized his failure and resorted to ask peace from the emperor. The reply arrived only one month later, with the emperor willing to accept the peace offered by the Vandals but stating that he would no longer pay any tribute to Carthage. Nepos had finally achieved his first, albeit minor, success against the Vandals and Rome was no longer subjected to an humiliating tribute for the control of Sicily.

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[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter XIX

During the third year of the Pannonian campaign the Romans started to face the first troubles. The Illyrian contingent under the command of Gaudentius was for the first time defeated by the Lombards in a battle in the territory of Pannonia I. After that the two commanders of the campaign started to argue over the next moves of the war forcing the emperor to intervene in the dispute. Gaudentius would be temporarely substituted by Flavius Laurentius, former officer of the Domestici and now the new Magister Militum per Illyricum, while Gaudentius would be sent to Italy. Here he would supervise the transfer of Romulus from Neapolis to the city of Pola, far from external threats. Later he would also be tasked with replenishment of the Italian army. Even after 11 years from Nepos return to Italy, the Italian army still suffered from the lack of local recruits. Therefore the Magister Militum Praesentalis could only count on a small army mostly composed by barbarians. The presence of barbarians in the army was not really a problem, but the lack of proper Roman soldier who could somehow counterbalance the military weight of the Germanic troops still represented an issue. A bulk of Roman soldiers was required and for this reason Nepos appointed Gaudentius second in command of Magister Militum Syagrius, to solve the problem.

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The main problem was the fact that local Roman didn’t want to serve in the army and occasionally even the landowners didn’t want to cede their workers to the state. This landowners were subjected to a special tax that had to be paid with men or alternatively gold. Most of the time the landowners would opt for the payment in gold. Occasionally they also chose to give up some of their workers, but usually these men were not suited for fighting. Hence the lack of suitable recruits for the army. Given these premises, Gaudentius proceced in the following way: from now on every single city (and their surrounding) in the Italian peninsula would provide new recruits for the army, the Curiales would be tasked with the gathering of the recruits from the city and the countryside. The Magister Militum would send to the Praefectus Praetorio the number of recruits required to replenish the army that year, who in turn would require these men from the various governors of the provinces subjected to his authority. Local governors would then distribute the burden among the various cities of their provinces while the local council of the cities would have the choice of how to distribute the burden among the urban citizens and the landowners who resided in the countryside. They would choose who was allowed to pay in gold that year and who would be required to pay with recruits, alternating the burden every year. In order to fulfill what was requestes, volunteers from the cities and even convicted for minor crimes would be allowed to join the ranks. Every year the needs of the imperial army could greatly differ, so the proportion between taxes payed in gold and taxes payed with men could vary. However the men recruited every year would be subjected to an exam before departing for the main army by a local military officer, if available, or by the Curiales in order to decide if they were suited for the army or if another selection was necessary. Then they would march to the main army (or to the local fort if destined to join an unit of Limitanei), where the officer of the unit of destination would examine them a second time. In case of lack of recruits or phisically unsuited recruits, they could petition their superior (a Dux or even the Magister Militum himself) who could subject the guilty community to a fine, and send a military detachment to directly select the needed replacement. For obvious reasons, members of the Beneficiarii would be excluded from this selection.This coercive measure would probably be considered harsh, but the emperor deemed this solution as necessary for the defense of the empire.

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While the western empire was reorganizing its army and bringing once again Pannonia under Roman rule, the roman world mourned over the news of the death of the Eastern Roman emperor Zeno. Without any son who could succede his father, the new emperor would now be appointed by the widow despite the presence of voices that claimed that Zeno, on his deathbed, had appointed his brother Longinus as his successor. Ariadne refused to marry another Isaurian, probably under the pressure of the population of Costantinople, instead she chose Flavius Anastasius as the new Augustus of the East, before marrying him. Despite being a supporter of the Monophysite doctrine, under the urge of Patriarch Euphemius he proclaimed his orthodoxy before being finally crowned. The Roman Empire was now entering a new phase of its history, and the two halves of the roman world would surely need to continue their cooperation now more than ever.

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