31/05/44 - Balkans, End of Operation Veritable
May 31st, 1944
Balkans campaign
Operation Veritable - After Sarajevo and Operation Ratweek
Dalmatia - The lines of Dimitrios Papadopoulos' 2nd Corps return to a certain calm. After their pitiful attempt the previous day, Ivo Herenci's Croatian legionnaires are quiet - their motivation even lower than usual. The arrival in Imotsk of Charalambos Katsimitros' 13th Infantry Division only reinforces this cautious reserve. At the same time, it frees up Georgios Stanotas' 5th ID, which can now advance against the KLAK to the outskirts of the Cista Provo crossroads.
As a result, Colonel Socrates Demaratos' armoured brigade is also free to reposition itself opposite Tomislavgrad, in the vanguard of the infantry in terrain that is much more open - in front - to a potential armoured offensive. In the days that followed, the half-tracks bearing the white cross on a blue background go as far as Mesihovina: on the edge of Dalmatia, but facing SS lines that are far less well-stocked and motivated than expected. Of course, Georgios Stanotas's infantry takes over behind them each time.
.........
"Control here Delta, the enemy has been neutralised. Over and out.
Having stated the obvious, I'll come back to our lieutenant from yesterday.
- And everything's OK on your end?
- Yeah, it was just in time,
On that note, Nikos comes up behind me - and he's got the subtlety of a bull.
- So, what's up?
- Well, I...
- Spit it out. Don't bullshit me.
- There's a woman I've heard about. She fits the description, but... apparently she was rounded up a few weeks ago. And there's been no word from her since.
- That can't be right! There's got to be another way, right?
- Sorry, that's really all I've got.
- AH NO! Not again... Still lost! Arrrrh dammit!
The wreck of the wagon on our right took the punches, butts and kicks without flinching. Until a piece of wood shattered in front of his face, splinters narrowly missing his eyes. Then he calmed down. Then he collapses.
- Understood, lieutenant. Thank you, sir.
- Nikos, how are you holding up?
- It's just that... (He raises his right hand imperiously.) I'll be with you in a second, Markus. OK?
- OK. Take your time. Come on, let's go...
As I lead the group away from our comrade, it seems to me that the banging has resumed. Not as hard as before. But resumed nonetheless. "Not again!"..."
(Markus Amynthe - Machines de guerre - Souvenirs de la campagne de Bosnie, Kedros éditeur via LGF, 1993)
Air warfare
Yugoslav Front - Continued strikes along the entire potential perimeter of future Allied offensives. The A-20s of the 19th EB also bomb the coastal positions on the island of Lussino (Lošinj), off the coast of Fiume: it is still feared that the Germans would install a few large-calibre guns there that could annoy the Allied navy. In fact, it is one of the last island positions that the German army has not evacuated... The raid, carried out without loss (one aircraft damaged by engine failure), does not yield anything serious.
In reality, neither the Heer nor the Kriegsmarine have any guns to waste in the Adriatic. And if there are still a few Landsers at Lussino, it's mainly because we haven't yet found a way to evacuate them safely!
Abandonment
Tomislavgrad sector - After ever more uproar and chain defections, it is time for the first assessment of the SS Handschar division. Unsurprisingly, it isn't very good - the haemorrhage has indeed slowed... but that is mainly because those who had the chance had already left! And in droves!
The 27. Waffen-Gebirgsjäger Rgt under Sturmbannführer Desiderius Hampel is now painfully huddled around a 12-kilometre-long arc of a circle that barely covers the sectors of Prisoje, Stipanjići and Tomislavgrad. And its trenches served at least as much to prevent the men from fleeing as to help them defend! As for the 28. Waffen-Gj Rgt of Sturmbannführer Hans Hanke, its pathetically reduced strength does not exceed 30% of its theoretical strength, between uncompensated combat losses and "disappearances". This ghost of a regiment is now hanging around to the east, towards Mandino Selo, in the hope of an unlikely reformation - but at great risk of a painful flanking attack by the mountains.
Understandably, such a disaster is likely to make heads roll - and not just those of Balkan men. The Schutzstaffel, a pseudo-elitist organisation supposedly driven by faith in victory, had never really considered the possibility of people leaving en masse. Its hierarchy is therefore powerless, apart from the crude disciplinary reflex and its violence. As for the measures put in place by Karl-Gustav Sauberzweig, it is still too early to measure their effects. In fact, the divisional officer is currently the only one with a strategy for dealing with desertions - yet tomorrow he will also be the first to have to explain his actions!
Objectively speaking, however, we can't throw all the stones at Sauberzweig. His unit is far from the only one to cause problems in the 2. SS-GebirgArmee. In the north, the Kama Brigade is no better - if not downright worse. And that's not to mention the NDH forces, to put it politely. In reality, it is the loyalty of the Bosnians and Croats as a whole that is now in question. It's deplorable, but even Himmler has understood this - and he already has his little idea for solving the problem...
AVNOJ
The fighting has calmed down
Croatian Bosnia: north of Čađavica - Situation still calm for the 7th Banija Division, absolutely not bothered by its opponents and no longer seeing as many "repentants" coming their way as had been the case recently. Which is not to say that there aren't any more, just that there are fewer of them. So, all things considered, Vojislav Djokic should be able to hold on to his win of eight days ago. It's not a strategic victory, but it's worth it! Not to mention the real possibility of moving forward again, towards Banja Luka, Mrkonjić Grad and then Jajce, when the time comes...
.........
Croatian Bosnia: west of Banja-Luka - End of the fighting here: the 43rd 'Istrian' Division (Milan Šakić-Mićun, Marijan Badel) manages to escape from the mousetrap set for it by the two Prinz-Eugen regiments and flee into the Stratinska Rijeka valley, where no one will look for it. Now somewhere around Bronzani Majdan, it should reappear around Sanski Most tomorrow or the day after.
Higher up, in the Ivaštanka valley, the 13. SS-Freiwilligen Gebirgsjäger Rgt Artur-Phleps (Standartenführer Ernst Deutsch) pushes on against the 34th "Croatian" Division (Martin Dasović, Francis Knebl) and the 35th Lika Division (Stanko Perhavec, Šime Balen). As far as Omarska to be precise... and no further for the moment. The Nazis' numerical inferiority becomes glaringly obvious - the Germans cannot be everywhere because there are no Croatians to hold the rear!
However, Prijedor has to be retaken one day, if only to secure the Sava valley... Of course, but not just yet! In Banja-Luka, Obergruppenführer Friedrich-Wilhelm Krüger - who has had to move in a hurry to meet the Prinz-Eugen - rails his frustration. And the boss of Kommando Slawonien moves back in, since he too is obviously going to be there for a while.
The AVNOJ is not much happier. In Gospić, some are already criticising comrade Hebrang for not wanting to let go of his precious (and rare!) armoured platoon, which is busy doing nothing in defence against Ivan Brozovic's demotivated Ustachis in the Gračac sector. A somewhat unfair criticism! If 'Fatty' Hebrang was indeed sometimes... timid, he cannot be blamed for not wanting to part with his most powerful element (when he was not sure that the fascists would not attack again!), to launch a dozen or so unreliable machines onto the country roads, without logistics or petrol. The Partisan movement lacks heavy weapons and the resources to back them up. And this is beginning to show, in contradiction with Comrade Walter's ambitions. The problem will have to be solved one day.
In the meantime, it's the keel again. With the Titists at a material disadvantage and the Germans at a numerical disadvantage, the front line - or so it seems! - is unlikely to budge. For its part, the Prinz-Eugen continues to pick up the pieces, before sorting them out. If they're too damaged, they'll go in the bin. As for the rest, Karl Reichsritter von Oberkamp is trying - in agreement with his bosses - to patch up something vaguely reliable. Or at least useful, possibly with the SS-Freiwilligen Gebirgs-Brigade Kama.
Interview with an Ustashi
Choosing sides
"I don't believe that your unit was integrated into the SS units. I beg you to believe that I searched the personnel lists of the Prinz-Eugen, the Handschar, the Kama... yes, even the Kama! And I've found nothing about you,
- That's quite normal. My Vukas had a reputation for reliability, but that didn't mean they were suited to a pitched battle, or even to holding the line.
- Some people didn't mind...
- Absolutely. But our reputation for effectiveness in "small wars" - on the offensive, in terrorist or contested territory - naturally reminded the Nazi hierarchy of our role as hunters of deserters. Let's put it plainly now: we were hunting traitors. Too valuable to be wasted, too despised to be highlighted, we were perfect for doing the dirty work efficiently. In addition to our traditional helping hands, of course.
- I was going to tell you about the SS-Dirlewanger...
- Oh no, sir! I didn't recruit from dungeons or asylums! (The knock on the table startles me and suddenly wakes up the nurse still on duty in the room). If you're going to insult me...
- No, no, no! I wasn't talking about people, I was talking about tactics.
- Comparison isn't reason. We didn't use false uniforms to infiltrate enemy ranks. We didn't raze entire villages to the ground and turn them into giant mousetraps. The only common ground I can envisage is that of light infantry seeking contact in difficult terrain. But with form.
- OK, fine. That was the noble aspect of the job. And as for the less pleasant side...
- Once again we found ourselves playing chaperone to the rear with Ivan Markuli's V Corps. The traditional 'motivator' thrown in amongst the weak links - you know, the new doctrine in force. Basically, nothing new... but with more violence than before. A job that's unpleasant, thankless and frowned upon. If you only knew the looks I was discreetly given every time we crossed from one side to the other...
- Looks of hatred or fear?
- Both. I have to say that, in the weeks or months to come, we were going to give them some reason to fear us."
(Dans la tête du monstre - Conversation avec un officier oustachi, Robert Stan Pratsky, Flammarion 1982)
18th Allied Army Group
Cordial proposal
Belgrade - Start of talks - at this level, we could probably call them negotiations... - between the staffs of the 18th AAG and the 4th Ukrainian Front. Of course, neither Bernard Montgomery nor Fyodor Tolbukhin made the trip. Busy as they are waging the war victoriously on their own, the two great leaders of the United Nations in the region see less and less point in coordinating their efforts. What's the point, with a moribund adversary and an ally whose word is not very reliable?
Around the table, John O'Connor and Sir Arthur Tedder - on the allied side - and General Sergei Biryuzov and Colonel Beliaev - on the Soviet side - are well aware that their positions are virtually irreconcilable. Three subjects were nevertheless on the agenda:
- the organisation of a permanent air traffic control system over Hungary, to optimise efforts and avoid incidents;
- the definition of practical procedures for inter-army communications, in anticipation of the probable arrival of the Soviets in the Temesvár region, i.e. opposite the Yugoslav 1st Corps (which we knew would be susceptible);
- finally, the outline of a possible coordinated action in western Hungary, similar to that imagined during the Other War, when the Armée d'Orient was supposed to force its way through Serbia to reach out to Russia*...
On the first point, the Soviets recently proposed an impassable demarcation line to the Americans, following the 'little incident' at Craiova on May 20th - basically, allied aircraft would no longer be allowed to fly beyond Budapest. In principle, this does not bother the Balkans Air Force all that much... except that it would appreciate it if the VVS also committed to something. Something that the Red Army absolutely does not want to hear about, given that it is "victoriously bearing the brunt of the conflict against the formidable Ostheer". We'll see about that!
As far as inter-army communications are concerned, things aren't much better. The Soviets have already refused American liaison officers, and it seems unlikely that they would accept British ones. As for bringing Communists here, the royalists are likely to cause a few problems! After all, it's still their national territory! Especially in Serbia - and neither Monty nor Churchill are going to rub salt in Peter's wounds for such a small gain. Also, even if the Soviets don't mind announcing progress with a smile, the practical solution to avoid shooting each other remains to be discovered.
Finally, as far as coordinated action is concerned, everyone already knows that it is a pipe dream - the kind of thing that is bandied about out of politeness, to please those journalist kids.
In short, we don't agree on anything. But as the participants in this conference are all in a hurry, they may well be able to reach a minimal agreement to move on very quickly.
Rubble
Brčko - The arrival of the Royal Corps in this sector so critical to Allied logistics does not please everyone - and in particular not the Allied military authorities. In fact, the British army is wondering how on earth (yes, on earth) it is going to manage the presence of these notoriously uncontrollable units, which seem to be in a state of doubt now that their leaders have been sacked from the Palace.
With a bit of luck, the new leaders in Belgrade will solve the problem. In the meantime, we have decided to let these idle militiamen roam between church (Archbishop Nikolaj Velimirović has been announced for a mass blessing on the plain) and tavern. But not too close to sensitive installations...
Repatriation
Around Craiova (Romania) - After several days of airlift from the Soviet capital, Milutin Morača's 1st Yugoslav Brigade begins its redeployment to Yugoslavia, as close as possible to its designated master, Marshal Tito. A long and difficult task - the VVS do not have many transport aircraft to devote to it, and the Capitalists do not do much to make their task easier. As for the Partisans, they are delighted - obviously and sincerely. Even if it seems doubtful, however, that the brigade can claim to be on the line before June 10th at the earliest.
Yugoslavia torn apart
Red Messiah
Yugoslavia - Titist radio stations and newspapers (and even their embryonic newsreels) are quick to announce the imminent arrival of Partisan representatives in Belgrade. Taking advantage of the relays it is beginning to enjoy among a war-weary population bled dry by the bloodshed, the AVNOJ is once again raising its profile, trumpeting and boasting. And this is even truer for its leader.
However - and the Marshal is well aware of this - it will take a little more than arriving as a saviour to conquer and then keep power. Memories fade, reputations get dirty and wartime popularity fades. So, among a thousand songs and a hundred thousand slogans hostile to the old world, to capitalism, to religion... Tito thinks about what he can offer Yugoslavia as a dowry to celebrate their union. One idea had been on his mind for a long time: Austrian Carinthia, Trieste and the Italian possessions on the Adriatic. It is a gift that should please - and what's more, the Marshal is sincerely convinced that his claims are justified. On this subject, the Partisans' position is exemplary: "We don't want what belongs to others, we don't give away what's ours!" Simple words, clear ideas: enough to make us forget the other, more... controversial aspects of his project for the Nation.
The endgame?
White Palace (Belgrade) - A delegation from the Narodni Front centred around Milan Grol (for the Democratic Party) and Franjo Gaži (for the Croatian Peasant Party), but above all led by Milovan Đilas - followed by Roland de Margerie making himself very discreet in his shadow - arrives at the entrance to the royal residence. Standing on the porch of one of the estate's villas, upright as an outraged Justice and surrounded by his guard in ceremonial uniform, is Prime Minister Božidar Purić - who has the onerous task, with his cabinet and on behalf of his sovereign, of coming out on top in the forthcoming negotiations. In fact, the Serb - who is already suspicious of everything and everyone: the Croatian communists, the Croatian fascists, those happy-go-lucky fools in the king's former military cabinet, those false friends in the UK and those spineless French - is dealing with a strong party. His job is simply to safeguard, under the most unfavourable conditions, as much of the royal influence as possible, in anticipation of a possible (and desired) return to the post-war parliamentary system.
In this game, it would be an understatement to say that Purić was the winner. However, he has also known since 1916 - and the French can testify to this - that it is one thing to be defeated, but quite another to capitulate. His opponents despise him, and he knows it. So, with a little finesse, Božidar Purić hopes to play Talleyrand: play his opponents off against each other, buy time, make the other side look unreasonable and ultimately keep more than he should have, with the blessing of the foreigner. The Frenchman he has been presented with, Margerie, will at least serve that purpose. Everyone knows that his Prime Minister, De Gaulle, is anything but anti-royalist and pro-communist.
Besides, everyone would agree: we are in a hurry. So, without Peter- who has not seen fit to honour the negotiators with his presence - the group enters the residence, whose heavy doors close immediately, not without the witnesses noticing that the atmosphere is already particularly heavy.
No more games
Ministry of Defence (Belgrade) - As soon as General Bogoljub Ilić has settled into his new position as Chief of Staff, he gets down to work under the benevolent supervision of General Graham Stone, and with the blessing of Petar Živković, who is clearly more concerned with his own survival. He retains his accomplice Borivoje Mirković on his right at the head of the FARY, and Dušan Simović as his personal adviser (at least for the time being). The April coup trio, together once again to save the country!
And there is work to be done. After the rout of 1941, the losses of 1943 - the bloodletting of Leskovac! - followed by the unpleasant stalemate of Operation Grenade, the royal forces cannot count on massive reinforcements in terms of both manpower and equipment. The state of the country no longer allows it, and the major allies, generous though they are, have grown tired of Yugoslavia, clearly seeing no point in further arming a minor ally in a secondary theatre as the end of the war approaches.
So what is to be done? Content to play the role of auxiliary on the flank of the allied armies, when the Titists are advancing as liberators into the heart of the country? Support them? Join them? Or, on the contrary, stay quietly here, buying time and building up our forces in preparation for a confrontation? No, that would be a little too... obvious.
For the time being, therefore, Bogoljub Ilić chooses a target within his reach, one that would allow him to solve an unpleasant problem while stealing a few weapons and men: the royal freecorps, which he plans to disarm and then disband, before recruiting their men into his units. No one would be asked for their opinion - and even if they were, the British would be in favour, as would the French. That leaves Peter II, who will have to bless this action before it can be carried out.
Emergency measures (reinforced)
Belgrade - Ivan Šubašić has a hard time finding his way to the capital - for lack of official instructions, available aircraft and... pilots, all of whom are detained by more militarily useful tasks, when they aren't simply opposed to the principle of chauffeuring an unknown local politician.
In his quest, however, the Croatian is lucky: he meets Leading Aircraftman Ted Ross, a veteran of lost causes and other dirty tricks, at the edge of the field with his Lockheed Lodestar liaison aircraft. Ross served for a long time as a radio operator in Gibraltar, where he played a small part in Operation Mincemeat and from where he announced to London the death of General Sikorski, before falling here to do VIP transport - essentially for the benefit of the AVNOJ. Ross, who has nothing specific on his itinerary today, is willing to take Šubašić on an excursion. He arrives in Belgrade in the late afternoon. Late and unannounced - but there he is!
* The plan presented from December 9th to 11th, 1916 by General Alekseev, head of the Imperial ME, envisaged a grandiose joint action from Romania and Salonika, converging eventually on Budapest and then Vienna. A French officer described the plan as "full of romantic dreams". The British were more succinct: "Impracticable".
Balkans campaign
Operation Veritable - After Sarajevo and Operation Ratweek
Dalmatia - The lines of Dimitrios Papadopoulos' 2nd Corps return to a certain calm. After their pitiful attempt the previous day, Ivo Herenci's Croatian legionnaires are quiet - their motivation even lower than usual. The arrival in Imotsk of Charalambos Katsimitros' 13th Infantry Division only reinforces this cautious reserve. At the same time, it frees up Georgios Stanotas' 5th ID, which can now advance against the KLAK to the outskirts of the Cista Provo crossroads.
As a result, Colonel Socrates Demaratos' armoured brigade is also free to reposition itself opposite Tomislavgrad, in the vanguard of the infantry in terrain that is much more open - in front - to a potential armoured offensive. In the days that followed, the half-tracks bearing the white cross on a blue background go as far as Mesihovina: on the edge of Dalmatia, but facing SS lines that are far less well-stocked and motivated than expected. Of course, Georgios Stanotas's infantry takes over behind them each time.
.........
"Control here Delta, the enemy has been neutralised. Over and out.
Having stated the obvious, I'll come back to our lieutenant from yesterday.
- And everything's OK on your end?
- Yeah, it was just in time,
On that note, Nikos comes up behind me - and he's got the subtlety of a bull.
- So, what's up?
- Well, I...
- Spit it out. Don't bullshit me.
- There's a woman I've heard about. She fits the description, but... apparently she was rounded up a few weeks ago. And there's been no word from her since.
- That can't be right! There's got to be another way, right?
- Sorry, that's really all I've got.
- AH NO! Not again... Still lost! Arrrrh dammit!
The wreck of the wagon on our right took the punches, butts and kicks without flinching. Until a piece of wood shattered in front of his face, splinters narrowly missing his eyes. Then he calmed down. Then he collapses.
- Understood, lieutenant. Thank you, sir.
- Nikos, how are you holding up?
- It's just that... (He raises his right hand imperiously.) I'll be with you in a second, Markus. OK?
- OK. Take your time. Come on, let's go...
As I lead the group away from our comrade, it seems to me that the banging has resumed. Not as hard as before. But resumed nonetheless. "Not again!"..."
(Markus Amynthe - Machines de guerre - Souvenirs de la campagne de Bosnie, Kedros éditeur via LGF, 1993)
Air warfare
Yugoslav Front - Continued strikes along the entire potential perimeter of future Allied offensives. The A-20s of the 19th EB also bomb the coastal positions on the island of Lussino (Lošinj), off the coast of Fiume: it is still feared that the Germans would install a few large-calibre guns there that could annoy the Allied navy. In fact, it is one of the last island positions that the German army has not evacuated... The raid, carried out without loss (one aircraft damaged by engine failure), does not yield anything serious.
In reality, neither the Heer nor the Kriegsmarine have any guns to waste in the Adriatic. And if there are still a few Landsers at Lussino, it's mainly because we haven't yet found a way to evacuate them safely!
Abandonment
Tomislavgrad sector - After ever more uproar and chain defections, it is time for the first assessment of the SS Handschar division. Unsurprisingly, it isn't very good - the haemorrhage has indeed slowed... but that is mainly because those who had the chance had already left! And in droves!
The 27. Waffen-Gebirgsjäger Rgt under Sturmbannführer Desiderius Hampel is now painfully huddled around a 12-kilometre-long arc of a circle that barely covers the sectors of Prisoje, Stipanjići and Tomislavgrad. And its trenches served at least as much to prevent the men from fleeing as to help them defend! As for the 28. Waffen-Gj Rgt of Sturmbannführer Hans Hanke, its pathetically reduced strength does not exceed 30% of its theoretical strength, between uncompensated combat losses and "disappearances". This ghost of a regiment is now hanging around to the east, towards Mandino Selo, in the hope of an unlikely reformation - but at great risk of a painful flanking attack by the mountains.
Understandably, such a disaster is likely to make heads roll - and not just those of Balkan men. The Schutzstaffel, a pseudo-elitist organisation supposedly driven by faith in victory, had never really considered the possibility of people leaving en masse. Its hierarchy is therefore powerless, apart from the crude disciplinary reflex and its violence. As for the measures put in place by Karl-Gustav Sauberzweig, it is still too early to measure their effects. In fact, the divisional officer is currently the only one with a strategy for dealing with desertions - yet tomorrow he will also be the first to have to explain his actions!
Objectively speaking, however, we can't throw all the stones at Sauberzweig. His unit is far from the only one to cause problems in the 2. SS-GebirgArmee. In the north, the Kama Brigade is no better - if not downright worse. And that's not to mention the NDH forces, to put it politely. In reality, it is the loyalty of the Bosnians and Croats as a whole that is now in question. It's deplorable, but even Himmler has understood this - and he already has his little idea for solving the problem...
AVNOJ
The fighting has calmed down
Croatian Bosnia: north of Čađavica - Situation still calm for the 7th Banija Division, absolutely not bothered by its opponents and no longer seeing as many "repentants" coming their way as had been the case recently. Which is not to say that there aren't any more, just that there are fewer of them. So, all things considered, Vojislav Djokic should be able to hold on to his win of eight days ago. It's not a strategic victory, but it's worth it! Not to mention the real possibility of moving forward again, towards Banja Luka, Mrkonjić Grad and then Jajce, when the time comes...
.........
Croatian Bosnia: west of Banja-Luka - End of the fighting here: the 43rd 'Istrian' Division (Milan Šakić-Mićun, Marijan Badel) manages to escape from the mousetrap set for it by the two Prinz-Eugen regiments and flee into the Stratinska Rijeka valley, where no one will look for it. Now somewhere around Bronzani Majdan, it should reappear around Sanski Most tomorrow or the day after.
Higher up, in the Ivaštanka valley, the 13. SS-Freiwilligen Gebirgsjäger Rgt Artur-Phleps (Standartenführer Ernst Deutsch) pushes on against the 34th "Croatian" Division (Martin Dasović, Francis Knebl) and the 35th Lika Division (Stanko Perhavec, Šime Balen). As far as Omarska to be precise... and no further for the moment. The Nazis' numerical inferiority becomes glaringly obvious - the Germans cannot be everywhere because there are no Croatians to hold the rear!
However, Prijedor has to be retaken one day, if only to secure the Sava valley... Of course, but not just yet! In Banja-Luka, Obergruppenführer Friedrich-Wilhelm Krüger - who has had to move in a hurry to meet the Prinz-Eugen - rails his frustration. And the boss of Kommando Slawonien moves back in, since he too is obviously going to be there for a while.
The AVNOJ is not much happier. In Gospić, some are already criticising comrade Hebrang for not wanting to let go of his precious (and rare!) armoured platoon, which is busy doing nothing in defence against Ivan Brozovic's demotivated Ustachis in the Gračac sector. A somewhat unfair criticism! If 'Fatty' Hebrang was indeed sometimes... timid, he cannot be blamed for not wanting to part with his most powerful element (when he was not sure that the fascists would not attack again!), to launch a dozen or so unreliable machines onto the country roads, without logistics or petrol. The Partisan movement lacks heavy weapons and the resources to back them up. And this is beginning to show, in contradiction with Comrade Walter's ambitions. The problem will have to be solved one day.
In the meantime, it's the keel again. With the Titists at a material disadvantage and the Germans at a numerical disadvantage, the front line - or so it seems! - is unlikely to budge. For its part, the Prinz-Eugen continues to pick up the pieces, before sorting them out. If they're too damaged, they'll go in the bin. As for the rest, Karl Reichsritter von Oberkamp is trying - in agreement with his bosses - to patch up something vaguely reliable. Or at least useful, possibly with the SS-Freiwilligen Gebirgs-Brigade Kama.
Interview with an Ustashi
Choosing sides
"I don't believe that your unit was integrated into the SS units. I beg you to believe that I searched the personnel lists of the Prinz-Eugen, the Handschar, the Kama... yes, even the Kama! And I've found nothing about you,
- That's quite normal. My Vukas had a reputation for reliability, but that didn't mean they were suited to a pitched battle, or even to holding the line.
- Some people didn't mind...
- Absolutely. But our reputation for effectiveness in "small wars" - on the offensive, in terrorist or contested territory - naturally reminded the Nazi hierarchy of our role as hunters of deserters. Let's put it plainly now: we were hunting traitors. Too valuable to be wasted, too despised to be highlighted, we were perfect for doing the dirty work efficiently. In addition to our traditional helping hands, of course.
- I was going to tell you about the SS-Dirlewanger...
- Oh no, sir! I didn't recruit from dungeons or asylums! (The knock on the table startles me and suddenly wakes up the nurse still on duty in the room). If you're going to insult me...
- No, no, no! I wasn't talking about people, I was talking about tactics.
- Comparison isn't reason. We didn't use false uniforms to infiltrate enemy ranks. We didn't raze entire villages to the ground and turn them into giant mousetraps. The only common ground I can envisage is that of light infantry seeking contact in difficult terrain. But with form.
- OK, fine. That was the noble aspect of the job. And as for the less pleasant side...
- Once again we found ourselves playing chaperone to the rear with Ivan Markuli's V Corps. The traditional 'motivator' thrown in amongst the weak links - you know, the new doctrine in force. Basically, nothing new... but with more violence than before. A job that's unpleasant, thankless and frowned upon. If you only knew the looks I was discreetly given every time we crossed from one side to the other...
- Looks of hatred or fear?
- Both. I have to say that, in the weeks or months to come, we were going to give them some reason to fear us."
(Dans la tête du monstre - Conversation avec un officier oustachi, Robert Stan Pratsky, Flammarion 1982)
18th Allied Army Group
Cordial proposal
Belgrade - Start of talks - at this level, we could probably call them negotiations... - between the staffs of the 18th AAG and the 4th Ukrainian Front. Of course, neither Bernard Montgomery nor Fyodor Tolbukhin made the trip. Busy as they are waging the war victoriously on their own, the two great leaders of the United Nations in the region see less and less point in coordinating their efforts. What's the point, with a moribund adversary and an ally whose word is not very reliable?
Around the table, John O'Connor and Sir Arthur Tedder - on the allied side - and General Sergei Biryuzov and Colonel Beliaev - on the Soviet side - are well aware that their positions are virtually irreconcilable. Three subjects were nevertheless on the agenda:
- the organisation of a permanent air traffic control system over Hungary, to optimise efforts and avoid incidents;
- the definition of practical procedures for inter-army communications, in anticipation of the probable arrival of the Soviets in the Temesvár region, i.e. opposite the Yugoslav 1st Corps (which we knew would be susceptible);
- finally, the outline of a possible coordinated action in western Hungary, similar to that imagined during the Other War, when the Armée d'Orient was supposed to force its way through Serbia to reach out to Russia*...
On the first point, the Soviets recently proposed an impassable demarcation line to the Americans, following the 'little incident' at Craiova on May 20th - basically, allied aircraft would no longer be allowed to fly beyond Budapest. In principle, this does not bother the Balkans Air Force all that much... except that it would appreciate it if the VVS also committed to something. Something that the Red Army absolutely does not want to hear about, given that it is "victoriously bearing the brunt of the conflict against the formidable Ostheer". We'll see about that!
As far as inter-army communications are concerned, things aren't much better. The Soviets have already refused American liaison officers, and it seems unlikely that they would accept British ones. As for bringing Communists here, the royalists are likely to cause a few problems! After all, it's still their national territory! Especially in Serbia - and neither Monty nor Churchill are going to rub salt in Peter's wounds for such a small gain. Also, even if the Soviets don't mind announcing progress with a smile, the practical solution to avoid shooting each other remains to be discovered.
Finally, as far as coordinated action is concerned, everyone already knows that it is a pipe dream - the kind of thing that is bandied about out of politeness, to please those journalist kids.
In short, we don't agree on anything. But as the participants in this conference are all in a hurry, they may well be able to reach a minimal agreement to move on very quickly.
Rubble
Brčko - The arrival of the Royal Corps in this sector so critical to Allied logistics does not please everyone - and in particular not the Allied military authorities. In fact, the British army is wondering how on earth (yes, on earth) it is going to manage the presence of these notoriously uncontrollable units, which seem to be in a state of doubt now that their leaders have been sacked from the Palace.
With a bit of luck, the new leaders in Belgrade will solve the problem. In the meantime, we have decided to let these idle militiamen roam between church (Archbishop Nikolaj Velimirović has been announced for a mass blessing on the plain) and tavern. But not too close to sensitive installations...
Repatriation
Around Craiova (Romania) - After several days of airlift from the Soviet capital, Milutin Morača's 1st Yugoslav Brigade begins its redeployment to Yugoslavia, as close as possible to its designated master, Marshal Tito. A long and difficult task - the VVS do not have many transport aircraft to devote to it, and the Capitalists do not do much to make their task easier. As for the Partisans, they are delighted - obviously and sincerely. Even if it seems doubtful, however, that the brigade can claim to be on the line before June 10th at the earliest.
Yugoslavia torn apart
Red Messiah
Yugoslavia - Titist radio stations and newspapers (and even their embryonic newsreels) are quick to announce the imminent arrival of Partisan representatives in Belgrade. Taking advantage of the relays it is beginning to enjoy among a war-weary population bled dry by the bloodshed, the AVNOJ is once again raising its profile, trumpeting and boasting. And this is even truer for its leader.
However - and the Marshal is well aware of this - it will take a little more than arriving as a saviour to conquer and then keep power. Memories fade, reputations get dirty and wartime popularity fades. So, among a thousand songs and a hundred thousand slogans hostile to the old world, to capitalism, to religion... Tito thinks about what he can offer Yugoslavia as a dowry to celebrate their union. One idea had been on his mind for a long time: Austrian Carinthia, Trieste and the Italian possessions on the Adriatic. It is a gift that should please - and what's more, the Marshal is sincerely convinced that his claims are justified. On this subject, the Partisans' position is exemplary: "We don't want what belongs to others, we don't give away what's ours!" Simple words, clear ideas: enough to make us forget the other, more... controversial aspects of his project for the Nation.
The endgame?
White Palace (Belgrade) - A delegation from the Narodni Front centred around Milan Grol (for the Democratic Party) and Franjo Gaži (for the Croatian Peasant Party), but above all led by Milovan Đilas - followed by Roland de Margerie making himself very discreet in his shadow - arrives at the entrance to the royal residence. Standing on the porch of one of the estate's villas, upright as an outraged Justice and surrounded by his guard in ceremonial uniform, is Prime Minister Božidar Purić - who has the onerous task, with his cabinet and on behalf of his sovereign, of coming out on top in the forthcoming negotiations. In fact, the Serb - who is already suspicious of everything and everyone: the Croatian communists, the Croatian fascists, those happy-go-lucky fools in the king's former military cabinet, those false friends in the UK and those spineless French - is dealing with a strong party. His job is simply to safeguard, under the most unfavourable conditions, as much of the royal influence as possible, in anticipation of a possible (and desired) return to the post-war parliamentary system.
In this game, it would be an understatement to say that Purić was the winner. However, he has also known since 1916 - and the French can testify to this - that it is one thing to be defeated, but quite another to capitulate. His opponents despise him, and he knows it. So, with a little finesse, Božidar Purić hopes to play Talleyrand: play his opponents off against each other, buy time, make the other side look unreasonable and ultimately keep more than he should have, with the blessing of the foreigner. The Frenchman he has been presented with, Margerie, will at least serve that purpose. Everyone knows that his Prime Minister, De Gaulle, is anything but anti-royalist and pro-communist.
Besides, everyone would agree: we are in a hurry. So, without Peter- who has not seen fit to honour the negotiators with his presence - the group enters the residence, whose heavy doors close immediately, not without the witnesses noticing that the atmosphere is already particularly heavy.
No more games
Ministry of Defence (Belgrade) - As soon as General Bogoljub Ilić has settled into his new position as Chief of Staff, he gets down to work under the benevolent supervision of General Graham Stone, and with the blessing of Petar Živković, who is clearly more concerned with his own survival. He retains his accomplice Borivoje Mirković on his right at the head of the FARY, and Dušan Simović as his personal adviser (at least for the time being). The April coup trio, together once again to save the country!
And there is work to be done. After the rout of 1941, the losses of 1943 - the bloodletting of Leskovac! - followed by the unpleasant stalemate of Operation Grenade, the royal forces cannot count on massive reinforcements in terms of both manpower and equipment. The state of the country no longer allows it, and the major allies, generous though they are, have grown tired of Yugoslavia, clearly seeing no point in further arming a minor ally in a secondary theatre as the end of the war approaches.
So what is to be done? Content to play the role of auxiliary on the flank of the allied armies, when the Titists are advancing as liberators into the heart of the country? Support them? Join them? Or, on the contrary, stay quietly here, buying time and building up our forces in preparation for a confrontation? No, that would be a little too... obvious.
For the time being, therefore, Bogoljub Ilić chooses a target within his reach, one that would allow him to solve an unpleasant problem while stealing a few weapons and men: the royal freecorps, which he plans to disarm and then disband, before recruiting their men into his units. No one would be asked for their opinion - and even if they were, the British would be in favour, as would the French. That leaves Peter II, who will have to bless this action before it can be carried out.
Emergency measures (reinforced)
Belgrade - Ivan Šubašić has a hard time finding his way to the capital - for lack of official instructions, available aircraft and... pilots, all of whom are detained by more militarily useful tasks, when they aren't simply opposed to the principle of chauffeuring an unknown local politician.
In his quest, however, the Croatian is lucky: he meets Leading Aircraftman Ted Ross, a veteran of lost causes and other dirty tricks, at the edge of the field with his Lockheed Lodestar liaison aircraft. Ross served for a long time as a radio operator in Gibraltar, where he played a small part in Operation Mincemeat and from where he announced to London the death of General Sikorski, before falling here to do VIP transport - essentially for the benefit of the AVNOJ. Ross, who has nothing specific on his itinerary today, is willing to take Šubašić on an excursion. He arrives in Belgrade in the late afternoon. Late and unannounced - but there he is!
* The plan presented from December 9th to 11th, 1916 by General Alekseev, head of the Imperial ME, envisaged a grandiose joint action from Romania and Salonika, converging eventually on Budapest and then Vienna. A French officer described the plan as "full of romantic dreams". The British were more succinct: "Impracticable".