1965-1974
The Chairmanship of Daniel Ouezzin Coulibaly, and Modibo Keïta
Coulibaly helped pioneer the Ultranationalist Socialist movement within Mali itself. He would help push forward the creation and disciplining of the Malian National Black Army. He would also set about militarizing the youth of Mali with the Malian Youth Pioneer. These Youth Pioneer organizations would develop as a mouth piece for the state, and the way Malian ideals would be imparted. The Internal Security Bureau benefited immensely from Coulibaly receiving the most aid, and best equipment to expand into supporting rooting out reactionaries. Finally, the formation of a Black Auxiliaries where conscripted forces would make up the government militia and various jobs relating to infrastructure and policing.
The Malian Army had been formed out of the old red militia’s from the revolution. From 1950-1960 Coulibaly had centralized the military into the new Malian National Black Army. The MNBA would be armed with numerous older French rifles, and any arms left over from the Second World War. Coulibaly would begin purchasing arms from the Soviet Union. The AK-47, PPSH, and other Soviet rifles would begin to be studied in hopes of one day making domestic arms. For the time being this arms deal represented one of the first Soviet-Malian relations improvement since initially chilly relations. From initial Soviet arms and out of date armored vehicles and Tanks, Coulibaly would begin the slow modernization of the military. This military expansion would be tested in Casamance as the Third and Final Casamance Conflict (1967) Conflict would see the first use of automatic weapons in which the Malian Black Army would crush resistance so brutally the workers abandoned their cause.
The so-called militarization of Mali would not only happen within the Black Army, but even with the numerous youth population of Mali. The Malian Youth Pioneers would be a youth group funded by the Malian government to enshrine the states values of duty, socialism, and environment. The Pioneers would be based heavily on the American Boy Scouts encouraging the Malian Youths to engage in community service, and providing young children an opportunity for socialization and self expression. While not mandatory, the government would push the organization making it the sole boys youth organization. Ages of the Malian Youth Pioneers was 14-18 with a Junior Malian Youth Pioneers ranging from 10-14. Ironically, many of those that joined this group and would be brought up by these pioneers would become ardent reformists who would wholeheartedly back the later destruction of the Triumvirate. The head of the Youth Pioneers was Jato Coote.
For the rest of Mali the government would create a National paramilitary to utilize Mali’s numerous listless young men and women. The National People’s Militia would be a both gendered national army reserve, the People’s Militia would do community service, help building projects, and serve in policing or fire capacities where needed, and finally serve as a reserve for the army when needed. A Men’s People’s Community and Women’s People’s Community would also help foster community bonds and friendships for those who had exited their national service ages and still seek out community bonds and duty.
While on the surface all of these new reforms were to foster a new sense of unity, Coulibaly would continue to strengthen the Internal Security Bureau which would root out discontent within Mali. Tasked with finding internal enemies the ISB partnered and worked in tandem with the National Gendarmerie. Both forces were considered elite within Mali and often were given specialized gear. The first head of the ISB was Boubacar Kolley who would later become instrumental in the downfall of the regime.
While Couilably was a proven military man and propagandist however he failed in some glaring ways that contributed to his quick downfall. Economically, Couilably proved less caring about consumer goods and continuing agricultural modernization. His five year plan mainly dealt with creating a small arms factory in Bamako which would form the basis of the Bamako Small Arms Cooperative. Ironically, his more non interventionist approach let farmers and factory workers breathe and begin to run their cooperatives more independently though they still languished under party management. Also his shifting of state funding towards more militarization angered many who did not want war or a large military budget, though this military proved instrumental in preventing state collapse.
Coulibaly also proved a relatively poor diplomat preferring the sword to a pen. His only true diplomatic accomplishment was officially seeing Mali’s elevation to full member of the Non-Aligned Movement. Though Senghor had been instrumental in theorizing a third world alliance of nations, he himself had not made Mali a full member instead preferring observer status, this had been likely due to Senghor’s desire to be close to the United States and the United Kingdom, thus making him distant of other movements. Coulibaly had no such qualms and opened trade with the Soviet Union and entered into the Non-Aligned Movement. This caused some tension between the United States and Mali, and Coulibaly also reneged on Mali’s agreement with several Tuareg groups in SR Azawad causing renewed hostilities. He also notably, sent soldiers to free Nkrumah and help prevent his coup in 1966. While this wouldn’t save the regime forever it would help prevent the end of socialism within Ghana and align the nation closer to Malian interests.
The final nail in the coffin of Mali came with the 1968 Sahel Drought in which continued lack of rainfall led to lower harvests, and crop yields dwindled. Especially hitting Senegal, Burkina Faso, and into Niger. The government response proved disastrously disproportionate, with many smallholders being left out to dry and starve on the farms. Many of these small shareholders would join cooperatives voluntarily or pick up and move into the cities rather than face starvation. Cooperatives would still face numerous shortfalls and struggle to keep up production of enough crops to feed themselves and sell enough out. The only positive was with Mali’s connections to the outside world it imported some of the food to prevent mass starvation and bread riots. 1968-69 were still; however, known as lean years.
Thus, combined with his overmilitarization, poor diplomacy skills, conflicts in Azawad and the Sahel Drought, Coulibaly fell out of favor with the Party. At the end of his term in 1970, Coulibaly would resign, and be replaced by Modibo Keïta, the end of the Triumvirate was fast approaching.
The Chairmanship of Modibo Keïta which lasted from 1970-1975, and would prove too little too late to save the dictatorship.
Keïta leapt into action to deal with the Sahel drought. He would send advisors to Israel and take notes on how their agriculture used drip irrigation and other techniques to save water within their arid environment and maximize crop output. Keïta would also become a patron and fan of Norman Bourlag and invite him to teach techniques to the various cooperatives. Drip irrigation, high yielding crop varieties, dwarf wheat, chemical fertilizers, crop rotation and continued mechanization. All of these would help deal with the drought but also massively increase yields beyond pre-drought levels.
Politically, Keïta began his policy of “lower democratization” in which the party would no longer control the market mechanisms within Mali, and cooperatives would be allowed to be fully worker run. This change; however proved too little too late, as the civilian populace was fully tired of the triumvirate ruling over the Federation. While Keïta was well liked and well intentioned most people didn’t want another autocrat taking over after him and reversing his reforms.
Democratization only allowed for the now 65% literate Malian population, (doubling the 30-35% literacy Mali started at) an ever more powerful voice. The Malian Federation of Trade Unions began organizing protests against the government, while within the military the Young Officers Clique headed by 26-27 year old Thomas Sankara began exercising increasing influence upon the government.
Militarily, the Malian Black Army would crush several Tuareg uprisings notably a fixed Battle in Gao scattered much of nomad populace within the area.
Despite his successes in democratization, military victories in Azawad, and the successful reversal of the drought, and modernization of the Malian agriculture, Keïta would not last longer than the leader of Mali.
Afterthought: Last post for a bit, even though my familial line traces back to Mali, currently my family are farmers in Iowa, so Norman Bourlag and his exploits have always interested me, and how they led to a green revolution. Anyways, sorry for the over posting like 3 times in 3 days lately, sorry.