Part 4: 1957-1960
A Three Year Plan, The First Decade of Malian Independence Comes to a Close, Independence Fire Rages Across Africa
For many years people had predicted the end of the French Colonial Empire, the victory of Mali, galvanized France to try and hold onto colonies in Indochina. This only made the loss even larger when at the Battle of Dien Bien Phu in 1954, with the French army being battered and pushed out by Northern Vietnamese forces. As France’s colonial ventures had twice seemingly ended in complete failure, first West Africa, and now Indochina.
The French government at home was faced by a plague of issues. Draft riots, and unpopularity in these costly continued colonial wars caused Joseph Lanier to resign in disgrace with no obvious replacement. Finally, a general strike ground the French economy to an absolute halt. As France faced governing, social, and economic crisis anti-colonialist movements moved to strike.
The Algerian Front de Libération Nationale or FLN, the Mouvement National Algérien or MNA, and finally the Parti Communiste Algérien coming together in open Revolution against the French authorities. The Algerian War (1954-1960) would single the death knell for not only the French Empire, but the 4th Republic as well.
In response to this collapsing state of affairs, Morocco, Tunisia, and Guinea would declare full independence from France in 1958. The French government would give little response as most of its forces were tied up in Algeria. Though, the collapsing government had begun negotiating with Algerian rebels to get their demands, and possibly work out a deal. This would be unacceptable for the French Military whom had been faced with loss after loss, and continued humiliation politically as the government placed blame on high command, and discussed cutting funding. West Africa, Indochina, the Suez, and now Algeria a secret group of authoritarian-leaning French officers and politicians called the Organisation Armée Secrète. The OAS would carry out numerous bombings, assassination attempts, and even a mutiny in Algiers that would collapse the entirety of the Fourth Republic. Charles De Gaulle would return in prominence to power as President in August of 1957, and would announce in 1959 the intention of his government to pull out of Algiers. In 1960 Officers and Generals in Algeria would attempt a Putsch against President De Gaulle and force the government in Paris to double its efforts to save Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia and Guinea. Finally, in 1960 Mauritania under the leadership of Moktar Ould Daddah would declare its independence from France. The coup would be quashed and its leadership arrested by forces loyal to Paris, and France would officially sign a treaty exiting from Algeria, and Africa completely, with Equatorial Africa exiting French colonial control.
Where was Mali in all of this? The Malian government adopted a policy of politically and superficially supporting communist rebels in Algeria. They would help provide intelligence on French tactics, and minor equipment support, yet Mali did not provide more. Partially out of obligation to its treaties with France, partially out of America asking Mali to not over-involve, and, and lastly the Malians were more tangled up in the continuation of the Cooperativization or agriculture and industry, and the unrest that had followed it.
The major fronts of resistance were SR Azawad and Casamance. The Fula, and Jola people in the area had proved especially resilient to the attempts by Mali to institute universal language use, illiteracy liquidation centers, and cooperativized agriculture and industry. The Tuaregs of Azawad and Aïr also had proven incredibly hesitant with only a fraction settling down and settling in to these new roles. Senghor would go light handed to Azawad meeting Tuareg leaders and trusted tribal elders like Intalla ag Attaher, and Ibrahim ibn 'Umaru. The meeting taking place in Gao would see Senghor concede in granting protections to nomadic herders and traders, while also reducing taxation upon their sales finally, their leaders would integrated into the communist party. The Tuaregs would also receive protections in their languages, and personal autonomy. In return the Tuaregs would help with the cooperativization and socialization of society and economics.
Casamance would be different. Malian soldiers descended upon Ziguinchor. Local leadership was rounded up and those that could pose a threat to the governing administration disappeared from the area. This period would begin a 2 year long occupation by Malian forces in the Casamance Conflict. Thousands would be arrested, hundred would be killed or exiled.
Another diplomatic accomplishment would be opening a conference between Britain and Mali in 1958. With the collapsing state of the British Empire, and it’s holdings, the British were more amendable to discussing the future of The Gambia, and its possibility of it joining Mali. Even with the British distaste for socialism, and Mali, it still desired a strong non-aligned Soviet state. It was believed that if Mali could lead African socialism away from aligning itself to soviet interests, and remain friendly to the West then it would be better than antagonizing Senghor. The Banjul Conference would see a detailed plan to make The Gambia a confederated state part of the Malian Federation. The Gambia would be allowed a protected language, state militia, and local parliament. It was a bitter pill for Senghor, and The Gambia as well. While it would provide added security and protection for The Gambia it would become apart of the Socialist Mali in everything but name. Local elections saw the popular Gambian Socialist Front gain 1/3rd of the votes, it was expected as their power increased the closer Gambia would come to being a full SR.
On a smaller note, electrification would begin in the major cities of Mali, as well as the construction of the first planned city of Ouagadougou which would be constructed with mud brick apartments, communalized courtyard apartments, and industry attached to the city. Receiving massive government support the city would be an example of what socialism in Africa could be. Literacy rates also received a bump in increase from 25-30 up to 45-50% in some areas. All of this increase came with the backfire of more demanding access to politics and right to democratic process.
