Part 1: Setting the Stage
  • African Yugoslavia: A West African Story

    The Beginning and Opening Thoughts

    December 1st 1944:
    The Thiaorye Massacre was the touchstone that would start a revolution. Senegalese soldiers in French Senegal, staged a mutiny against France, as the nation had neglected to pay its colored veterans of the Second World War. Poor conditions and poor pay by the government caused the mutiny of over 1,300 tirailleurs who were actually a diverse group of soldiers from Guinea, Upper Volta, Sudan, Senegal, Benin, Gabon, Ivory Coast, Central African Republic, and Togo. These former POW’s from the war had placed in a temporary holding camp, and this is when the trouble began. Talks of pay discrepancies and poor conditions around the camp led to a mass mutiny breaking out. The French soldiers, from the 6th Regiment Colonial Artillery, guarding the camp opened fire killing anywhere from an estimated 74 to 300 Colored soldiers.

    (This is where the first split in our timeline occurs.)

    As the Second World War War is still drawing to a close, the leader of the French Provisional Government, Charles De Gaulle refuses to ensure payment promises and other claims made to colonial soldiers are settled. His focus was that of ending Nazi Germany, and he would not spare any money or time on so called colored soldiers, who many claimed were prone to open revolt anyways.

    January 1st 1945: As containment of the massacre continued to spread throughout France’s African colonies, the first protests sprung up in Dakar. Veterans, some enlisted men, and a small colored middle class flooded into the dusty streets, where they clashed with police, and local French colonial forces. Words were exchanged and soldiers claim rocks were throne, prompting them to open fire on the protesters, sending them scattering into alleys and buildings. Whispers throughout the city told of the New Years Massacre, as Dakar experienced a mass exodus of black civilians and intellectuals, and even desertion within their own colonial forces.

    One important man who heard the aftermath of the massacres, was Léopold Sédar Senghor, a veteran of the war who had been released for medical reasons, and helped the French resistance felt deeply betrayed by France. Once a relatively moderate African Socialist, and moderately pro-French he turned staunchly against France. He believed that Africa must unite soon, and drive the French out for good. He realized he must return home, Senegal and all of West Africa were and dire straits and he must be there to help guide her.

    Explanation and After thought: Hello, Hi, and Howdy, my name is DKing but you may call me DeVante or anything else you wish. This will be my first posting here on alternate history forums, and this has been an idea I’ve had kicking in my brain for a long time now, maybe a year+. This timeline will see a United French West African state (not all of French West Africa mind you) and the development of African socialism, and a truly pan Africanist state. Some may complain about that this is total ASB, and all I ask is that you keep an open mind and try to enjoy. Thank you and have a good evening.
    Part 2.1: West African War
  • Part 2: The West African War (1946-1947)

    As word of the French atrocities in West Africa soon began to spread more and more formerly pacified or apathetic African soldiers turned away from France. Some abandoning their posts disappearing in the night with their weapons and clothes.

    The worst of the colonies had been Niger and Mauritania. Much of these colonies had been treated as mere military outposts, as exercising civilian control over the deserts of the Agadez, N’guigmi, and Bilma Cercle proved to be impossible in Niger. Mauritania herself had only been recently recognized as a separate appendage from Senegal. France had ceded a lot of nominal rule to local rulers; however, conflicts between tribal hierarchies, French military forces, and civilian government left the colony a jumbled and neglected mess.

    It is unsurprising that when things started to go wrong in the region that these colonies would begin to implode first. As word and survivors from the atrocities moved inwards soon more soldiers began to mutiny and desert the army. At this colonial officials response to request from Niger and Mauritania were often a refusal to send more aid, and a refusal to send more men, they were beginning to struggle to hold their own areas together, and they would refuse any more drains on their resources. Thus, slowly through attrition and many soldiers wanting to retire now that the war had ended meant these interior outposts began facing shortages, and then mutiny, followed by entire outposts going dark.

    In French Sudan, Modibo Keïta and his Communist Study Groups, would go fully revolutionary, attracting veterans and those disaffected by the war. As their numbers began to swell, attacks on French patrols and outposts to gain more supplies and arms increased. Keïta backed out of French politics fully embracing his role as leader of the largest rebel group in French Sudan.

    Léopold Sédar Senghor finally returned to Senegal and immediately began reestablishing ties with local officials and rebels. He quickly positioned himself as an intellectual and leader within the Senegal deserters and the now turned rebels. He used his influence, political acumen, and general popularity among middle class people to bring more money, attention, and experience to the expanding rebellion.

    Upper Volta had always been a region hostile to France. Only being pacified in 1912 with the final defeat of the Mossi people and capture of Ouagadougou, Upper Volta as it had been called had been dissolved, redivided and then recreated by the French. Now once again the Mossi people rallied together behind Maurice Nawalagmba Yaméogo, who had originally been moderately pro-peaceful independence, to now full scale uprising. The rebellion began once again in Ouagadougou where the defeat had taken place all those years ago, with the overthrow of a local garrison and collapsing French control over the area.

    The French Ivory Coast had originally always been a beacon of stability, the jewel in the French crown right behind Senegal. Large agricultural estates, a pacified native populace, and even popular statesmen, the colony had been a model state. This changed when the rebellions and second world war started. French crackdowns and executions of so called deserters turned more of the populace against them. Even the very pro-French Félix “Le Vieux” Houphouët-Boigny had been accidentally killed when native protests and strikes in Abidjan which he had attempted to become elected to serve in. The death of an extremely respected Doctor and well-beloved rising political star like Houphouët-Boigny only exasperated the situation for France, as the interior become increasingly dangerous for colonists to trek into. The African Agricultural Union, and the Communist Study Groups both merged into one United front led by Tidiane Dem.

    Finally, in UN Mandate Togoland and Benin, the instability that now had begun to seep into French control in West Africa, meant that even the relatively quiet colony of Togoland and Benin began to face rumblings as local leaders found French control weakening and wished to seize upon the opportunity.


    Howdy howdy my second post now here on the forums, and as always thank you for reading if you are, I appreciate any and all advice and comments.
    Part 2.2: West African War Continued
  • Part 2.2 The West African War, and African National Meeti

    February 1947: By now it was clear France’s hold on Africa was nearing its breaking point, yet none of the various revolutionary groups knew what should happen next? How could one small regionalized revolution appeal to the wider world, and even stand up to France. It was thus decided between the various revolutionary groups that they needed to unify into one singular revolutionary faction. With one common goal.

    Invited to this meeting was Léopold Sédar Senghor leading the largest Senegalese Revolution Groups, Louis Lansa Beavogui of the Guinean Democratic Movement, Modibo Keïta of the Sudanese Communist Study Groups, Daniel Ouezzin Coulibaly of the Upper Voltan Bloc, Camille Alliali of the Democratic Party of the Ivory Coast, Hamani Diouri of Niger Progressive Party, Sylvanus Olympio of the Party of Togolese Unity, and finally Hubert Maga of the Dahomey Democratic Rally. Notably, the Arab Socialists of Mauritania and French North Africa would be excluded from invitation. This meeting of the various groups would help formulate an ideological, and national goal for the various revolutionary groups.

    Firstly, the unification of the movements. All of various of revolutionary groups would be united under one banner. The People’s Liberation Front of French West Africa would be the name of this new combined rebellion, it would present as one group, make one demand, and present one goal. Secondly, ideology, this new People’s Liberation Front would be greatly influenced by the various leftist ideologies. This Liberation Front would be one leftist unity rebel group, the specifics of ideology would be set for a later date until the French threat could be eliminated. Thirdly, the leadership of this so called Liberation Front. This was the issue that could make or break the entire meeting. Even Louis Lansa Beavogui walked out of the meeting in protest after his bid for the leadership was sunk mid conversation. Eventually, a power sharing agreement a West African Triumvirate would develop. It’s members including Léopold Sédar Senghor as the head ideologue and diplomat, Modibo Keïta serving as the voice of the party, and spokesperson, and finally Daniel Ouezzin Coulibaly helping organize the militia’s within the various groups. The last order of business concerned what the true goal of movement, France leaving was the overarching goal but specifics needed to be hammered out so the movement would be impervious from separate deals by France. A Malian Federation would be the proposed idea, a nation between all the rebel groups and the nations they nearly controlled.

    February 1947-December 1950: After this meeting the groups would mobilize into action, across West Africa banded groups of militia would storm armories, infiltrate forts, and turn already mutinous soldiers onto their side. France’s response would be muted, between their soldiers who had just been demobilized not wanting to go back to war, and with almost 200,000 expeditionary forces placed in Indochina. America being hesitant to re-go to war to support French colonial interests which had already been lost in Vietnam. De Gaulle and his conservatives would push for the immediate deployment of soldiers but between defending important rubber resources in Indochina, or West Africa, or Oil in North Africa. France deployed its assets to Indochina and North Africa, while in West Africa their units stayed in Abidjan and Dakar while more and more militia took over the interior. French soldiers clash with the Liberation Front in several major battles as they evacuated personnel and documents. Ouagadougou, Niamey, and Bamako would all see major battles as French units evacuated and pulled out to Dakar and Abidjan. Finally, Soviet officials refused to recognize or support the rebels in West Africa, as Stalin had no interest or belief in African communism, a belief influence and entrenched by casual racism from his foreign ministry.

    December 1950: The rapid collapse of France and their evacuation from the interior of West Africa has pushed global attention onto Africa. The United States, France, and Senghor would all sit down to negotiate in New York. Senghor himself arrived in a seized French plane.

    Secretary of State Dean Acheson would representing the United States, Minister of the Overseas Jean Letourneau representing France, and Foreign Minister of the rebel government, Léopold Sédar Senghor. The French government wished for status quo though everyone knew that would be impossible. The USA wished to keep Senghor neutral or western aligned, and Senghor wished for independence. After the end of a week long conference a deal would be written up.

    France would leave the territories of French Sudan, Upper Volta, Niger, Senegal, Ivory Coast, UN Mandate of Togoland, and Benin. Immediately these lands would be turned over the newly organized rebel group, and it would be allowed to form a National Government. This new national government would promise strict neutrality, and to not join the Soviet Union in any defensive alliances, this new national government would also adopt strict non-interventionism to spread socialism. France would further tack on that this new government could not attempt to influence independence movements in other French colonies, and the new government could not refuse French trade or use of ports. With that, the 1950 Treaty of New York would be signed.

    Afterthought: And hello my friends I return, I adopted more of a Yugoslavia policy here for Mali, with 200,000 French soldiers eventually tied up defending Yugoslavia I’d assume they’d wanna keep control over its rubber plantations, than just desert they could barely contain as is. With Mali adopting a pragmatic national policy and with the Soviet Union completely uninterested in Mali, it seems that this nation would shift towards the West much how did Yugoslavia did.
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    Part 3: 1951-1956
  • Part 3: The Start of the Senghor Chairmanship

    Often the downfall of a man can be seen from the very beginning, the seeds of the his end are planter from his first actions. French officials had barely pulled out before the so-called Liberation Front began to fracture. Questions swirled around everyone, including up into the provisional leadership triumvirate. Would there be elections? What would the true ideology of this state be? What of the French elites who owned land and resources within this new nation? What of the churches? All of these questions would be quickly set upon by the Triumvirate.

    January 17, 1951: The Malian Socialist Federal Republic would officially be declared, Senghor, Keïta, and Coulibaly would keep their roles as head of a provisional governing Triumvirate. Elections would be postponed until as the government claimed “A Safe, and Structured Socialist Nation Could be Created.” While declaring itself to be socialist, the triumvirate would capitulate to the more liberal members of the Liberation Front by allowing the continuation of markets, especially in the important port cities of Dakar and Abidjan.

    1951-1956: The first 5 years of Mali’s existence would see the Triumvirate employ Senghor’s so called 4 arrow approach, Consolidation, Industrialization, Mechanization, and Education. The implementation of Senghor’s policy would see his power increase massively and this would begin a nearly 14 year period known as the Sénghor Chairmanship.

    Consolidation mainly entailed strengthening the new governments legitimacy in the eyes of its people and the international community, it would also herald the beginning implementation of socialist policies in Mali.

    Firstly, under the consolidation policy the Malian government would begin a diplomatic offensive to secure aid, and secure legitimacy for the Malians government control over Togo land. Senghor would ratify a declaration to sever the UN trustee status over Togo. This would cause minor protests from Britain, while the France would remain neutral, with only the USA showing support due to the new administrations desire to foster anti-Soviet aligned sentiment in the coming decolonization of Africa. By 1955 the UN would vote to remove the trusteeship officially and recognize Togo as apart of Mali. Aid would be secured between Mali and the Soviet Union first, mainly in the form of material aid like tractors, trucks, and other abundant materials within the Soviet Union after the war. This would upset the American administration who had seen this as potentially the first foothold in Africa. American diplomats and Senghor himself would draw up treaties providing US aid to Mali as long as they did not pursue any closer ties to the Soviet Union beyond the aid. This further strengthened on the Treaty of New York, and moved Mali closer to America.

    Next, in the consolidation tactics would see the reining in of the Red Militia’s into a more standardized and Federal system. Many of these militia members would be integrated into the newly formed Malian Black Army[1]. Daniel Ouezzin Coulibaly whom had helped organized the Liberation Front into a more organized army, now would be tasked with garrisoning, securing control, and the various socialist reforms the government would undertake, this would begin to vastly increase the power of Coulibaly whom would also establish the Internal Security Bureau, or ISB. The ISB would be feared as the secret police of the Triumvirate era and would help begin the transition to socialism and undermining the influence of reactionaries and Europeans.

    The implementation of socialist policies would be laid out in the Four Year Plan (1951-1955), agriculture and farmlands would be cooperativized as the government would refer to the program. Small farming plots would be politically, and economically grouped into Farmer Cooperatives, this was done to cut down on the costs of the mechanization campaign as farmers would share and mutually pay for operation costs. The villigization of villages into communally owned cooperative lands would also take place, enforced and carried out by the Black Army. The implementation and management of this socialization and initial “teaching” period would be carried out often when former white land owners, and even old tribal aristocracy who had been enticed into working for the party and state.

    The integration of the old landowning whites, and tribal aristocracy, and the socialization of land often came at a price, the Malian government would be forced to put down numerous uprisings especially be more conservative and reactionary or separated tribals. In the first 5 years it’s expected due to uprising and ethnic tensions caused anywhere from 5-10,000 casualties.

    Industrialization would come far more slowly than it had for other socialist states. Mali had neither the resources, manpower or money of the Soviets, thus a more measured and gradual policy of industrialization would take place. In cities like Dakar and Abidjan and Ouagadougou the Malian government would encourage surrounding people’s to help build or work in factories, with propaganda promising workers economic democracy, and workers councils handling factories, and a market to allow for goods never seen before by the average rural farmer. This propaganda in the future would return to bite the Malians.

    This slow industrialization plan would also coincide with slow mechanization, small amounts of cars or trucks were available within Mali, and usually government owned, so the government would set to work distributing tractors, and trucks to the locations that were needed the most, and helping the slow mechanization of agriculture.

    The Fourth point concerned education. By the time of the French exit, literacy rates in the new Federation ranged from 20-30% with most educated peoples being now party officials, or suppressed reactionaries. The government would set about a formal liquidation of illiteracy within the borders of the Federation. This would also become a useful propaganda tool. With the standardization of a new Mande Language, the Malian government could enshrine a new identity, based upon the old lineage of the Malian Empire of old. This education would also allow the Malians to sway people’s opinions and beliefs to becoming firm believers in not only African Socialism, but Malian Nationalism.

    All of these rapid reforms would not come without cost, however; the Tuaregs remained wary of the new government, and few settled into the new SR Azawad or SR Aïr, and as time continued these tensions would continue to grow.

    Notes: [1] Black Army or Black Legion is often a form of sometimes discriminatory, sometimes respectful behavior towards all black or all black moor regiments within North African armies. I thought it would be interesting to see the African socialists adopt this as a badge of honor.

    Afterthought: Hello everyone it’s me, DeVante once again and I do appreciate all the new responses I’ve been getting lately. A little more about me originally my family originates from Mali way back in my fathers family timeline. so I always wondered what an interesting world it would be to see a successful state based in that region. Anyways, my posts feel rambling to me I get lost in trains of thought because this stuff fascinates me. Also, note, does it seem like the governing system is vague? Well it’s supposed to be, the Triumvirate is this wishy washy market socialism/reactionary socialism etc etc, and this will later anger lots of people, leading to the man we love Sankara. Thanks, have a good day/night and be kind to each other.
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    Part 4: 1957-1960
  • Part 4: 1957-1960

    A Three Year Plan, The First Decade of Malian Independence Comes to a Close, Independence Fire Rages Across Africa

    For many years people had predicted the end of the French Colonial Empire, the victory of Mali, galvanized France to try and hold onto colonies in Indochina. This only made the loss even larger when at the Battle of Dien Bien Phu in 1954, with the French army being battered and pushed out by Northern Vietnamese forces. As France’s colonial ventures had twice seemingly ended in complete failure, first West Africa, and now Indochina.

    The French government at home was faced by a plague of issues. Draft riots, and unpopularity in these costly continued colonial wars caused Joseph Lanier to resign in disgrace with no obvious replacement. Finally, a general strike ground the French economy to an absolute halt. As France faced governing, social, and economic crisis anti-colonialist movements moved to strike.

    The Algerian Front de Libération Nationale or FLN, the Mouvement National Algérien or MNA, and finally the Parti Communiste Algérien coming together in open Revolution against the French authorities. The Algerian War (1954-1960) would single the death knell for not only the French Empire, but the 4th Republic as well.

    In response to this collapsing state of affairs, Morocco, Tunisia, and Guinea would declare full independence from France in 1958. The French government would give little response as most of its forces were tied up in Algeria. Though, the collapsing government had begun negotiating with Algerian rebels to get their demands, and possibly work out a deal. This would be unacceptable for the French Military whom had been faced with loss after loss, and continued humiliation politically as the government placed blame on high command, and discussed cutting funding. West Africa, Indochina, the Suez, and now Algeria a secret group of authoritarian-leaning French officers and politicians called the Organisation Armée Secrète. The OAS would carry out numerous bombings, assassination attempts, and even a mutiny in Algiers that would collapse the entirety of the Fourth Republic. Charles De Gaulle would return in prominence to power as President in August of 1957, and would announce in 1959 the intention of his government to pull out of Algiers. In 1960 Officers and Generals in Algeria would attempt a Putsch against President De Gaulle and force the government in Paris to double its efforts to save Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia and Guinea. Finally, in 1960 Mauritania under the leadership of Moktar Ould Daddah would declare its independence from France. The coup would be quashed and its leadership arrested by forces loyal to Paris, and France would officially sign a treaty exiting from Algeria, and Africa completely, with Equatorial Africa exiting French colonial control.

    Where was Mali in all of this? The Malian government adopted a policy of politically and superficially supporting communist rebels in Algeria. They would help provide intelligence on French tactics, and minor equipment support, yet Mali did not provide more. Partially out of obligation to its treaties with France, partially out of America asking Mali to not over-involve, and, and lastly the Malians were more tangled up in the continuation of the Cooperativization or agriculture and industry, and the unrest that had followed it.

    The major fronts of resistance were SR Azawad and Casamance. The Fula, and Jola people in the area had proved especially resilient to the attempts by Mali to institute universal language use, illiteracy liquidation centers, and cooperativized agriculture and industry. The Tuaregs of Azawad and Aïr also had proven incredibly hesitant with only a fraction settling down and settling in to these new roles. Senghor would go light handed to Azawad meeting Tuareg leaders and trusted tribal elders like Intalla ag Attaher, and Ibrahim ibn 'Umaru. The meeting taking place in Gao would see Senghor concede in granting protections to nomadic herders and traders, while also reducing taxation upon their sales finally, their leaders would integrated into the communist party. The Tuaregs would also receive protections in their languages, and personal autonomy. In return the Tuaregs would help with the cooperativization and socialization of society and economics.

    Casamance would be different. Malian soldiers descended upon Ziguinchor. Local leadership was rounded up and those that could pose a threat to the governing administration disappeared from the area. This period would begin a 2 year long occupation by Malian forces in the Casamance Conflict. Thousands would be arrested, hundred would be killed or exiled.
    Another diplomatic accomplishment would be opening a conference between Britain and Mali in 1958. With the collapsing state of the British Empire, and it’s holdings, the British were more amendable to discussing the future of The Gambia, and its possibility of it joining Mali. Even with the British distaste for socialism, and Mali, it still desired a strong non-aligned Soviet state. It was believed that if Mali could lead African socialism away from aligning itself to soviet interests, and remain friendly to the West then it would be better than antagonizing Senghor. The Banjul Conference would see a detailed plan to make The Gambia a confederated state part of the Malian Federation. The Gambia would be allowed a protected language, state militia, and local parliament. It was a bitter pill for Senghor, and The Gambia as well. While it would provide added security and protection for The Gambia it would become apart of the Socialist Mali in everything but name. Local elections saw the popular Gambian Socialist Front gain 1/3rd of the votes, it was expected as their power increased the closer Gambia would come to being a full SR.

    On a smaller note, electrification would begin in the major cities of Mali, as well as the construction of the first planned city of Ouagadougou which would be constructed with mud brick apartments, communalized courtyard apartments, and industry attached to the city. Receiving massive government support the city would be an example of what socialism in Africa could be. Literacy rates also received a bump in increase from 25-30 up to 45-50% in some areas. All of this increase came with the backfire of more demanding access to politics and right to democratic process.
    Part 5: 1960 - 1965
  • Part 5: 1960-1965

    And Then There Were Two

    The last Five Years of the so-called Senghor Chairmanship saw the Second Casamance Conflict, Collapse of Senghor’s popularity even in Dakar, and Upper Senegal, continued Agrarian Cooperativization and growing calls for democratization of Malian Socialism.

    The Second Casamance Conflict (62-63) would spring up from The Gambian Compromise. Casamance would show discontent over Gambia being offered looser state status, and being allowed to manage their own militia, and internal parliament. Protestors and resistance groups would clash with the Black Army, and parliamentary Red Guard, though their resistance fierce, the Triumvirate once again came out on top of Casamance. People were starting to tire of the continued occupation, and rebelling against Mali, so many began to go back to their farms, and cooperate if reluctantly with the Malian economic system. The exhaustive conflict with Casamance also had rippling effects on the military too. A small but growing group of military officer reformists would begin to develop, this would be called the Young Officers Clique, and these reformists would wish to impose the council state originally promised by the government and Triumvirate. This group would remain small and in the shadows but would see their influence begin to rapidly increase as Sénghor fell away from power, and the military become massively more important.

    Economically, Sénghor was able to be more successful. Cooperativization of agriculture and factories, cooperating hand in hand with unelected party worker councils, as well as slow industrialization and electrification of cities had seen Mali grow from a poor backwater to an at least functioning state. New railways and roads connected parts of the Federation like never before, and government work programs employed civilians wherever work was needed done. This would come at the cost of civilian casualties, unrest, and increasing demands for the promises the government had originally made.

    Across the Federation people had grown increasingly tired with Sénghor. Their standards of living had started to grow, crop yields seeing a shift, and literacy rates rising, but yet civilians had been given no active say in their government. Even in Dakar, and Upper Senegal regions that wholeheartedly had supported Sénghor throughout the revolution, found themselves troubled with his despotism. Even the expansions in railway, electricity, and education everyone across the Federation had become increasingly fed up with Sénghor calling the shots, and the party knew this. It was time to call a private party Congress lest Sénghor drag the whole nation down with him.

    In the 1964 Party Congress, Daniel Ouezzin Coulibaly made his move usurping the once powerful Sénghor. While he would still technically sit on the Triumvirate he was a defeated man, relegated to writing in his room, and avoiding almost all public events. Coulibaly who had created the Malian Black Army, and Internal Security Bureau he planned to create a new culture and people of Mali. National Conscription, National Language, National Youth Pioneers, and Malian Women’s Auxiliaries. Coulibaly had planned for a new National-Socialist state. Unfortunately for him, it didn’t seem like he would live to see it.

    Afterthought: Hello once again, Sénghor is out as we approach the final two in our Triumvirate or should I say Duumvirate for all intensive purposes. Coulibaly’s entire personality is fictional finding anything on this guy was difficult, so I made him a more militant socialist, he won’t be staying around long so I wouldn’t worry about it. Anyways, I’ve been posting quite a bit recently sorry if spam posts bother you, or if they seem sloppy I’ve been having fun writing these lately. Once I reach Sankara (who’ll be a pretty young leader in this timeline) things will slow a bit as I’ll explore more of how culture is developing, and all that good stuff. Well, that’s all I have, goodnight and be good to each other.
    Part 6: Sidebar on Ideology
  • Part 6: Sidebar on Ideology

    Malian Socialism was based upon the idea of a worker council rulership, on democratic socialism, on the utopia of the old pre-colonial Mali, on an non-racialist state nationalism, on the ideal of an entire nation regimented in black, on the rejection of parliamentary democracy, on anti-capitalism. These principles of Malian Socialism was known as the “Cults of Socialism”

    1. The first feature of Malian Socialism is the Cult of Pre-Colonialism. Of course pre-colonialist thought is by no means unique to Mali, the lengths to which they would develop an almost prelapsarian disconnect between pre colonialism and European contact. Much of this thought world center around social classes being completely in harmony and based upon job than some pre-inscribed class. A harmony and synthesis between technology and nature. A generation of communal economics and labor, and a culture of secularist, and multi ethnic harmony.

    The Cult of Syncretism. This pre-colonial view would give way to a syncretic culture and society. Malian socialism thus emphasizes The Cult of Syncretism. Syncretism is not only, as the dictionary says, "the combination of different forms of belief or practice"; such a combination must tolerate contradictions. This new Malian culture would not only idealize the idea of a cultural rebirth but would also adopt and merge the various cultures found within its borders, unifying a patchwork into a melting pot.

    3. The Cult of Afro-Futurism. Pre-Colonialism implies the rejection of modernism. However; Malian Socialism holds technology, and futurism in the highest regards. It’s only rejections come with that this futurism should blend and protect nature and the communal lifestyle of African cultures. Its praise of modernism was only the surface of, social equality and technological advancement, the rejection of the modern world was a rebuttal of the capitalistic way of life, and materialist obsessions of the west.

    The Cult of Youth Action. Action being beautiful in itself, the youth are the constant torchbearers of any revolution and way of life. Thus the youth must be encouraged to always expand their horizons and build upon what came before. Youth individualism to go against social norms and experiment artistically and technology must be encouraged.

    5. The Cult of the Cooperative. The true builders of society Malian socialism upholds the ideals of workers control over the economy. Agriculturally, industrially, and service sectors must be held in workers democratic control. While being the drivers of society, Malian socialism does not reject individual enterprise as the creation of a new business often cannot and will not gain traction if smothered by bureaucracy, and political intrigue, thus small businesses exist and continue to exist in their own right.

    6. The Cult of Assimilation. While syncretic in nature of all things and cultures, and adopting social moderate policies towards minorities of different ethnicities, Malian socialism upholds that all should assimilate and become a new piece in Malian society. Each group, and each culture has a building block to play yet new immigrants should become one with the state, thus emphasizing the important of a single united national identity.

    The Cult of Frustration. Malian Socialism derives from individual or social frustration. That is why one of the most typical features of the historical socialism was the appeal to a frustrated middle class, a class suffering from an economic crisis or feelings of political humiliation, and frightened by the pressure of lower social groups.

    The Cult of Class Harmony. The Malian Socialist does not go as far as communist ideologies in declaring the destruction of social classes to be the final goal. For the existence of such classes is believed to be inevitable. Malian socialism only pushes for the meritocratic existence of these classes, for them to be based purely upon jobs done, from peasant, blue collar, white collar, intelligentsia, and artist. These classes should be static and enterable for those who are able. The hierarchy of cooperative owners and managers should only be democratic in nature and be removable by the people who put them in that upper position.

    Cult of Charity. The followers must feel disgusted and dejected by the ostentatious wealth of capitalist nations. For Malian socialism must emphasize that while its citizens ought to live comfortably, and no citizen should starve, hoarding of wealth and material must be seen as an evil. Thus a charitable society that is willing to help out those who are less fortunate is prioritized.

    Cult of Peace. There is in Malian Socialism a desire for peace and pacifism. Due to the nature and size of the state itself the bare necessities for a prosperous society exist, thus the Malian socialist avoids expansionism prioritizing pacifism, and defense of the borders and state.

    Cult of Decentralization. Malian socialism believes that everything from the economics, to the governing should be as flat of a hierarchy as possible. Thus, everything from economic planning is decentralized and democratic, to the markets being restricted by the state, and a clear line between federal and state power.

    Cult of Equality. Malian society is filled with many peoples, and religions. Thus, a society based upon equality between all groups, men, women, heterosexual, homosexual, Christian, or Muslim all groups must be built and merged into Mali. Even economically, income disparity must be kept as low as possible to avoid elitism within the state.

    Cult of the Individual. While being a collective culture, collective society, and collective economics the right and push for an individual life and drive must be always protected. The right to create, to express, and live as one owns self is upheld and protected under Malian Socialism.

    These principles of Malian Socialism while often espoused and pushed by the various leaders of the Federation, it was not fully implemented until the era of Sankara and the democratic rebellion of 1975.

    Afterthought: Well, there’s a sidebar for ideology, I always found writing out my general belief system interesting, I remember even when I was young I would pull out my great grandfathers old typewriter and write away at my perceptions and prescriptions of the world. Utter rubbish to read now looking back. I was a fascist no other word for it. Nationalistic, racist, expansionist, and mysticist. I am glad to have left those ostensibly bad ideals behind me, but yet I still rather enjoy writing my ideology down, like I did here. Anyways, long rant over Ciao Ciao be good to each other.
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    Part 7: Socio-Economic Classes of Mali
  • Part 7: Classes of Mali

    While Mali would officially seek to destroy the traditional class system and castes of Mali, and Bambara culture; however the government would help foster the creation of new different classification systems, most of these would already form traditionally; and the government mainly used these as census information.

    Socio-Economic of Mali:

    Brown Collar: Agrarian farm workers or tenants

    Blue Collar: Factory Worker class

    White Collar: Office Work, or Management class

    •Pink Collar: Service Industry Worker

    •Red Collar: Government, and Federal Administration Workers

    Purple Collar: Information Technology, and other tech jobs

    Gold Collar: Academic/scientific research, medicine, engineering, law, business, and advanced technology.

    Grey Collar: Retired or elderly worker

    •Black Collar: Mining or Resource Extraction

    Brown Collar: Military, or Paramilitary Forces

    Scarlet Collar: Sex Work, Drugs, Gambling or Illegal Trades.

    Green Collar: Environmental jobs or green energy

    Orange Collar: Prisoners

    No Collar: Tribal or Unemployed

    Velvet Collar: Cultural intelligentsia, filmmakers, and other poets.

    While traditionally Mali would attempt to quash large amounts of income inequality there would still be a general lower, middle, and upper class usually based around the work done by the person.

    Lower Classes: No Collars, Orange Collar, and Scarlet Collar, Grey Collar,

    Middle Classes: Brown Collar, Blue Collar, Pink Collar, Red Collar, Black Collar, Brown Collar

    Upper Classes: White Collar, Purple Collar, Gold Collar, Green Collar, Velvet Collar

    Overall by the end of the 1900’s Mali would reach a gini of .62

    Afterthought: Happy Thanksgiving friends unless you’re not American then, happy Thursday. Here’s another side lookin at how classes developed in Mali. Back to normal timeline stuff too. Adios!
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    Part 8: 1970-1974
  • 1965-1974

    The Chairmanship of Daniel Ouezzin Coulibaly, and Modibo Keïta

    Coulibaly helped pioneer the Ultranationalist Socialist movement within Mali itself. He would help push forward the creation and disciplining of the Malian National Black Army. He would also set about militarizing the youth of Mali with the Malian Youth Pioneer. These Youth Pioneer organizations would develop as a mouth piece for the state, and the way Malian ideals would be imparted. The Internal Security Bureau benefited immensely from Coulibaly receiving the most aid, and best equipment to expand into supporting rooting out reactionaries. Finally, the formation of a Black Auxiliaries where conscripted forces would make up the government militia and various jobs relating to infrastructure and policing.

    The Malian Army had been formed out of the old red militia’s from the revolution. From 1950-1960 Coulibaly had centralized the military into the new Malian National Black Army. The MNBA would be armed with numerous older French rifles, and any arms left over from the Second World War. Coulibaly would begin purchasing arms from the Soviet Union. The AK-47, PPSH, and other Soviet rifles would begin to be studied in hopes of one day making domestic arms. For the time being this arms deal represented one of the first Soviet-Malian relations improvement since initially chilly relations. From initial Soviet arms and out of date armored vehicles and Tanks, Coulibaly would begin the slow modernization of the military. This military expansion would be tested in Casamance as the Third and Final Casamance Conflict (1967) Conflict would see the first use of automatic weapons in which the Malian Black Army would crush resistance so brutally the workers abandoned their cause.

    The so-called militarization of Mali would not only happen within the Black Army, but even with the numerous youth population of Mali. The Malian Youth Pioneers would be a youth group funded by the Malian government to enshrine the states values of duty, socialism, and environment. The Pioneers would be based heavily on the American Boy Scouts encouraging the Malian Youths to engage in community service, and providing young children an opportunity for socialization and self expression. While not mandatory, the government would push the organization making it the sole boys youth organization. Ages of the Malian Youth Pioneers was 14-18 with a Junior Malian Youth Pioneers ranging from 10-14. Ironically, many of those that joined this group and would be brought up by these pioneers would become ardent reformists who would wholeheartedly back the later destruction of the Triumvirate. The head of the Youth Pioneers was Jato Coote.

    For the rest of Mali the government would create a National paramilitary to utilize Mali’s numerous listless young men and women. The National People’s Militia would be a both gendered national army reserve, the People’s Militia would do community service, help building projects, and serve in policing or fire capacities where needed, and finally serve as a reserve for the army when needed. A Men’s People’s Community and Women’s People’s Community would also help foster community bonds and friendships for those who had exited their national service ages and still seek out community bonds and duty.

    While on the surface all of these new reforms were to foster a new sense of unity, Coulibaly would continue to strengthen the Internal Security Bureau which would root out discontent within Mali. Tasked with finding internal enemies the ISB partnered and worked in tandem with the National Gendarmerie. Both forces were considered elite within Mali and often were given specialized gear. The first head of the ISB was Boubacar Kolley who would later become instrumental in the downfall of the regime.

    While Couilably was a proven military man and propagandist however he failed in some glaring ways that contributed to his quick downfall. Economically, Couilably proved less caring about consumer goods and continuing agricultural modernization. His five year plan mainly dealt with creating a small arms factory in Bamako which would form the basis of the Bamako Small Arms Cooperative. Ironically, his more non interventionist approach let farmers and factory workers breathe and begin to run their cooperatives more independently though they still languished under party management. Also his shifting of state funding towards more militarization angered many who did not want war or a large military budget, though this military proved instrumental in preventing state collapse.

    Coulibaly also proved a relatively poor diplomat preferring the sword to a pen. His only true diplomatic accomplishment was officially seeing Mali’s elevation to full member of the Non-Aligned Movement. Though Senghor had been instrumental in theorizing a third world alliance of nations, he himself had not made Mali a full member instead preferring observer status, this had been likely due to Senghor’s desire to be close to the United States and the United Kingdom, thus making him distant of other movements. Coulibaly had no such qualms and opened trade with the Soviet Union and entered into the Non-Aligned Movement. This caused some tension between the United States and Mali, and Coulibaly also reneged on Mali’s agreement with several Tuareg groups in SR Azawad causing renewed hostilities. He also notably, sent soldiers to free Nkrumah and help prevent his coup in 1966. While this wouldn’t save the regime forever it would help prevent the end of socialism within Ghana and align the nation closer to Malian interests.

    The final nail in the coffin of Mali came with the 1968 Sahel Drought in which continued lack of rainfall led to lower harvests, and crop yields dwindled. Especially hitting Senegal, Burkina Faso, and into Niger. The government response proved disastrously disproportionate, with many smallholders being left out to dry and starve on the farms. Many of these small shareholders would join cooperatives voluntarily or pick up and move into the cities rather than face starvation. Cooperatives would still face numerous shortfalls and struggle to keep up production of enough crops to feed themselves and sell enough out. The only positive was with Mali’s connections to the outside world it imported some of the food to prevent mass starvation and bread riots. 1968-69 were still; however, known as lean years.

    Thus, combined with his overmilitarization, poor diplomacy skills, conflicts in Azawad and the Sahel Drought, Coulibaly fell out of favor with the Party. At the end of his term in 1970, Coulibaly would resign, and be replaced by Modibo Keïta, the end of the Triumvirate was fast approaching.

    The Chairmanship of Modibo Keïta which lasted from 1970-1975, and would prove too little too late to save the dictatorship.

    Keïta leapt into action to deal with the Sahel drought. He would send advisors to Israel and take notes on how their agriculture used drip irrigation and other techniques to save water within their arid environment and maximize crop output. Keïta would also become a patron and fan of Norman Bourlag and invite him to teach techniques to the various cooperatives. Drip irrigation, high yielding crop varieties, dwarf wheat, chemical fertilizers, crop rotation and continued mechanization. All of these would help deal with the drought but also massively increase yields beyond pre-drought levels.

    Politically, Keïta began his policy of “lower democratization” in which the party would no longer control the market mechanisms within Mali, and cooperatives would be allowed to be fully worker run. This change; however proved too little too late, as the civilian populace was fully tired of the triumvirate ruling over the Federation. While Keïta was well liked and well intentioned most people didn’t want another autocrat taking over after him and reversing his reforms.

    Democratization only allowed for the now 65% literate Malian population, (doubling the 30-35% literacy Mali started at) an ever more powerful voice. The Malian Federation of Trade Unions began organizing protests against the government, while within the military the Young Officers Clique headed by 26-27 year old Thomas Sankara began exercising increasing influence upon the government.

    Militarily, the Malian Black Army would crush several Tuareg uprisings notably a fixed Battle in Gao scattered much of nomad populace within the area.

    Despite his successes in democratization, military victories in Azawad, and the successful reversal of the drought, and modernization of the Malian agriculture, Keïta would not last longer than the leader of Mali.

    Afterthought: Last post for a bit, even though my familial line traces back to Mali, currently my family are farmers in Iowa, so Norman Bourlag and his exploits have always interested me, and how they led to a green revolution. Anyways, sorry for the over posting like 3 times in 3 days lately, sorry.
    Part 9: Burgundy Revolution 1974-1975
  • December 31st 1974-January 15th 1975

    Burgundy Revolution

    Following the slow progress the government had made at its promised democratization, and increasing conflict between Tuareg nomads and more settled groups and businesses within the area, groups began to coalesce, planning the final removal of the Triumvirate and shatter authoritarian power over Mali.

    This coup would; however, not be weak and from one branch of power of government or military which was common within other coups. This coup would be united with military, trade unions, ISB, and many reformist politicians. They would all wear burgundy arm bands as they marched on the capital city of Ouagadougou, during New Years and the 24th Party Congress. As they celebrated and had meetings, the coup would strike.

    Firstly, The National Trade Unions Congress. The NTUC was a United federation of trade unions representing all the various unions within Mali from all different industries throughout the nation. Trade Unions had been made illegal, and were heavily persecuted by the government, who believed only their workers councils and planning committees could be the true form of worker representation. Head of the National Trade Unions Congress was Jean-Mathias Liliou. The National Trade Union Congress pursued a general policy of transforming the Malian economy, making the trade unions into one unified body who would help democratically plan the aspects of the economy necessary. Thus each Union chosen by its workers would help transform the inefficient central planning into one based upon worker input and star based building.

    The majority of the Internal Security Bureau would back the coup, including its leader Sangoulé Lamizana. While the ISB had benefited greatly from the rule of the Triumvirate it’s leaders could see the writing on the wall. In a bid to retain not only the existence of the organization, but also their operational capacity, and of the National Gendarmerie, the ISB backed the coup. Lamizana would favor fair cooperativization and the formation of a democratic state.

    The military would also significantly back the Malian revolution. The Young Officers Clique led by 26 year old Thomas Sankara, would spearhead the Revolution. Sankara had served with distinction during the Third Casamance Conflict and became an Officer during the Tuareg Conflict. He and other young officers formed a council and began plotting a coup to bring down the triumvirate once and for all. Two members had already collapsed into irrelevance and there was now only one more they needed to strike. The military wished to transform the state into a council democracy with open elections and recallable delegates.

    Finally, many independent and reform minded politicians backed the coup. Various politicians had grown increasingly aware the Triumvirate and party were unstable and thus wished to formulate and exit strategy. Some were opportunists who wanted a job in the new government, while some actually reform minded. These internal politicians would be instrumental in the smooth transition of government.

    December 31st 1974: The Malian Black Army reassigning coup backing units to “guard” the congress on the day the coup was planned. More loyal forces were disarmed or reassigned to new posts, then they were split and broken up. The conspirators would don their armbands to signify their part. Access in and out of the city is cut off by the conspirators.

    ISB units capture nearby radio towers and broadcast as if everything is normal. Ouagadougou is now completely cut off from the outside, and no one else in the nation is any wiser.

    January 1st 1975: The National Trade Union Congress would organize a general strike within Ouagadougou. This would tie down police forces for the time being, preventing their meddling in the coup. This would have the added caveat of making the Party more aware of something being amiss within the city; however, the ISB assured them it was just protests and would be dealt with by the local police.

    January 2nd 1975: Sankara and the military storm the Party Congress Hall, capturing thousands of party members including Senghor, Coulibaly, and Keïta. Sankara and his clique of officers would declare the Triumvirate fully abolished, and the end of dictatorial authoritarianism within Mali. Keïta to his credit resigned, and turned the position over to Sankara to with as he wished.

    January 3rd - 15th 1975: Slowly news started to be released across Mali that the party had fallen, and a new government had risen over Mali. Thomas Sankara would be named Chairman of Mali for a 5 year term. The rest of the government would be opened up to civilian voting with civilians voting for their local workers council and trade union members, these unions and councils would elect county, SR, and Federal Council members who would remain recallable at any point. All parties would be banned, and a more loose factional system would slowly develop. Thus the democratic rule over Mali began. The Burgundy Revolution had shattered and imprisoned the old party.
    Part 10: General Overview of the Government
  • General Makeup of the Malian Federation

    Loose Overview:
    All workers within a given workplace industry join into one workers council. This council elects one or more representatives to the city council. This sends leaders to the, County, then State Council, and finally the national councils. All council members are recallable. Economically the councils would interact through a market, while any necessary planning would be done through trade unions.

    Local Councils: The local civilian populace all work in and have control over their individual workplaces. These workplaces are run by elected representatives in a cooperative economy. Each workplace is grouped together with all other workplaces of that same type and form a workers council. These councils help mediate inter-business disputes and select a representative to represent the workers within a city/village council which has members from every industry. Local city councils handled their general areas, passing city ordinance, jails, etc. City councils would then send representatives to the Commune Council.

    Note: Despite being in charge of organization townhall democracy is a common practice in most towns and villages, with people voting yes or no on referendums to pass major laws.

    Commune Council: The Commune Council were subdistricts of the SR/State. These communal councils mainly helped smooth over the functioning, and communication of local city councils, as well as enforce state law, and taxes. The Communal Council would also select a member or multiple to represent the commune in the SR Council.

    SR Council: The SR Council or Socialist Republics Council was the 2nd highest body of legislature within the Federation. Made up of members from all the various communes the SR Council handled redistribution wealth, taxation, implementation of laws, creation of constitutionally non contradictory laws, station state militia, education, infrastructure, and deal with inner state trade. SR Councils also send members to the Federal Council.

    Federal Council: The Federal Workers Council is a 500 member council of representatives sent directly by states with a fixed number allotted to each state. The Federal Council have the rights of defense of the federation, electing a Chairman of the Executive Office, making laws, and confirming court members. The Federal Council is headed by a Premier.

    Now onto the next area; economics within this new Federation:

    The Malian economy is a combination of market socialism, and democratic planning.
    Markets are completely made up of state enterprise, small owned business and workers cooperatives. These state enterprises mainly focus around providing and ensuring cheaper services through subsidies or direct federal businesses. Agriculture while owned by its workers through supply and marketing cooperatives often receives subsidies, or cheap loans through Credit Unions to keep prices at a reasonable level and help modernization. Industrially most businesses are just worker owned with small enterprises being allowed for workplaces of less than 10 people. Taxes would be levied at a flat rate upon income and worker dividends.

    For democratic planning, the National Trade Union Congress would be used. Local trade unions would elect members to State and Federal Union Congresses. These congresses would be separate from the legislature and would help draft and implement 5 year plans, control over federal businesses, and use over government lands for economic purposes.

    Finally a look to the Executive.

    The Executive Branch:
    Headed by the Chairman of the Executive, and is tasked with the enforcement of Federal law and executive law, as well as upholding socialism. Every chairman serves a 5 year renewable term unless removed by the Federal Council, and Economic Congress. The Chairman is granted numerous powers including ability to declare national emergency, ability to issue executive edicts that must be later upheld or struck down by the Council. The Executive is also tasked with electing judges, and ministers though these too may be struck down by Federal Council vote. The executive is removable by Federal and Economic vote or National referendum; however such referendums may be used to keep a chairman in power against council vote.

    Afterthought: Hello I forgot to post this part earlier but this will be overall how the Federation works now. Besides that, how is everyone enjoying the timeline? I’m having a good time writing it for you all. Anyways goodnight and be good to eachother.
    Part 11: Final Act of Authority
  • 1975

    A Final Act of Authoritarianism

    The new government didn’t want to kill or hurt these men. Were they truly any different from the triumvirate if they sent men to their deaths or imprisonment just for following orders, for taking a job? Yet, Sankara and his clique knew, these men must die so that Mali could live.

    Over 12,000 people had been arrested in connection to various crimes or ties to the Triumvirate. These crimes ranged from simple book keeping, and administration, to field executions and ordering the deaths of entire villages.

    The trials would take place in Ouagadougou before the impromptu Revolutionary People’s Tribunal, headed by Aboubakar Sangoulé Lamizana and several high ranking ISB agents, and judges. The court found a little less than a few dozen of the 12,000 to be rehabilitated. By rehabilitated it referred to having either aided the revolution, or having not directly aided or abetted any crimes perpetrated by Triumvirate or its government. A few hundred of the government were those that had perpetuated the oppression of the peoples “revolutionary will” yet this was not found to be enough to be executable. On this list included one Triumvirate member the only in high government to survive: Leopold Sénghor, who’s ideological foundations and writings had been instrumental in developing Malian thought. He could not be executed due to his national ideological importance so he was given 16 months in house arrest. Finally, over 2/3rds of the 12,000 tried were sentenced to immediate execution. Included upon this list were Modibo Keïta and Daniel Coulibaly. This became the most bitter pill for more moderates like Sankara to swallow, yet they rationalized it in a widely publicized piece, with Sankara calling it “a final act of authoritarianism.”

    Somewhere outside of Gao, Mali 1975

    Modibo Keïta sat his hands tied behind his back as a truck continued to bounce down the road. He had a bag over his head, yet he knew the men he was sitting with. 7-8 of his personal entourage and even more in a truck behind them. Keïta sighed and looked down at the bed of the truck. He wondered if he had done enough to save the nation? Had his acts of despotism, cruelty, and barbarity been necessary for the revolution to be successful in Mali? He certainly believed so, he had campaigned hard on it, his defense in the trial had tried desperately to paint him as a man who did what was necessary to secure a strong bedrock in which the current state could be built upon. How could people with no framework of modern nationhood, Socialist economics, and basic literacy truly be welded into a socialist nation without a strong fist? Yet here he now sat, the prosecution unconvinced, many of them had learned to read from government liquidation centers, and were taught how to run a cooperative from party officials, yet they still ruled him guilty. Keïta’s mind wandered back to what went wrong. It was the Casamance Conflicts, the brutal villigization campaigns, and the Tuareg agreement falling apart. Though, he had not been responsible for these crimes he had tried to implement reforms, and the last years of his rule he ended the conflicts. But, it was too little too late, the Malian people had lived under his rule even if he didn’t wield all the power for 25 years, and he bore the collective guilt.

    The trucks reached its spot out in the desert. Keïta was unloaded with him and the other 24 individuals and brought to a small pit. There a imam and a priest read them their last rights, and each man was pushed forwards. Some cried for mercy, some cursed Mali, others pleaded to Keïta for help, yet they all fell the same, a single gunshot to the skull. Then it was finally Keïta’s turn. He straightened his outfit, and removed his cap. He stared up to the sky, looked to his captors, and when asked if he had any final words, said “Why?”

    A Prison in Gao, Mali 1975

    Daniel Coulibaly had always been an angry man. He had grew up mean, and led a revolution of fury and anger against the European oppressors. After languishing under the idealist Sénghor, Coulibaly finally secured power. He brutally crushed those who opposed Mali, whether it be civilians in Senegal, or Nomads in Azawad. All who refused to adopt and become Malian didn’t deserve the right to live. He had built strong organizations for a strong people, the Ultranationalist-Socialist Dream. Despite this all, the lazy and weak won. Outmaneuvered in Congress by fat bureaucrats, and then arrested by disloyal traitorous children, Coulibaly and his Ultranationalist supporters were found guilty and sentenced to death.

    As his trial approached the enraged Coulibaly furiously wrote, swore and screamed at anyone who would listen. When the day finally came and he was dragged into Gao’s town square to be hung, he spit in the executioners face, and yelled “To Hell With Mali” as his final words. The noose was too short and he thrashed upon the rope for 10 minutes before falling limp. The Beast of Mali had died as he lived, angry and thrashing against the tides of history.

    With the death of these men came the end of Mali’s triumvirate period, for better or for worse there was no turning back now, the doors to authority, and the doors to dictatorship had been clamped shut, now if Mali would fall or stand would be decided by the people.
    Part 12: Brave New World
  • 1975-1980

    Brave New World

    Mali would emerge from the Burgundy Revolution a new nation. While Mali had been struggling the outside world was rapidly changing. The 70’s had seen an oil crisis in 73, followed by a western economic recession. This presented Mali an opportunity to assert itself abroad, and expand economically.

    Internationally, Sankara would be forced to deal with several different conflicts boiling over at once.

    In 1975, Mali would help negotiate the peace between Nigeria, and Biafra serving as a neutral middle ground, and helping fair justice be received by both parties, but especially for the losing Biafrans.

    Secondly, the Economic Community of West Africa States would be founded, Mali, recently independent Guinea-Bissau(who would follow a socialist path similar to Mali), Ghana, and Nigeria would all sign the Treat of Ouagadougou which would see the formation of this new Economic Community. ECOWAS would help propose cooperation and integration of west African nations through economic and customs unions.

    In North Africa, Mali would strengthen its ties to Algeria, setting up military drills, and closer economic ties as they both had mutual military interests in the suppression of the Terrorists and Criminals.

    Sankara would also pressure reform on the Republic of Ghana, while Mali had kept Nkrumah in power, following his stepping down in 1970, Alhaji Imoru Egala had taken over as the nations president. While Ghana had followed the Triumvirate in style of economic and government policies, Egala opposed Sankara. Thus Sankara would begin applying political, social, and economic pressure on Ghana to reform, supporting popular demonstrations, and military unrest. Eventually by 1985, Egala would submit to popular pressure, and Ghana would be reorganize in the Socialist Federal Republic of Ghana adopting many of Sankara’s policies.

    1978, would see the collapse of the Mauritanian State as its Islamic socialist leader Moktar Ould Daddah would lose his tenuous grip on power following black moor riots, a loss in Western Sahara, and protests from left wingers within his own one party state. Eventually his own half brother Ahmed Ould Daddah would coup Daddah ending his rule. The new Daddah would strengthen ties to its neighbors, officially abolish slavery, and transform Mauritania to a one party dominant system, and allowing opposition groups into government.

    Thomas Sankara and his diplomats would also receive the President of the USA, Jimmy Carter in 1980. While there they would discuss foreign policy. The USA while supportive of Democratization, and offsetting OPEC, they looked on Mali’s intervention in Western Sahara and Morocco as troubling, seeing it as a domino effect of spreading their ideology. Malian diplomats would reassure the diplomatic Carter that there would be no expansions of any kind, and that these were merely backing the democratic will of the people. To further ease American fears, Algeria, and Nigeria would sell oil at lower prices to America helping them deal with the crisis OPEC had caused years earlier. This would; however, put the West African nations at odds with the Middle East, these tensions would remain high until the 90’s.

    Economically, Sankara would embolden a new 5 Year Plan:

    Mali would be forced to react to OPEC raising their prices by 10 percent. Offshore drilling in the Benin, and Ivorie Basin for petroleum while in the Senegal Basin and Ivorie Basin, Mali would begin natural gas exploration.

    Private ventures would explode in SR Azawad as Italian, and American companies would begin exploration of the Taoudeni Basin under the payroll of the Malian government. These companies would also receive work in SR Aïr where they would explore natural gas and oil production in the Termit Basin. Both of these ventures would offer an interesting opportunity for integrating the Tuaregs into society. Many of these nomads would become mercenaries or workers as the government and companies-cooperatives would be desperate to protect their excavation equipment, and find workers acclimated to the local climate. While this wouldn’t end all tensions, government reinvestments into the economy of the SR’s and democratization would see a remarkable cool down in tensions, and finally the integration of many into society in general.

    Mali, Algeria, Ghana and Nigeria would form a mutual economic bloc, and a counter to OPEC influence in North West Africa. Nigeria, Algeria and Ghana outproduced Mali oil wise more than the nation could ever hope to hold up. So Sankara pursued a 3 Economic

    Pillars Policy, Consumer Goods, Heavy Industry, and Agriculture.

    Agriculture: Following the adoption of Green Revolution techniques, mechanized technology, water conservation, crop rotation, and the use of more drought resistant and high yield crops, like sorghum, cassava, sweet potato, pearl millet, cowpea, dwarf durum wheat, and groundnut, agricultural production within Mali had taken off. Increasing in some places up to 200% even beyond pre-drought levels Mali was quickly cementing itself as the breadbasket of Africa, following the fall of Rhodesia.

    Industrially, Mali while lacking large amounts of iron still imported a lot from Nigeria, Ghana and Algeria, this would allow Mali’s industry to boom. In the realm of consumer goods Mali would create numerous new cooperatives pioneered by entrepreneurs or even local towns. Textiles, Cigars, Food Processing, Trucks, Radios, Electronics, Information Technology, Pharmaceuticals, consumer automobiles, and Paper. The Malian economy would boom providing not only consumer goods to the populace but also other nations. The only side effect was the growing size of certain cooperatives which would be known as the Malian Mega-Coops and would cause significant strife.

    In heavy industry, Heavy Trucks, small arms, Railroad equipment, construction materials, ore, steel, and oil refineries would rise in major cities.

    All of these industrial developments would have the side effect of creating a rapidly growing Service Industry, as well as increasing average income and market access.

    The government would expand its railways and road systems into more rural areas, as well as expanding electricity access allowing more Malian’s to connect across the nation. The government would facilitate this by using conscription and militia’s to help these generally unprofitable ventures.

    Besides the economic measures Mali would deepen its ties abroad, buying more military equipment from the Soviet Union, while selling uranium off to other nations like the United States or Britain, and deepening economic and political ties to India.

    Militarily, Mali would send aid and supplies to Western Sahara, while also backing Algeria if a war with Morocco erupts which would erupt in 1976-1980. The Western Sahara War sprung up over the status of Western Sahara with Algeria and Mali backing the socialist Polisario Front. Mali and Mauritania would face nearly coming to full scale war as Mauritania backed Morocco in the war. Border skirmishes would erupt between the two; however Mauritania would pull back from the border, but the threat of French intervention stopped Mali from pursuing any further gains. This war would culminate in a Western Saharan victory, as well as the ultimate collapse of the Moroccan Monarchy. The pressures of the Years of Lead, a major war loss, and a lack of help from the international community would cause the fragile government to collapse in on itself. This would begin a period known as the Moroccan Civil War in which numerous coups and counter coups would take place, eventually culminating in the creation of a Leftist Assembly by Ali Yata who would establish the People’s Democratic Republic of Morocco, as a multi party democracy of various leftist groups.

    Politically 1975-1980 would see Mali transition into a full council socialist state with workers councils sending their first representatives to local, SR, and Federal Councils. 1980 would see Sankara elected by the Federal Council unopposed beginning his second term as Chairman of Mali.
    Part 13: Social Revolution
  • 1980-1990

    The Social Revolutions

    Mali had begun its growth economically, politically, and internationally into one of Africa’s leading powers. Yet socially, Mali hadn’t advanced at nearly the same pace as other nations around the world. While the caste system had been officially abolished many people still found themselves in the same profession as their parents, many youths remained frustrated and disgruntled with the lack of liberation from social normality, and women faced much discrimination.

    The Malian Women’s Organization would be founded in 1960 to push Women’s Rights within Mali. Various marches, protests, and even violence would lead to one major violent clash between protestors, counter protestors, and police would lead to over 100 deaths, and thousands injured. The event would be infamously known as the Bamako Bloodbath of 1982, and the dead martyred. The entirety of 1982 known as the Year of Reactionaries would leave hundreds of women dead, and even for the conservative cause the murder of women, would be considered too much and they would begin to fall back on their protests and demands. This would make the eventual transition and creation of protections by the government easier.

    Homosexuality would be a different issue entirely. From the 70’s, Malian knowledge and consciousness of homosexuals really came from ethnic tribes, and events in their allies in America. Out of fear of events like Stonewall in America, different police groups or vigilantes would launch raids on secret gay areas, and meeting spots, with many being brutally killed or attacked. In 1980, Sankara would recognize the aids epidemic being one of the first African leaders to do so. This would; however, have the unintended effects of increased attacks on gays who were blamed for causing “Gods Wrath”. 1982, would once again see increased attacks and violence, the entire year being known as the Year of Reactionaries.

    The rights of the disabled in Mali was one of the biggest issue the nation faced. The disabled often were discriminated against or killed forming an underclass within Mali. In a society and culture that had been starting to be built and shaped into emphasizing work, those who were unable or fell behind faced harsh social and economic pressures with many falling into economic poverty. During the Year of Reactionaries multiple hospitals or poor shelters would be attacked with many of homeless, old, or disabled residents beaten or even killed.

    The Elderly and Homeless had formed another class of impoverished people within Mali. Called No Collars, like the disabled they would face systematic persecution as the new social classes which were based upon occupation heavily attacked those who were considered lazy, or infirm. During the Year of Reactionaries, homeless shelters would be attacked, and many elderly people harassed by angry middle aged reactionary groups, who had grown tired of taking orders from, minding, and paying for homeless and elderly members of society.

    Prostitutes would also face attacks during this period. Mali would have numerous sex workers especially in the major cities of Mali, and mining towns. With the growing aids crisis, retribution attacks upon prostitutes became incredibly common with numerous vigilante groups attacking and burning secret brothels.

    As the Year of Reactionary (1982-1983) raged throughout the nation, the Federal Council would know it needed to act. Sankara as Chairman would order the ISB to begin infiltration and bringing down of larger reactionary groups. This included the Group for Social Renewal, Traditional League, and Fundamentalist Front. The ISB and National Gendarmerie would cooperate and have their own members climb higher and higher within the ranks of these groups becoming more well known and meeting leaders of the various organizations. They would organize raids upon these groups leading to numerous high profile arrests of group leaders during the 1986 period.

    While their groups would be severely weakened these reactionaries would surge and attempt The Second and Third Year of Reactionaries (1987-1988) and 1989-1990) respectively. This would be in response to high profile arrests, and new laws passed by the Federal Council. To the groups surprise they were quashed by Police (who had been brought to heel by state pressure), state militias, and even large bands of young protestors and paramilitary groups.

    With immense social-political pressure these groups began to collapse, less radical members returned to normal life, while hardcore members found their leaders arrested, and their political leverage stunted. These events had a profound affect on Mali, even social conservatives, and apathetic moderates became more positive towards reform, and young people had become radicalized and energized having seen themselves as carrying out a Third Revolution against capitalist social norms.

    In 1987, Thomas Sankara with threats, wrangling, and favors being provided was able to secure enough votes to change the Malian Constitution. While the council was forbidden from abolishing the constitution or removing parts of it (this was done to protect economic socialism) they could; however, add amendments as long as it did not contradict anything in the constitution. This amendment would be officially called, The Universal Declaration of Rights and Protections. It would also be more colloquially be called the Sankara Amendment.

    Provisions of the Amendment:

    Section 1: Duties of the State

    •Hereby this amendment is a cornerstone of democracy in Mali. It enshrines the rights of all people in our country and affirms the democratic values of human dignity, equality and freedom.

    •The state must respect, protect, promote and fulfil the rights in the Amendment.

    •The rights in the Amendment are subject to the limitations contained or referred elsewhere in the Amendment.

    Article 2: Application

    •The amendment applies to all law, and binds the legislature, the economic, the executive, the judiciary and all organs of state.

    •A provision of the Amendment binds a natural or a juristic person if, and to the extent that, it is applicable, taking into account the nature of the right and the nature of any duty imposed by the right.

    Article 3: Equality

    •Everyone is equal before the law and has the right to equal protection and benefit of the law.

    •Equality includes the full and equal enjoyment of all rights and freedoms. To promote the achievement of equality, legislative and other measures designed to protect or advance persons, or categories of persons, disadvantaged by unfair discrimination may be taken.

    •The state may not unfairly discriminate directly or indirectly against anyone on one or more grounds, including race, gender, sex, pregnancy, marital status, ethnic or social origin, colour, sexual orientation, age, disability, religion, conscience, belief, culture, language and birth.

    Article 4: Marriage and Civil Unions

    •Marriage is defined as between by whichever temple, church, or mosque providing the marriage.

    •For those who are homosexual or heterosexuals not conforming to a certain religion they may be allowed to obtain a civil union, unless they find a church, temple, or mosque that will provide them a marriage. Such civil unions which may be applied for by homosexual or heterosexual are thus granted the full protections and benefits as marriage.
    Article 5: Dignity

    •Everyone has inherent dignity and the right to have their dignity respected and protected.

    •Everyone has inherent dignity and the right to have their dignity respected and protected.

    •All work is subject to dignity of labor. All jobs are important and valued in society in their own way. Discrimination against some workers for their employment is strictly prohibited.

    Article 6: Life and Death

    •Every law abiding, and upstanding citizen deserves and shall be provided the right to life.

    •Those who take another’s life unjustly or commit another heinous crime, their life’s may be deprived, up until the point of their release, whether that be through death or release from prison.

    •In matters of abortion, women may not have an abortion unless sufficient danger is posed to women’s well being, this including loss of her life, economic ruin or mental collapse.
    Article 7: Security

    •Everyone has the right to freedom and security of the person, which includes the right –

    (a) not to be deprived of freedom arbitrarily or without just cause;
    (b) not to be detained without trial or warrant
    (c) to be free from all forms of violence from either public or private sources; without just cause
    (d) not to be tortured in any way; and
    (e) not to be treated or punished in a cruel, inhuman or degrading way.

    •Everyone has the right to bodily and psychological integrity, which includes the right –
    (a) to make decisions concerning reproduction;
    (b) to security in and control over their body; and
    (c) not to be subjected to medical or scientific experiments without their informed consent.

    Article 8: Slavery

    •No one may be subjected to slavery

    •Those imprisoned may be subject to forms of hard labor.

    Article 9: Privacy

    •Everyone has the right to privacy, which includes the right not to have –

    (a) their person or home searched;
    (b) their property searched;
    (c) their possessions seized; or
    (d) the fruits of their labor seized.

    Article 10: Freedom of religion, belief and opinion

    •Everyone has the right to freedom of conscience, religion, thought, belief and opinion.

    •Religious observances may be conducted at state or state-aided institutions, provided that –

    (a) those observances follow rules made by the appropriate public authorities;

    (b) they are conducted on an equitable basis; and

    (c) attendance at them is free and voluntary.

    •This section does not prevent legislation recognising –

    (a) Marriages concluded under any tradition, or a system of religious, personal or family law; or

    (b) Systems of personal and family law under any tradition, or adhered to by persons professing a particular religion.

    (c) Recognition in terms of paragraph must be consistent with this section and the other provisions of the Constitution.
    Article 11: Freedom of expression

    •Everyone has the right to freedom of expression, which includes –

    (a) freedom of the press and other media;

    (b) freedom to receive or impart information or ideas;

    (c) freedom of artistic creativity; and

    (d) academic freedom and freedom of scientific research.

    •The right in subsection does not extend to –
    (a) propaganda for war;
    (b) incitement of imminent violence; or
    (c) advocacy of hatred that is based on race, ethnicity, gender or religion, and that constitutes incitement to cause harm.

    Article 12: Assembly, demonstration, Picket and Petition

    •Everyone has the right, peacefully and unarmed, to assemble, to demonstrate, to picket and to present petitions.

    •Everyone may also strike when they desire to.

    Article 13: Freedom of association

    •Everyone has the right to freedom of association.

    Article 14: Political rights

    •Every worker is free to make political choices, which includes the right –

    (a) to participate in the activities of, or recruit members for, a council position and
    (b) to campaign for a council position or cause.
    (c) Every citizen has the right to free, fair and regular elections for any legislative body established in terms of the Constitution.

    •Every worker has the right –
    (a) to vote in elections for any legislative body established in terms of the Constitution, and to do so in secret; and
    (b) to stand for public office and, if elected, to hold office.
    Article 15: Citizenship

    •No citizen may be deprived of citizenship

    Article 16: Freedom of movement and residence

    •Everyone has the right to freedom of movement.

    •Everyone has the right to leave the Republic.

    •Every citizen has the right to enter, to remain in and to reside anywhere in, the Republic.

    •Every citizen has the right to a passport.

    Article 17: Discrimination Protections

    •Every minority is protected from persecution whether legal, social, economic, or political.

    Politically, Sankara would take massive hits from the so-called social revolutions, Three Year of the Reactionaries, and passing equality legislation.

    In 1990 especially Sankara would nearly lose his seat as Chairman, only winning by 251-249. He would; however, not be finished and would prepare executive enforcement of his new equality laws.

    Police reforms, ISB and National Gendarmerie expansion, plus increasing social access to lawyers, and lobbyists on their behalf would help Malians such as women or other minorities access new opportunities for legal defense.

    Afterthought: Howdy another two days and another post. This one is covering the winding down period of Sankara’s chairmanship. His popularity waning a bit as his reforms are unlikely to be felt until years for now. He’ll retire in the year 2000 from politics, having irrevocably shaped politics in Mali for better or for worse.
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    Part 14: End of the Sankara Era
  • 1990-2000

    The Last 10 Years of Sankara Part 1: Education, Environment, and Healthcare

    The last decade of the 20th Century would also be the end of an era for Mali. Thomas Sankara for all his triumphs, bringing democracy and equality to Mali found himself heavily chastised by everyone. Social Conservatives said he had gone too far too soon, Radicals claimed he hadn’t gone far enough, and the Federal Councils grew increasingly tired of him. Many high members of the Council came to Sankara and informed him, the council would most likely grant him a final term, but by 2000 he would have to retire. So, Sankara in his final decade would begin his last major reforms, Education, Environment, and Healthcare.
    Militarily, Sankara would avoid most major entanglements. With the government declaring neutrality in the 1st and 2nd Congo Wars, instead preferring to make money instead of fighting wars. With the larger cooperatives firmly pressuring government non-interventionism.

    Mali would still participate in some conflicts, mainly the Gulf War, Mali would send about 1,000 Malian soldiers as part of the multi national coalition to boot Iraq from Kuwait. This earned Mali international praise and brought it more into the western cultural and economic sphere. This would be more important to Mali as the fall of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia would shake Mali to its core. Once again more authoritarian forms of socialism had failed while Mali continued to survive and thrive. With the Yugoslav Wars Mali would specifically take in 2,500 Yugoslav refugees who willingly signed up to go to Mali, generally these were more ideological socialist members of the refugee groups. These groups would meld well into Malian society and economy.

    The most controversial military activity was the annexation of Gambia. The Gambia had since the 60’s been a Malian Autonomous State, having multiparty parliamentary elections; however with Sankara’s ascension to government he had democratized the nation, and slowly reduced Gambian Autonomy. The Gambian All Socialist Bloc had secured a majority of the seats of parliament in 1995 running on a platform of integration into Mali. So, beginning in 1995, The Gambia began integration into Mali, of course this would not be totally without violence, and riots in Banjul forced the Gambian militia to open fire on rioters. After a long 6 months, 26,000 Gambians had been displaced, killed or imprisoned, with SR Gambia founded shortly afterwards with Worker Councils, and economic socialization coming into full effect.

    Socially, Mali experienced major shifts in the 90’s. Denim embroidered jackets and other clothing with colorful patterns that represented ethnic heritage became incredibly popular and a national dress style. This style would become popular among women too pushing the further entrenchment of women as the same as men, especially within the workplace. The white toga style agbada, Dashiki shirts and Kufi Hats. Women, minorities, and other groups faced discrimination but now we’re becoming more represented in Malian society, and government. With electrification reaching 80% and literacy at 90% Malians had access to more and more modern technology like television, and radio, with Ouagadougou being the first place to gain internet in 1998.

    Educationally, Mali ensured 85% of its citizens aged 6-17 went to the mandatory public education; however, the government knew it still needed standardization and expansion. The Ministry of Education would promote university level and daycare education for children as a way to encourage the growth of Mali’s academic base while also freeing up parents to work, and a growing service economy with daycare coops. The creation of a common curriculum would further help entrench a common Malian identity, history, and language. More specifics; however, would be left to individual states. Finally, Sankara would subsidize teachers in college making the process less costly for people pursuing a degree, with also the government appealing abroad to neighboring Nigeria, or even its allies India to come teach in Mali.

    The Healthcare system in Mali had been extremely subpar. Poor standards, villages that lacked any proper medicine or facilities, understaffing in some areas, and over staffing in others, and exorbitant medical costs plagued the Malian system. By 2020 Mali would have 70 million people, and many of these people would lack access to proper medical care if nothing was done. Sankara would establish the Ministry of Healthcare, it’s first act the establishment of the People’s Public Healthcare which would free and accessible to all citizens of Mali. Expanded vaccinations, and preventative healthcare. The Ministry of Healthcare would also expand into reproductive health ensuring contraceptives and encouraging use for HIV positive people, with a law later being passed arresting people who unknowingly got others sick. While this healthcare would be the most expensive expenditure it would have long term positives for the Malian people.

    Finally, came the most ambitious, but maybe most important to Sankara, the environment. The Ministry for the Environment would be founded. The ministry would be tasked with Plan Env.I which would see the afforestation of millions of trees in a project colloquially known as the Green Wall Project. Drought resistant plants and trees would be planted to curb and stop desertification of any lands within Mali. These trees would stretch from Senegal to Niger across the entire Sahel Region, an area that often had. Plan Env.II would see water desalination plants would be built to expand clean water through piping in 17 plants. Plan Env.III would pursue Green Energy for Mali. The main aim was 30% of Mali to be based upon such green energy by 2020.

    These costly endeavors would stretch Mali’s finances, and cause Sankara to rely and allow more and more for large mega-cooperatives to expand their economic opportunities and power inwards.

    Thus, as 2000 dawned Sankara would step down, and walk out of the National Council for the final time. He had dedicated 25 years to Mali and her people, and now he could finally rest and retire. Sankara would live up until the modern day as a political theorist teacher in the University of Ouagadougou. For better or worse Mali would be forever changed.

    Afterthought: So we march closer to the end of our timeline with the end of the Sankara era. So any preliminary guesses as to what the gdp of Mali will be by the modern day?
    Part 15: Borders of Mali
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    Borders of Mali
    Part 16: Flag of Mali
  • flag_3.png

    Finally a flag for Mali. The burgundy representing the burgundy Revolution that led to democratization. My spin on the typical socialist flag.
    Part 17: Quiet Years
  • 2000-2010

    The Quiet Years (2000-2010)

    On January 5th 2000, Sankara would celebrate the 50th year of Malian independence, and on January 7th he would leave office for the final time, have served for over half of Mali’s time as a nation.

    After the rapid reforms of Sankara, the immense events that rocked the nation, and the rapid growth, Mali needed a break. So from the years 2000-2010 the members of the Federal Council would elect chairman that best represented their interests. Meek, and desiring to uphold the status quo, much like the council itself at the time. Pascal Affi N'Guessan former organizer of various village communes, and cooperatives in the former Ivory Coast, and Vice President of the Socialist International. In a different time N’Guessan would have been a perfect replacement for Sankara. Still a younger man, experienced administrator, and popular with many, he was; however, forced to make numerous concessions to secure votes by the Federal Council.

    The Council and Economic Union would oversee the continued economic growth of Mali by large cooperatives. While they would not defund or remove Sankara’s reforms due to fear of a revolt, they would still not expand government spending.

    Militarily; Mali would however deploy its army to former French Colonial Niger, now known as SR Kanuri-Hausaland. The rise of the militant Islamic radical group Boko Haram in Nigeria threatened to cause a refugee crisis and combat on the border of Mali and Nigeria. To prevent this expansion by the Islamic Militant Group the Nigerian and Malian government would form a United Military Command (UMC) to contain and combat the threat. The Boko Haram Conflict (2002-2013) would be one of Mali’s longest engagements, as Mali held the 5th largest uranium reserves in the world it could not let destabilization of businesses in the area effect the economy.

    In the realm of government expenditure Mali would plan to build 5 Nuclear Power Plants or 10 reactors supplied by uranium from the state. These would help provide 25% of Mali’s energy and were expected to be completed by 2020. This would put Mali ahead of South Africa who had one plant and 2 reactors (though by 2010 they would curiously announce they also planned to build 4 more), but as South Africa relied on Malian uranium, it also opened talks about construction within each others countries, sharing information between the two.

    Socially, Mali would see the growing of a new conflict, one Sankara himself had failed to ever mitigate, and that was the growing mega cooperative-small business divide. While income inequality was low in Mali, the wealth disparity was slowly beginning to grow, and mega cooperatives had begun to amass more political and economic power to drive small businesses out of business. The government; however in it’s attempts to push status quo and not push massive reforms again, decided against acting to curb Megacooperative power.

    Pascal Affi N'Guessan was never meant to be a long standing Chairman, so after a single term he was replace and recalled by the so called centrist faction within the council. In his place Django Sissoko was elected as the Sixth Chairman of Mali.

    Django Sissoko has helped Mali build in its early years. Helping manage and encourage the construction of credit unions across Mali. He served as Minister of Finance, and was elected leader of several offices during his time in the Council. He had become a centrist poster boy, and it was hoped he could mitigate conflicts between large and small cooperatives and enterprises with his financial expertise.

    Sissoko would have the unfortunate task of being Chairman during the 2008 Global Recession. Mali’s gdp growth fell to an all time low 1%. Many local small businesses would; however, feel a resurgence in power. The megacooperatives who had been harder by the recession found their position within Mali slightly give way to more breathing from for local businesses who continued to sell within Mali or to nearby neighboring countries. Once again as the crisis heightened the government adopted a neutral policy, letting the market operate and conflict as it had.

    This backfired immensely for not only the economy, but the entire government. Youth radicals who had grown up during the Sankara era and been educated and raised by the various youth groups struck out this government inaction. Many young people themselves had been locked out of forming their own enterprises and cooperatives by megacooperative intimidation and manipulative business practices. These young radicals formed what was called the Forth Wave or Neo-Sankarists would be those inspired by his policies of reformism and equality.

    In the 2009 council elections, the so called status quo centrist faction saw its control over the council plummet as their wide support base abandoned them in mass for more radical and young politicians. The 500 seat council was almost completely taken over by the Fourth Wave. Sankara after only having left office 10 years earlier saw his policies and politics vindicated by a new political movement. With the fall of the attempted status quo degradation of socialist values a new government headed by the first female leader of the Federation, Kamissa Camara the future appeared to be full speed ahead for Mali

    Afterthought: One post down one more to go and it’s all over. Thanks I do appreciate everyone reading my first timeline.
    Part 18: General Stats of Mali


    •Population: 70 Million
    •Population Growth Rate: 1.48%
    •Age Dependency Ration: 65% of working age population
    •Urban Population: 51% of total population
    •Infant Mortality: 12.1 per 1000 live births
    •Life Expectancy at Birth: 77 Years
    •Age Distribution:
    8% Age 65+
    62% Age 15-64
    30% Below 15
    •Literacy Rates: 94%
    •School Enrollment Value: 120
    •Tertiary Education Rates: 20%


    •GDP Nominal: 630 Billion
    •GDP Nominal Per Capita: 9000
    •GDP PPP: 1.4 Trillion
    •GDP PPP Per Capita: 20,000
    •Unemployment Rate: 6.4%
    •Inflation Rate: 2.5%
    •Main Import Partner: USA
    •Main Export Partner: India
    •Poverty Rates: 5.5%


    •Electricity: Coal, Oil, Natural Gas and
    other non renewable: 55%
    Nuclear Energy: 20%
    Green Energy: 25%
    •Oil Production: 200 Thousand Barrels per Day
    •Natural Gas: 100 Thousand Barrels per day


    •Airports: 150
    •Automobile Owners: 50% of
    •Cellular Telephone Users: 90%
    •Access to Electricity: 93.5% of population
    •Access to Internet: 67% of population


    •49% of population employed


    -Corn (10th largest producer)
    -Millet (2nd largest producer)
    -Sorghum (8th largest producer)
    -Wheat (15th largest producer)
    -Peanuts (4th largest producer)
    -Palm Oil (6th largest producer)
    -Cotton (6th largest)
    -Coffee (7th largest)
    -Chicken/Poultry (10th largest producer)
    -Sugar (6th largest producer)
    -Yams (3rd largest Producer)
    -Cassava (10th largest producer)
    -Cashews (3rd largest producer)
    -Plantains (8th largest producer)
    -Cowpeas (2nd Largest Producer)
    -Sesame Seed (8th Largest Producer)
    -Okra (3rd largest producer)
    -Shea Nuts (1st largest producer)
    -Fonio (2nd largest producer)
    -Cows/Beef (15th Largest Producer)
    -Sheep/Mutton (5th Largest Producer)
    -Goat (2nd largest producer)
    -Natural Rubber (6th largest producer)
    -Camels (7th largest producer)

    Natural Resources:

    -Petroleum (25th largest producer)
    -Natural gas (30th largest producer)
    -Iron (15th largest producer)
    -Copper (27th largest producer)
    -Uranium (5th largest producer)
    -Salt (40th largest producer)
    -Gold (9th largest producer)
    -Coal (40th largest producer)
    -Phosphate (15th largest producer)
    -Limestone (25th largest producer)
    -Thorium (30th largest producer)
    -Diamond (25th largest producer)
    -Zinc (25th largest producer)
    -Titanium (7th largest producer)
    -Silver (40th largest producer)
    -Tin (14th largest producer)
    -Aluminum (39th largest producer)
    -Platinum (20th largest producer)
    -Barite (20th largest producer)
    -Bauxite (10th largest producer)
    -Feldspar (47th largest producer)
    -Graphite (13th largest producer)
    -Gypsum (37th largest producer)
    -Cement (25th largest producer)
    -Sand and Gravel (40th largest producer)
    -Kaolin (26th largest producer)
    -Lead (39th largest producer)
    -Magnesium (21st largest producer)
    -Pumice (15th largest producer)
    -Steel (25th largest producer)
    -Soda Ash (23rd largest producer)
    -Talc (24th largest producer)
    -Minor amounts of Tungsten, Vermiculite, Wollastonite, Zirconium, Palladium, and Vanadium.

    Afterthought: So here’s a general look at Mali’s stats the agriculture and natural resources is just based on adding up the production numbers of all the countries Mali encompasses. Next post will probably be tomorrow. Thanks!
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    Part 19: The End
  • 2010-2020

    Mali Up to the Modern Day

    Chairwomen Kamissa Camara was selected by the Fourth Wave, and numerous other social liberal factions to be the first female leader of Mali. At 27 she was also the second youngest leader in Mali after Sankara himself. She had served as a foreign affairs analyst to Chairman N'Guessan, and minister of digital planning to Chairman Sissoko. She was a reformist and modernist within Mali and would pave new reforms for the state.

    There was the matter of the economy and megacooperatives. Camara would institute Anti-Trust Laws for the first time in Malian history. The Malian Federal Trades Commission as a joint arm of the Economic Union and Federal Council would be founded to deal with preventing the formation of trusts and monopolies.

    Anti Trust Laws of Mali:

    I. has the power to regulate behaviour of large firms it claims to be abusing their dominant position or market power as well as, preventing firms from gaining the position within the market structure enables them to behave abusively in the first place. Mergers that have a “community dimension” in order for a merger to be declared compatible with the common market, it must not create or strengthen a dominant position where it could affect competition.

    II. The MFTC would be able to penalize cooperatives abusing their positions of power:

    (a) directly or indirectly imposing unfair purchase or selling prices or other unfair trading conditions;

    (b) limiting production, markets or technical development to the prejudice of consumers;

    (c) applying dissimilar conditions to equivalent transactions with other trading parties, thereby placing them at a competitive disadvantage;

    (d) making the conclusion of contracts subject to acceptance by the other parties of supplementary obligations which, by their nature or according to commercial usage, have no connection with the subject of such contracts."

    III. Some practices forbidden by the government would include:

    •Exclusive dealing agreements

    Whereby a customer is required to purchase all or most of a particular type of good or service from a dominant supplier and is prevented from buying from others.

    •Granting of exclusivity rebates

    Purported loyalty schemes that are equivalent in effect to exclusive dealing agreements.

    •Tying one product to the sale of another, thereby restricting consumer choice.

    •Bundling, similar to tying, whereby a supplier will only supply its products in a bundle with one or more other products.

    •Margin squeezing vertical practices that have the effect of excluding downstream competitors.

    •Refusing to license intellectual property rights whereby a dominant firm holding patented rights refuses to license those rights to others.

    •Refusal to supply a competitor with a good or service, often in a bid to drive them out of the market.

    •Predatory pricing where a dominant firm deliberately reduces prices to loss-making levels in order to force competitors out of the market.

    •Price discrimination arbitrarily charging some market participants higher prices that are unconnected to the actual costs of supplying the goods or services.

    •leveraging a dominant position by way of self-preferencing

    Following this several landmark cases would see an American subsidiary cooperative Chevron-Taudeni and United Steel Cooperative would see both companies broken up into smaller pieces, and excluded from remerging in the future. This would open the market to many smaller groups, including even other nations, South Africa, Italy, and India would make inroads into the opening markets of Mali. The government would also in court challenge the idea of businesses owning mercenaries within Mali. The courts would rule in favor of the government and a massive scale back of scope, power, and jurisdiction of mercenaries within the northern territories.

    The next part of equalizing the economy would come in the form of various government acts, the National Small Business Protections Act, in which the government would offer loans, grants, low cost legal advice, and even mentoring for small private enterprises, and small cooperatives. The next would be the Tax Simplification Act, which would make starting up and navigating the tax codes and bureaucracy of Mali easy and able to be completed in a few hours. Finally, the Tax Forgiveness Act would allow various tax concessions including a 7% discount on taxes for individuals in self-employed positions or in small cooperatives.

    The last step of the economic reform plan would include social campaigns. The government would encourage localism within communities with the Community Supporter Agriculture plan being piloted in many major cities. Citizens would pay farmers a certain amount of money and be granted a share of their food crop at the end of the harvest, they would even be encouraged to pick which ones they wanted. This would also be used a bridge between farmer and city dweller, and the young and old.

    Another part of the Fourth Wave platform was anti-corruption. It was believed that while Sankara was a great leader he had let corruption slide, and this only heightened in the later years after his departure. The Malian Anti-Corruption Act would see fines, jail time, and hard labor assigned to those caught within the act of corruption. An independent watchdog agency and increased media allowance would also foster government transparency and encourage the fostering of good governance within Mali. Also, a wage reform act would see pay adjusted for federal workers to the new realities of the Malian economy. With acceptable wages corruption would further be disincentivized.

    2013 would signal the scaling down of the Boko Haram conflict with numerous of their leaders killed or captured, the Nigerian, Chadian and Malian Coalition declared victory. While there would still be low level conflict and isolated pockets that would have to be removed with force, the armies of the three nations would begin to be scaled back, and many refugees sent back to their respective lands, though Mali would make extra effort to recruit and naturalize those with an education who may be useful.

    2020 would bring a new challenge to Mali, the start of the COVID-19 pandemic would ravage the global economy, as Mali’s economy tumbled to a sluggish 2% growth rate the lowest it had been since the 2008 recession. The government would take precautionary measures buying masks, and other medical supplies. This is when the Sankara reforms would come into their own. However, surprisingly Mali would not be as affected by the global pandemic like most African nations had much lower transmission rates. The emergence of the 2021 Omicron variant would present a new challenge to the government as it slowly began to spread around Africa.

    Thus, our story closes on The Socialist Federal Republic of Mali. The largest economy in Africa and one of her largest nations. Democratic and socialist the Malian nation represented the burning flame of African socialism, and libertarian socialism in general. For all of Africa’s faults and lingering damage of colonialism a better future was at the end of the tunnel especially for those in West Africa.

    Afterthought: So there we go story’s over. Thanks to everyone who read my story, and liked or provided any comments or feedback. Have a good day and be good to eachother.