The eagle's left head

[Lascaris]

Nymphaion, Asia Minor, March 25th, 1255

Theodore II Lascaris, Faithful to Christ the God, basileus of the Romans, looked at the new complication before himself with some concern. For ten years nothing had come of the marriage of his father with that little German. Or should he say Italian? After all her mother, Bianca of Lancia had been Italian. And her grandmother Constance had been a princess of the kingdom of Sicily. He dismissed the thought, not all times were for philosophy, as he carefully raised the crying complication in his hands. The complication, start laughing at him. Then showing complete lack of propriety it start pissing on the Imperial purple. Theodore start laughing as he put his brother back to the cradle. No he would not feel endangered by the posthumous son of his father, a mere baby. He was better man than that.

Nikaia, March 25th, 1256

Anna, widow of the basileus John III Vatatzes, born Constance to Frederick II Hohenstauffen, passed her son to the hands of patriarch Arsenios to proceed with the baptism.

"Baptised the servant of god... "

"Alexander!" his godfather and elder brother proclaimed. Anna hid a smile. Theodore was technically her stepson even though he was ten years her senior. Following the death of John III he had refused, her brother's Manfred requests to return her to the Sicilian court, which she understood even if it had only served to increase Manfred's hostility to him, but then Manfred had already established a marital alliance with the rival despot of Epirus and actively supported him against the emperor. But Theodore 's behavior towards her and his little brother was impeccable, he had even become godfather to him, which made it all the more difficult to dispose of him later. But the name... the name on one hand was living proof of how much the emperor was enamored with the ancients. On the other hand the empire had had only a single emperor named Alexander ever, for a few months or a couple of years, her tutors had told her but she could not remember, over 3 centuries ago and by all accounts he had been a useless one...

Constantinople, August 15th, 1262

Michael VIII, Faithful to Christ the God, basileus of the Romans, first of the house of Palaiologos suppressed a sigh. That bastard of a patriarch Arsenios, kept being more trouble than a mere patriarch had any right being. What did he think that they were in the Latin lands and he was the pope? First bothering him to protect the rights of little John, the late Theodore's son and have him as co-emperor. Then condemning him about blinding John. Now telling him he should not divorce his wife to marry Anna, who had refused the marriage no doubt due to the patriarch. Was he wrong for not blinding her son along with John? After all he was potentially a threat. But no, any such thing and all chances of getting her would be gone. Besides her relatives in Latin Europe would become even more of a problem. No the late Theodore was right in this, young Alexander was a manageable risk...

 

[Lascaris]

Benevento, February 26th, 1266

Manfred of Hohenstauffen lay dead on the battlefield. And so did most of his army. The 10,000 Saracen archers that had formed the majority of the army and who for most of the Hohenstauffen rule in Sicily had been personally loyal first to Manfred's father and then himself had been mercilessly cut down by the French. Out of the 3,600 German and Italo-Norman knights no more than 600 had escaped the disaster. Helena Angelina Doukas, Manfred's wife and daughter of despot Michael II of Epirus had been captured. So had their daughter Beatrix and the couple's three sons, all would be thrown to prison under bad conditions by the victorious French, Helena dying in captivity five years later. The victorious Charles of Anzou had carried all before him. Soon he would be in full control of the kingdom of Sicily.

Constantinople, April 30th, 1266

Eulogia Palaiologina, formerly Irene till she had become a nun after the death of her husband John Kantakouzinos was furious at her brother the emperor. "Why are you still keeping that little brat around? Blind him as you did with John. Don't you see he is a danger? if not to you then Andronikos? That brother of the French king took care of his uncle for good, neither he nor his mother are of any political value any more, to keep them around. And I'm pretty sure you don't want to get between Anna's legs anymore!"

Michael just sighed. "For someone who chose to name herself a blessing {1] you are not much of one are you?"

"Puns will not get you get away. You know I'm right!"

"Do I? Look where blinding Theodore's son got me. Arsenios excommunicated me and keeps insisting on my excommunication, I may well need to remove him from patriarch to lift the excommunication, which is trouble of its own. The Asian provinces are still loyal to house Lascaris not me and in near revolt. And you want me to go and exacerbate things by blinding Theodore's kid brother as well? Who technically isn't even a Lascaris, he''s a Vatatzes. To make sure the excommunication does not go away for good? I wonder if I should had just married John off to Irene. If Andronikos failed to succeed me then, with all the advantages he'll have that would be his fault. But either way my grandson, either from Andronikos or Irene, would be basileus."

"What is done, is done. And I still believe I advised you to do the right thing."

"Perhaps you have. But in the case of Alexandros you are mistaken. Not just for our internal political reasons. There are more Hohenstauffen's around. Conrad, the son of Conrad, Frederick's son, was the king of Sicily before Manfred took it over. He still has followers and supporters both in Germany and in Italy. And I'm weary about that Frenchman Charles of Anzou. I wonder whether he may prove even more of a problem than Manfred."

"How so?"

"He's hand in glove with the pope. The pope who is anything but happy with us liberating Constantinople. And a very ambitious man. What if his ambitions reach all the way to us? Having in court someone with a claim to the throne of Sicily could come in handy."

"If said someone did not also have a claim to the purple."

"A very unlikely claim to the purple. You try making me get afraid of an eleven year old kid and his mother. I won't. Both might be useful to me. And if not they can always be dealt with."

And thus Alexandros Komnenos Doukas Vatatzes, had once more escaped danger. For the time being...

[1] Eulogia means blessing in Greek.

 

[Lascaris]

Tagliacozzo, August 23rd, 1268

Conradin's knights seemed to carry all before them. They had driven the Angevins first and second divisions, then when they dispersed to pursue them and loot the French camp the third division of the French army that had remained hidden had ambushed them. It had been a complete disaster for Conradin, with his army destroyed and himself having to escape, only to be captured and handed over to Charles II.

Naples, October 29th, 1268

The executioner's axe fell. Conrad V, known as Conradin, was no more. Charles of Anzou could now feel secure in his new throne. Well mostly so. Manfred's eldest daughter Constance remained out of his dungeons, married to Peter the crown prince of Aragon. And his sister, the Greeks called her Anna instead of Constance, was secure in Constantinople.

Constantinople, December 25th, 1268

Alexandros Komnenos Doukas Vatatzes, had been in the mass for Christmas at Hagia Sophia, with his mother as had been the Imperial family and most of the Queen of Cities aristocracy. At nearly 14 years of age he already made something of a striking figure, apparently both he and his recently murdered cousin shared their grandfather's good looks. He made certain to show obvious and complete respect for the emperor. His mother had made certain that he understood from a young age two things. First that he was son, brother and grandson of emperors. And not just any emperors. The peasantry in the Asian themes, which he was prohibited from visiting, were already venerating his late father as a saint. And his grandfather was the stupor mundi. Second, second that he lived as long as Michael found him useful and did not find him a danger, or at least considered the risk less than the gain of keeping him around. If that calculation altered... Ioannes was still alive. Blinded, imprisoned in a fortress and liable to remain so for the rest of his life. Unless that nosy brat Andronikos thought otherwise when he came of age. Alexandros suppressed a shudder at the thought he could very well end up the same at any moment. The murder of his cousin by Charles made him more useful but possibly also more of a risk. At least the day's celebrations would end at some point and he could be back to his books...

Constantinople, November 8th, 1272

"Andronike, auguste, sy nikas!" The 13 year old just made co-emperor smiled at the crowd proclaiming him august and victorious. His father always more wily looked carefully at the crowd. He didn't have much difficulty noting the young Vatatzes making sure to shout at the top of his lungs. How much of that was real loyalty and how much pretension? Even he could not be certain. The youngster, he was almost 18 by now, was always correct, never giving any sign of disloyalty or ambitions for the purple of his own. Perhaps too correct, could anyone in Vatatzes circumstances really be so loyal? He did show admittedly a burning hatred for the Angevins, had his mother manage to direct all the hate on Charles? Well perhaps, after all he had killed her brother and nephew, what was him blinding Ioannes by comparison? He took one more look at the young man. He was not unsurprisingly in good company with the family of his own nephew Michael Tarchaneiotes, Michael thought well of the martial abilities of the young man who was apparently close friends with his eldest son and Michael's father in law the megas doux Alexios Philanthropenos, Michael had named his youngest son after him last year, seemed to concur. So both clever and a promising soldier. This could be of use. Or could be trouble...

 

[Lascaris]

Lyon, June 29th, 1274

Mass was held together by Michael's representatives and their catholic counterparts, with the Greeks reciting fiilioque. Union of the churches had been proclaimed. It remained to be seen whether it would be accepted by the Orthodox world as well. After all pope Gregory might believe in it, but for Michael it was a purely political act...

Off Demetrias, 1275

The campaign was not going well for Imperial arms. The army of John Palaiologos the brother of the emperor had initially advanced rapidly in Thessaly, putting the capital of New Patras under siege. it looked as if it was only a matter of time for the town to fall. Then sebastokrator John Doukas had managed to escape the besieged town in the middle of night and had returned back with reinforcements from the Duchy of Athens, attacked the besiegers and severely defeated them. Along the army fleet of 73 ships under Alexios Philanthropinos, had also been sent and had anchored off Demetrias. There it had been attacked by a Latin fleet. While the Latins with 62 were fewer in number they had caught the Greeks by surprise and before the battle had put wooden towers on their ships giving them a height advantage. The Greeks had still fought hard, but were suffering heavy casualties and giving ground. It seemed that the battle would be lost... till John Palaiologos defeated army had showed up. The despot on learning of the coming battle had rushed to join Philanthropinos with the men he still had available and ferried them to the fighting ships. By nightfall what looked like a disaster for the Greeks had turned to a disaster for the Latins with only two of their ships managing to escape.

Alexandros Vatatzes had followed Philanthropinos in the campaign and had been in the thick of the battle, his first major fight. He would impress Philanthropinos and John Palaiologos enough to select him to carry the news of the victory to emperor Michael in the Venetian galley he had captured. There the young officer would ask to be allowed to return to the fighting immediately. Was it burning to fight as later chroniclers would claim? Was it cold calculation that he was safer fighting away from Constantinople, than remaining there and possibly raising Imperial suspicions? Was it both? None could tell as none can tell what Michael Palaiologos actually thought about Vatatzes at the time. But he did leave the captured galley to him.

Constantinople, September 1st, 1279

Michael and Andronikos Palaiologos vowed once more, in front of the papal legates , their loyalty to the union of the churches. Pope Nicholas had reason to doubt the sincerity of the vows while within the empire opposition to the union had reached open treason by several members of the Imperial family. Alexandros had not proclaimed himself against the union. But conveniently was away from the capital fighting, at the time of the visit of the papal legates. He tended to me more time away from Constantinople than not.

Berat, March 1281

The previous winter Hugo de Sully had led and Angevin army of two thousand knights and men at arms and six thousand infantry with ample siege machinery out of the coast to besiege Berat, the key to the via Egnatia. Michael had sent an army of his own under megas domestikos Michael Tarchaneiotes to lift the siege with strict orders to avoid pitched battle. With Michael had come his son in law none other than Alexandros Vatatzes. Tarchaneiotes had followed his orders. De Sully constantly harassed had proven more rash and had been captured in a skirmish with the Greeks. His army had rapidly disintegrated after this with the victorious Greeks driving the Angevins off most of Albania.

Michael Tarchaneiotes, with Vatatzes would hold a triumph in Constantinople. Then Alexandros at the head of a squadron of 4 galleys would be ordered west to the Ionian sea While not showing any significant disloyalty, he was starting to become increasingly popular in Constantinople. And the times were starting to become difficult for the empire. The new pope, Martin, was a creature of Charles of Anjou and had little compunction to excommunicate Michael and back Charles war against the empire.

Adriatic sea, April 7th, 1282

Alexandros had brought his ships out to sea, too early in the year, perhaps almost dangerously early. But the empire needed information, an early start would give him the benefit of surprise... and Imperial agents reached you easier in port. Grumbling over being at see in winter had been forgotten when a Venetian merchantman fleeing Sicily had been captured. Apparently a week earlier Palermo had revolted, thousands of French had been killed and the revolt was spreading. The rumors were too wild to be believed. But if true... this could be both danger and opportunity for him and he wasn't going to let that bastard Palaiologos decide for himself which of the two it was to be. He ordered his ships west...

 

[Lascaris]

Palermo, March 30th, 1282

it would be said that what triggered the revolution had been a French sergeant at arms named Drouet trying to molest a married Sicilian woman in the church of Santo Spirito on the way to the Vespers liturgy in the second day of Easter. He husband had defended his wife killing the would be rapist in the ensuing fight. Drouet's comrades had attacked the husband only to be swarmed by the enraged Sicilians. Soon the church bells would be joined by cries of "moranu li Francisi" kill the French as Palermo rose in revolt. Soon from Palermo the revolution would start to spread over the rest of the island. Thousands of French would be slaughtered over the ensuing weeks as the report spread through the island.

Augusta, Sicily, April 12th, 1282

Alexandros puked one last time, over the rail as his galleys moved towards the coast. His ships had done good time, crossing over in 5 days despite a storm on the way but thanks to the storm were uncertain of their exact positional the moment. No Imperial fleet had operated in Italy since the days of emperor Manuel a hundred and thirty years ago, till then only diplomatic missions and raiders had crossed over to Italy. A lot of raiders the last few years as Imperial fleets had gotten stronger. Luck would smile to him as his ships intercepted a small fishing boat. Then smiled to him a bit more when the crew proved to be for the most part local Greeks and Sicilian speakers. "Agusta" they had answered his question about the fortified town nearby. Augusta. His grandfather had built the town on the site of Yblaia Megara fifty years ago. The fishermen had turned all smiles when they had realized his ships were not French and even more cooperative when told who he was, or at the prospect of gold the man turned cynic from 25 years in Michael's court thought.

Augusta, Sicily, April 14th, 1282

Alexandros and a handful of men had infiltrated the city as fishermen, then at first light had managed to secure one of the gates. His marines had poured into the town and the citizens Greek and Latin alike had risen up in revolt. Then Augusta, or rather its citizens, no nobles were around had proclaimed for him. For him as what? King of Sicily? Basileus of the Romans? Both? Neither? Just lord of the city? Not even he was certain. What he was certain was that Augusta was his. Augusta, it's people and all of four galleys with the gasmouloi and prosalentai manning them. It was a start. It was not enough...

Ortygia, Sicily, April 15th, 1282

The French garrison of Syracuse had holed up in the port and its forts, hoping reinforcements would reach them before the city openly rose in revolt. Much to the local Sicilians dismay it seemed they were in luck as a quartet of galleys bearing the golden fleur-de-lis on azure and the cross of Jerusalem that made up the arms of Charles of Anzou. A more suspicious mind might had noticed certain oddities on the crews and ships, but the French garrison had its mind mostly on the city, after all the Sicilian rebels had no fleet of their own, Charles was ruling the seas around Sicily. By the time a French veteran of the fighting in Greece gotten suspicious and raised the alarm it was too late. The ships were already inside the harbor striking down the Angevin colours and raising the double headed eagle of John III and Frederick II...

 

[Lascaris]

Taormina, April 15th, 1282

A Messinese army under William Chiriolo, took control of the city lest it join the Sicilian rebellion. Messina despite rumblings among the commoners remained loyal to the house of Anjou, aside from the army under Chiriolo a fleet of 7 galleys under Richard Riso would be sent to attack Palermo, only for its crews to refuse attacking their fellow Sicilians.

Messina, April 28th, 1282

The city rose in revolt against the French. While the French garrison retreated to the fortress of Mategriffon, the Messinese killed any French they could get their hands on and more imprtantly burned the Angevin fleet that had been gathered in the port of the city. Messina would declare itself a commune and elect Baldwin Mussone, captain of its militia who would arrange the surrender of Mategriffon under terms. The Messinese would then decide to send a Genoese merchant, Alafranco Cassano as an envoy to Constantinople, to inform emperor Michael of the revolt.

Orvieto, May 7th, 1282

A Palermitan embassy had gone to the pope seeking to place themselves as free commune under papal protection. Pope Martin IV had given his answer in Ascension day excommunicating the Sicilian rebels, anyone who might help them and "the so called emperor of the Greeks" Michael VIII for good measure. Neither the Sicilians or Michael would be much impressed by the news...

Catania, May 11th, 1282

Two Sicilian forces had approached the city. From the south had come Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes and his army. Over the previous weeks volunteers had flocked to his banners as his forces had spread out of Syracuse first securing the ground between Syracuse and Augusta, then Lentini before he had turned his eyes towards Catania. It had not been the easiest of things. Neither the Latin bishop of Syracuse nor many of the barons of eastern Sicily were particularly happy to submit themselves to a schismatic Greek Hohenstauffen, that had appeared out of the blue. But fortunately for him Sicily since the time of his Norman ancestors had been for the most part a royal demesne with fewer feudal lords than other parts of western Europe. If the barons wanted to rule the land for themselves the commoners, gentry and minor nobles did not, better a prince than a baron. And if for the bishop of Syracuse, who had succeeded Simon de Lentini two years, being a Hohenstauffen Greek schismatic was a bad thing, for the commoners and peasantry many if not most of them Greeks themselves it was not, particularly when their bishop was thought of as a French creature. Someone who was the son of John III and brother of Theodore II did not need much instruction of what to do with such a situation. He had immediately sided with the commoners as his father and brother had done back in the east. It was perhaps too early but for now he had their loyalty.

From the north had come Macalda di Scaletta, the wife of Alaimo da Lentini, of of the three barons that had been the main conspirators of the vespers revolts. The French garrison had reasons to negotiate with Macalda instead of Alexandros, she had been raised to her position by Charles of Anjou after all who had also arranged her marriage to Alaimo. Macalda was all to happy to negotiate planning to ransom the French and then betray them to the locals [1]. But the Catanians had not waited for her negotiation to bear fruit. Rebels had contacted Alexandros and secured a gate in the middle of night. His troops had poured into the city as it rose up against the hated French. Macalda had been enraged, for a little while it was threatened the two rebel armies would come to blows. How Macalda was placated would remain unknown. Later Sicilian oral traditions would fancy that there had been an affair between her and Alexandros. But given Macalda's place in Sicilian folklore it is not known whether this had been true or not.

Constantinople, May 30, 1282

Michael VIII, had every reason to be happy with himself over the news he had just received from Sicily. The island was in revolt and Charles fleet destroyed making an invasion of the empire impossible. The only complication, so young Alexandros Vatatzes had taken his ships west and somehow had managed to seize Syracuse from under the nose of its French garrison, like Stratigopoulos had done in Constantinople? Not bad, the youngster was a good commander. What the hell was he doing in Sicily in the first place? Seized the initiative at rumours of the revolt his letter said, a somewhat plausible story, after all imperial ships had not been shy about raiding the Italian coast the past few years. Just as likely feared Michael had gone suspicious of him and put himself suitably far away. Either way he was not a danger in Sicily if anything he was useful there. Michael ordered his secretary to draft a letter, congratulating despot Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes of his successes, wishing him further success and telling him not to worry about his family and mother who were secure from the enemy here in Constantinople. He smiled to himself. Theodore had made Alexadros despot when he was born, he was giving nothing from using the title. And Alexandros was a clever young man. He certainly could read between the lines...

[1] That's what she did OTL.

 

[Lascaris]

Messina, July 25th, 1282

The Angevin army under the personal command of Charles of Anjou landed to the north of Messina and proceeded to invest the city. While the claims of the later chroniclers that it was 75,000 men strong were likely largely exaggerated, there was little doubt that it was one of the strongest armies seen in its time. The Angevins would launch two assaults on the city first on August 6th and then again on August 8th only to be beaten back by the defenders under Alaimo da Lentini. Undeterred Charles just tightened his blockade of the city while preparing for a renewed assault. Meanwhile a papal legate appointed by pope Martin would enter the city and try to induce it to surrender. But the Messinese when told that they should submit themselves to Charles would refuse outright.

Syracuse, August 1st, 1282

Over the past few months Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes, taking advantage of the flux of the revolution had expanded his control to most of the south-east of Sicily, south of mount Etna. Aside from his victories against the French at Augusta and Syracuse this had been done more by persuasion than force of arms, as commoners and town communes had rallied to him, others thanks to his ancestry, others thanks to his proclamations in their support and the land forfeited from the French nobles Charles of Anjou had installed in Sicily. So had the minor nobles, for a local knight the calculation of following Alexander was little different than their fellow gentry. There were limits to his power of persuasion, the Sicilian barons further west had no reason to accept a Greek upstart over them. Someone less daring might had thought that the prudent thing to do would be to stay put to further consolidate his hold on Syracuse. Vatatzes instead marched north against Charles...

Trapani, August 30th, 1282

The Sicilian parliament had initially tried to turn the island to a group of communes under the protection of the pope only for this to be turned down by the papacy who had instead backed Charles of Anjou claim on the island and demanded the Sicilians surrender to him. The option gone they had sought a king, preferably one who could protect the island. The only close relatives of king Manfred were his daughter Constance marries to king Peter III of Aragon and Alexandros Vatatzes his nephew from his sister. Constance had arguably the better claim on the throne and just as importantly, her husband had a large army and navy and contacts with the Sicilian barons. A Sicilian embassy had been sent to Peter offering Constance and her sons the crown of Sicily. Peter had accepted, landing on the island from Africa with an army and a fleet.

Palermo, September 4th, 1282

Peter was proclaimed king of Sicily. In his first acts as king he promised to observe the rights and liberties of the Sicilians and then called all men who could bear arms in western Sicily to join his army as he marched east to lift the siege of Syracuse. His cousin in law was an additional complication he did not have in mind when he had originally planned his takeover of Sicily. For the past month as Charles of Anjou was besieging Messina launching several assaults against the city, Vatatzes had been constantly harassing the Angevin army and Charles had failed to chase him off. His actions may not had lifted the siege but were certainly inconveniencing the besiegers and just as importantly raising his popularity among Sicilians particularly among his people. Vatatzes had not failed to send letters to him, proclaiming his loyalty to his cousin signed "despot Alexander duke". If Alexander's price of loyalty was recognition for the duchy [1] he had already established this was one he could pay for now. Messengers were dispatched to Messina informing "our cousin the duke of Syracuse" that his army was on the way...

[1] Of course Alexander signes by his surname Doukas, which the Aragonese misinterpret to be the title instead of the name. The same thing had happened with John of Thessaly.

 

[Lascaris]

Messina, September 14th, 1282

Under other circumstances Charles I of Anjou might had delayed his assault on the city till the siege had further progressed. But circumstances were far from ideal. Peter had landed in Sicily, been proclaimed king by the local traitors and was marching to the aid of Messina he even had the temerity to dispatch two ambassadors Peter of Queralt and Roderick of Luna to Charles to demand that he evacuate the island. The ambassadors had not reached him yet, some friars had met them in Nicosia and rushed back with the news. Closer to Messina some Greek schismatic who claimed to be the son of one of the so called emperors of the Greeks and Frederick's II daughter had somehow managed to seize control of Syracuse and was making a nuisance out of himself attacking his foraging parties and patrols. The siege had to end before Peter showed up. A full scale assault was launched. It was thrown back by the Messinese with heavy casualties. Then Charles tried to convince Alaimo to surrender the city on particularly lenient terms. He failed again.

Messina, September 24th, 1282

When Charles had met Peter's ambassadors he had refused to accept the Aragonese claim to Sicily, had nevertheless left open the possibility of leaving Sicily as well as re-invading it when it struck his fancy. Not unexpectedly the Aragonese army had continued to slowly advance. With Messina still defiant Charles start pulling his army back to mainland Italy, he would not take the risk of putting his army between hammer and anvil and possibly cut off if the Aragonese fleet defeated his own. At least Peter was apparently not in such of a hurry to reach Messina. After all if the Angevins were leaving without a fight what was the point to rush things?

Messina, October 2nd, 1282

Peter, king of Aragon and Sicily finally reached the city, to be treated to the sight of the burned out remains of the French camp. He might had not been in a hurry to engage the French, but not anyone shared his opinion. The Messinese upon receiving definite news of his landing in Sicily and seeing the French leaving had launched several sorties out of the city. Then Alexandros Vatatzes and his Syracusans had descended at night upon the French camp, instead of waiting for the advance elements of the Aragonese army. The French somehow had been taken by surprise and Alaimo had sortied out of Messina to seal the victory. Charles and most of his army were already across the straits at that moment but the remaining French forces had been destroyed and all their baggage lost. Vatatzes and Alaimo had been left overnight with a huge quantity of arms, siege machines and other loot. Peter was not entirely certain how his wife's cousin had managed the feat. Was it luck? Skill? Both? After all his army apart from a core of Sicilian cavalry and crossbowmen and Greek marines appeared to be mostly lightly armed infantrymen. And a unit of Calabrians that had apparently switched sides when Alexander had attacked the French camp. It wasn't the only of his problems. He had already been warned not to trust Alaimo would had already betrayed first Manfred for Charles and now Charles. And to make matters worse Alaimo's wife Machalda had already tried to seduce him...

Syracuse, October 26th, 1282

Over the past 6 months Syracuse had been turned overnight from a provincial town to what amounted to capital of what? Peter of Aragon was not entirely certain as he entered it with Alexander by his side. He suspected neither Alexander was. He had called him a duke. The Greeks were calling him a despot which apparently was a rank like duke or maybe even prince. He had more immediate concerns. Alexander could be at least a nuisance if not an outright threat if he so wanted. He was a nephew of Manfred and cousin of his own wife. He was personally charming, had the loyalty of his followers and was very wily for his age, he supposed this had been necessary to survive Constantinople. And of course he probably had the backing of Constantinople. If his cousin offered his fealty he would be stupid not to pay the price to secure it. A duke had to have a duchy. An acceptable price to secure Sicily. After all how could a king not have lords under him?

Thrace, December 11th, 1282

Michael VIII, Faithful to Christ the God, basileus of the Romans, was once more on campaign despite being increasingly ill and the admonishments of his wife to leave the campaign and try to recover. The needs of the empire had to take precedence. And thus he died. He had ruled for 24 years since the coup that had brought him to the throne. His legacy was mixed. He had gained the purple by coup and then blinded Ioannes IV after vowing to protect him. He had recovered Constantinople. He had brought the empire almost to the verge of civil war by accepting the union of the churches. He had saved the empire in the West and eliminated the threat of Charles of Anzou. He had denuded the East of troops and alienated it by his actions against the Lascarids. He had built up an army and navy worthy of the empire. He nearly bankrupted the empire. For all his successes at the time of his death he was so hated his son Andronikus did not dare to bury him to Constantinople. Perhaps he deserved better. Or perhaps not.

Syracuse, December 25th, 1282

Simon de Leontino, the brother of Alaimo had been bishop of Syracuse from 1270 to 1280. His French replacement had been kicked out at the time of the revolution. Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes, despot of Syracuse if you were Greek, duke of Syracuse if you were Aragonese needed a bishop. Under the Normans the local Greeks had priests but the bishops were habitually chosen upon Latins even though the Normans had let the 32 Greek Sicilian monasteries be and even let more to be founded by St Bartholomeus of Simeri. It was to these Basilian monks that Alexandros had turned. The monastery of Santissimo Salvatore of Messina, monastery of the Soter for the Greeks had been the most important of the Basilian monasteries since 1132, its abbot was an archimandrite controlling the other Greek monasteries. And thus the monk Barnabas became bishop of Syracuse in Christmas 1282...

 

[Lascaris]

Reggio di Calabria, February 14th, 1283

The Sicilian and Aragonese army crossed the straits of Messina, captured Reggio unopposed and advanced north caling on the Calabrians to join him. The Angevin army under Charles of Salerno, Charles of Anjou son, had retreated to positions in San Martino. There the younger Charles managed to hold out beating back all the Aragonese attacks. Peter would retreat to Sicily leaving Alexandros Vatatzes to continue the campaign. The Calabrians further north who had actually heeded to Peter's calls and revolted would have to fend for themselves for the time being.

Messina, April 19th, 1283

Queen Constance, had landed in Sicily three days earlier, bringing with her John of Procide, her two younger sons James and Frederick and her daughter Yolande. A parliament gad been called right afterwards in Messina. Peter had there announced to the Sicilians that his second son James would be the one inheriting the throne of Siciliy while the elder son Alfonso would be inheriting the crown of Aragon. Then with Peter needing to return to Aragon, Constance had been made regent of Sicily with John of Procida and Roger de Lauria as chancellor and grand admiral respectively and Alaimo di Lentini as Grand Justiciar. Just the next day Peter had left for Trapani from where he would sail away for Valencia on May 6th. Vatatzes, away in Calabria had been given no formal title...

Bordeaux, June 1st, 1283

Peter III and Charles of Anjou had agreed to decide the fate of Sicily by a duel between themselves and a hundred of their knights. What the Sicilians were thinking of the two kings agreeing to decide their fate in this way is better left unsaid. The pope had ordered the duel not to take place but Charles had simply ignored his will. Thus Peter showed up early in the morning to find his opponent was not there. He proclaimed his opponent had shied away from combat and he was the victor by default. Then at mid-day Charles showed up to find his opponent was not there. He proclaimed his opponent had shied away from combat and he was the victor by default. The two kings had agreed to duel in June 1st. They had just forgotten to arrange the time as well...

Syracuse, August 1st, 1283

Alexander had written back to Constantinople asking for his mother and family to join him in Syracuse as soon as news of the death of Michael had reached him. Michael might well had refused. Andronicus, was made of weaker stuff, his mother disliked Anna and his cousin Michael Tarchaneiotes was Alexander's father in lay and advocating for him. He had agreed. Anna and Maria Tarchaneiotes had not wasted any time. The Vatatzes family estates, what Michael had left to Anna of them, had been liquidated. Retainers and Lascarid loyalists had been gathered, word was already spreading in Asia Minor that the son of good emperor John had liberated lands in Sicily beyond the sea away from the Turks ravaging the land and was seeking fighting men, a call the loyal, the ambitious and the desperate had reasons to heed to. Their actual numbers at this time, despite what the later chronicles would write were probably at best in the hundreds. They were still useful. And thus Anna of Hohenstauffen made her return to Sicily after a generation...

Paris, February 2nd, 1284

King Philip, officially accepted the papal offer of the crown of Aragon for his second son, Charles of Valois. It would be some time till this translated to an invasion of Aragon, but Peter could not leave it to return to Sicily. Sicily would have to fend for itself...

Demetrias, April 1284

The siege was over in victory. But an epidemic of malaria was ravaging the imperial army. What the soldiers of the despot of Thessaly had failed to do, disease had managed. Michael Tarchaneiotes died from the disease. The remains of his army had to abandon the city...

 

[Lascaris]

Syracuse, March 25th, 1284

Alexander had spent the winter months training his army and recruiting more men. Not unsurprising in doing so he had followed the role models he was accustomed with, the ones his family and the Comnenes before them had been using in Asia Minor. It was a system not exactly alien to Sicily. It was not straight feudalism either for all the advantages and disadvantages this might entail. Locally his support support upon the commoners and the peasantry, remained strong if anything after nearly two years it was growing stronger. But a stream of complaints was coming from John of Procida in Palermo. Vatatzes new soldiers were insubordinate, or rather, not unlike the Aragonese mercenaries loyal only to their master. And Alexander was refusing to let the Sicilian clergy take back the procurations that they had given to the laity at the time of the revolution, instead he had even granted pronoia holdings to several of his followers from church incomes. For Procida the conflict with the pope was supposed to be temporary. For Vatatzes separate taxation for Rome was simply alien. At least for now Procida had the very same complaints from the Aragonese and providing a reliable army could excuse many sins. Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes led his army back to Calabria...

Provence, May 1284

The fleet assembled by Charles of Anjou, sailed for Naples. When it joined the fleet and army his son was assembling in Naples it should be enough to reconquer Sicily. Or at least so Charles hoped. The Provencal fleet numbered 34 galleys and 4 galliots. Dozens more ships were ready at Naples and yet more ships at Brindisi. His fleet would reach Gaeta in June 6th.

Naples, June 7th, 1284

Charles prince of Salerno had been in a quandary. The Aragonese fleet under Roger de Lauria was constantly raiding his coast. In Calabria, Alexandros Vatatzes had landed an army in Reggio and raiding north from it, with apparently many Calabrians joining him, the damn Greeks there had no sense of loyalty as they should. His father had given him strict orders to stay on the defensive till he reached Naples in person and the papal legate left with him insisted he should follow his father's orders. Meanwhile the Neapolitans who were being blockaded and raided were demanding action threatening even to revolt otherwise. Not knowing his father had already reached Gaeta, he finally succumbed to the pressure and on news most of Roger's fleet was away sailed out to destroy the squadron blockading Naples. Unfortunately for Charles the information was inaccurate, Roger's entire fleet was at Naples. The ensuing battle would end in disaster, Charles himself had avoided capture only because Roger had received word that the Provencal fleet was approaching and broken off battle.

Naples, June 9th, 1284

Charles of Anjou, never the easiest of men had been almost apoplectic at the news at his son's defeat, calling him a fool and even asking rhetorically why he was still alive after disobeying him. Naples had risen up when the defeated fleet had reached back to port. The prince had quelled the uprising, but this had not stopped his father from executing 150 supposed ringleaders. Then, still furious at his son, he had ordered him to leave Naples, taking the locally levied troops south the Calabria and secure Reggio. Charles of Salerno had to leave the same day. Charles of Anjou at the head of the main army would follow south in June 24th.

Near Cosenza, Calabria, June 28th, 1284

The small group of Stratiotai, most of them Greeks with a handful of Cumans along them, turned back their horses to go back with their report to their master. The Italians it was true were taking reasonably good precautions. But the Stratiotai were veterans of fighting the Turks in Anatolia, and for that matter anyone from fellow Greeks to Golden Horde Mongols in the Balkans. It was a different school of warfare...

South of Cosenza, Calabria, June 30th, 1284

Charles of Salerno, threw down his sword an raised up his hands in surrender. His army had been ambushed in the mountains and when his knights had tried to break the ambush they had their horses shot from under them. Then with his army immobilized the attackers had proceeded to massacre his men. Charles had seen more than his share of war and was hardly a stranger to ruses of war, he was with his father at Tagliacozzo after all. But this was not war as commonly practised here in Italy or back in France, it reminded him much more of the stories of the fighting east in Romania or against the infidels. As he was brought before the man who had beaten him, he understood. The Greek prince, had not been after all alone as his father's spies claimed. Nevertheless as the Sicilian army, now reinforced by many Calabrians, retreated south before the much larger army of the elder Anjou, Vatatzes would prove a gracious host. The two young men, Alexandros was a few months younger, despite being on opposite sides of a war would end up striking an unlikely friendship...

 

[Lascaris]

Reggio, August 3rd, 1284

Alexandros had taken a risk when he had decided to defend Reggio in person. It had paid off far faster than anyone might had expected. Charles of Anjou had advanced with a large army, chroniclers likely exaggerating spoke of over 40,000 men expecting to capture Reggio without much of a fight and then land in Sicily. The defenders had fended off the first assaults. Charles while maintaining the siege of Reggio had tried a landing at Messina only to be driven back to the sea. Then a squadron of 14 Aragonese galleys had come to the aid of Roger de Lauria and the reinforced Sicilian-Aragonese fleet had start raiding Angevin shipping and landing raiding parties in Charles rear. With Charles soldiers, many of them mercenaries, starting to grumble, Charles had promised an invasion of Sicily not a lengthy siege of Reggio. Charles had decided to lift the siege. With the ever present Roget making sea transport difficult, he had retreated back over Calabria and then east into Apulia.

Brindisi, August 28th, 1284

Charles of Anjoy ended his retreat at the coast of the Adriatic. Apulia was a rich province, not subject to constant naval raids, nor eaten out by his own armies like Calabria. His army needed somewhere to winter and Apulia was the best area to do so, not least due to its proximity to its hard pressed eastern possessions. Of the so called kingdom of Albania only Dyrrachium was surviving and Byzantine armies were pressing on it. The Principality of Achaea was for now secure, but his governors there, local barons themselves claimed that they could provide no reinforcements in Italy due to the threat from the Greeks at Mystra. Where his forces had retreated Vatatzes Sicilians had followed closely behind. The Calabrian population still for the most part Greek and perhaps more importantly heavily oppressed by Charles for the past two decades had risen up to join the Sicilians. Soon all of Calabria to the south of Basilicata was in Sicilian hands. The line of garrisons Charles had left behind from the gulf of Policastro in the west to that of Taranto in the East for now held and Alexandros had not pressed all too hard to dislodge them. After all his army was still much weaker than that the Angevins, if Charles marched back to the south he would have to retreat before him. Securing Calabria, not just for the kingdom of Sicily but as part of the Despotate of Sicily under one Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes in particular mattered more than seeking even more land up north.

Longobucco, Calabria, September 1284

Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes thought himself lucky. Charles of Anjou might not have cared for either Calabria or its unruly subjects. That his army had not bothered to hold the silver mines here had left Vatatzes incredulous but he had no intention of making the same mistake, if Charles had multiple kingdoms and papal subsidies to draw upon he did not. The his incredulity went overboard when he read the letters his wife had forwarded to him from Constantinople. Andronikos advisers had convinced the emperor to disband the fleet as it was deemed unnecessary to pay for it after the revolt of Sicily? And for good measure had convinced the emperor to reduce the army as well? He did know of course Andronikos was hardly as capable as his father, the old bastard had been many things but stupid he was not, but this went from hardly as capable to utter stupidity. It didn't matter, he could not convince Andronikos to change his mind and he wasn't even certain he wanted to, under Michael imperial ships had been anything but shy to attack the Italian coast, he was living proof of that. An Andronikos without a fleet was an Andronikos who could not put any kind of pressure on him. But if come spring Andronikos was disbanding the fleet and reducing the army what was to become of the men and ships. He knew of many of them personally and his wife's family of even more. His despotate fragile as it was was underpopulated, he had just gotten his hands on several silver mines and Andronikos had just made available thousands of veteran crews and soldiers. He start drafting some urgent letters for Constantinople...

Messina, November 1284

Alaimo di Lentini was not a happy man. It was true that he had been made grand justiciar of the kingdom. But the Aragonese were systematically placing their own or Italians loyal only to Constance in positions of power. Of the three Sicilian barons who had led the revolution Gualtiero di Castiglione had been executed the previous year, Palmiero Abbate marginalised and only he retained a position of power. Meanwhile Sicily was being burdened by Aragonese mercenaries interested only in loot and money, Roger de Lauria had recently taken his fleet away from Sicily in order to go loot Jerba in the African coast. As if that was not enough that damn Greek schismatic had seized control of a third of the island. And his wife had a personal feud with the queen of all people, insulting her on every opportunity. Perhaps the revolution was after all a mistake. And thus he had begun to clandestinely communicate with Charles, to switch sides again. Only to be found apparently and infante James had given him orders to leave for Aragon immediately. Enough was enough. If the Aragonese, or the Greek wanted his head they could damn well come and take it he wouldn't offer it to them on a platter. He rose up.

Messina, December 1284

Queen Constance was troubled. Alaimo's revolt had failed in less than a month as Roger De Lauria and her cousin had fallen upon him immediately and the Sicilians upon realizing he was in contact with the hated Anjous had abandoned him. Alaimo had been captured and executed. Roger had perhaps played the most important role in the short unfortunate episode. But the besieged Messinese had opened their gates to Alexander, not Roger, probably fearing the reputation of Roger's men. And now Alexander was insisting that he could not abandon people who had voluntarily joined him while Roger was insisting that Messina was his and the treasonous Greeks had denuded him of his rightful spoils. The last thing she needed was a civil war between her cousin and her foster brother. She chose to compromise, short of. Messina would be kept by Alexander but Alexander would have to surrender Charles of Salerno to the crown. Roger would be given yet more land around Palermo and Trapani and her promise that he would receive a hefty amount from Charles ransom. The crisis had been averted. At least for now...

 

[Lascaris]

Naples, January 1285

Charles I of Anjou had died at Foggia early in the month. With his heir Charles prince of Salerno still in Aragonese captivity his will had left the kingdom to his grandson, Charles Martel with Robert of Artois as regent till either Charles of Salerno was liberated or Charles Martel came of age. As if the trouble caused by Charles death was not enough, pope Martin had decided to meddle in the kingdom's affairs not accepting the ascendancy of the imprisoned Charles to the throne and placing his legate cardinal Gerard as co-regent with Robert.

Messina, January 17th, 1285

Delegates from the town of Gallipoli in Apulia reached Messina with news of the death of Charles and asking to be placed under the Sicilian crown. Soon they would be joined by representatives from more Apulian communes. Alexander and Roger di Laurua would be stupid not to take advantage of the opportunity offered to them. The Sicilian fleet would sail for Apulia as soon as weather permitted. Roger would not be able to remain for long. With a French invasion of Aragon underway he would soon be recalled to Iberian waters with his fleet to help defend Aragon.

Perpignan, October 5th, 1285

King Philip III of France died. His campaign against Aragon had been a complete disaster. The invading French army, per the chroniclers over 100,000 men strong had laid siege to Gerona till late June only for the town to stubbornly fight back. Then Roger's fleet had defeated the French at Las Formigas in early September cutting off the French line of supply. Gerona had fallen a day after the defeat at Las Formigas but it was too late for the French invasion. With half the army, Philip included wracked by fevers and its lines of supply cut off from Lauria's fleet. Philip had ordered his army to retreat in mid September. He would succumb himself to the illness three weeks later.

Sicily, November 1285

It was not a good year for the life expectancy of princes either secular or spiritual. The deaths of Philip III of France, Charles of Anjou and pope Martin IV were followed by that of Peter III of Aragon. Infante Alfonso would succeed him to the throne of Aragon while his second son Jaime would become king of Sicily. There had been some concern in the royal court of Palermo about the stance Alexandros Vatatzes would take, but he had quickly confirmed his loyalty to the throne. Of course that had come at the cost of confirming anew his control of Eastern Sicily and Calabria but one could not have everything...

Rome, March 1286

Pope Honorius IV had initiated numerous reforms to what he still called the kingdom of Sicily, that in his opinion removed any reason to continue in revolt. The Sicilians and Calabrians, and for that matter the Apulians appeared to be of a different opinion refusing to submit to the house of Anjou, Jaime had been officially crowned James II of Sicily back in February by the bishops of Cefalu and Nicastro. The new king had promptly sent an embassy to the Holy See to offer homage and ask for confirmation to the throne while earlier he had returned unharmed Papist agents sent to foment rebellion. Honorius would have none of it, summoning the bishops who had performed the coronation to Rome to apologize and excommunicating Jaime, Constance, Alexander and for good measure all the people of Sicily and Calabria.

Paris, July 1286

A truce was signed between France and Aragon, while the imprisoned Charles II signed a treaty of his own surrendering his claim to Sicily and Calabria in exchange for his liberty. But the later was totally unacceptable to pope Honorius who refused to accept the agreement. The war went on and Charles II remained in captivity.

Constantinople, December 1286

The dismissal of the fleet and reductions to the army caused issues Andronikos had not anticipated. The fleet his father had created had relied on the Prosalentai, rowrs given land for their service, the Tzakones, Greeks from Laconia and the Peloponnese and the Gasmouloi, originally descendants of mixed Greek and Latin marriages. The first group had not been entirely affected. The other two groups which relied on imperial wages had been especially hard hit with many threatened with outright starvation. They had reacted by taking service with anyone from Venice to even the Turkish emirates in Anatolia while many had just turned from corsair to pirate. It could had been even worse had Alexandros Vatatzes not stepped forward and recruiting many of the dismissed sailors. Nobody was entirely certain how many exactly had chosen his service, but it appeared that Alexandros had no more than two dozen galleys available. Andronikos was not particularly fond of Alexandros since the days they were both growing up in Michael's court but he had to grudgingly admit that his presence in Sicily was becoming useful in more than one ways...

 

[Lascaris]

Augusta, May 1st, 1287

The Angevin fleet, 40 galleys strong carrying an army of 5,000 foot soldiers and 500 horse under Rainald d'Avella descended upon the town. As luck would have it most of the adult population of the town was away on a fair at nearby Lentini leaving the town mostly defenceless, with only the old the young and the infirm left behind. Coupled with support for the Angevins from within, not everyone was happy for the ascend of Greek schismatics in Eastern Sicily, the Angevin forces were able to quickly take over the town despite its handful of defenders putting up a desperate resistance. The fleet went on south to unite with the second fleet that out of Sorento was to attack Western Sicily.

Augusta, May 10th, 1287

Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes had been caught by surprise by the Angevins. He had still reacted with commendable speed, assembling an army of 5,000 men [1] and a fleet of 30 galleys before the walls of Augusta within a week storming the town and putting its castle under siege. The Angevin commander despite being caught by surprise by the speed of Sicilian reaction had refused to surrender and fought on. Within a week Alexander would be joined by king James with yet more troops from western Sicily but the siege would go on into June despite the Apulians in the garrison attempting to rise up and then being forced out of the walls, Vatatzes would readily welcome them despite James misgivings that they could be just pretending to defect. But the town would finally surrender despite the discomfit of minority of the catholic priests that preferred the Angevins to Vatatzes and were not at all happy for his support of the Basilian monks despite the latter being technically catholic too.

Off Naples, June 23rd, 1287

Roger di Lauria had brought outside Naples 60 galleys, a third of them Syracusan. The five counts in command of the Angevin fleet, confident in their numerical superiority had come out to fight bringing 60 galleys of their own. The result was the worst disaster sufferer by Angevin arms since the start of the war with 53 galleys and nearly 7000 men captured. Between ransoms and spoils the Sicilian crews would not be short of money for a long time... [2]

Canfranc, October 1288

Charles II of Anjou was finally free. He would have to pay 50,000 silver marks and offer three of his sons as hostage till he secured an acceptable peace. But this mattered little. And a peace looked to be coming, een with Sicily a two years truce had been agreed even though Calabria was excempted from it...

[1] Sources vary but James apparently would recruit 3,000 foot and 700 horse from Eastern Sicily on the same occasion. Alexander has in addition military settlers from Greece and more small smallholders giving military service. On the other hand at least some of his army will be in Calabria...
[2] Battle of the counts but even worse than OTL...

 

[Lascaris]

Rieti, June 5th, 1289

Pope Nicholas crowned Charles II of Anjou king of Sicily and assigned to him a tithe of all church properties in Italy to continue the war against Aragon and Sicily. Charles who as part of the treaty of Canfranc the previous year had promised to bring peace with Aragon and actually was taking his own word seriously was not entirely happy with this. But being a loyal son of the Church and loyal to his family could do little about it for the the time being. But he would soon have his chance when a few months later Alfonso of Aragon and Roger de Lauria tried to besiege Gaeta and Charles army managed to entrap the Aragonese army between their own army and the walls of Gaeta. Charles ignored the papal instructions and the orders from the cardinals Nicholas had sent to him to force him to adhere to papal policy and instead signed a truce with Aragon. Then he'd left for France to convince Philip IV to agree to peace as well.

Brignoles, Februry 19th, 1291

Peace was finally concluded between the kingdom of Aragon, France, the Papacy and the kingdom of Sicily. But importantly the kingdom of Sicily was the Angevin Sicily. War against the actual Sicily was to go on, with Philip offering the papacy 200,000 pounds to finance the war against Sicily. But faith was to intervene when four months earlier Alfonso III of Aragon fell ill and died of his way to Rome. His brother James, already ruling over Sicily would inherit Aragon as well. James would quickly leave Sicily for Aragon but would refuse to give up his claim on Sicily. The pope promptly excommunicated James once more and for good measure the entire population of Sicily. But despite the excommunications and the rhetoric, James ever practical would start hinting that if sufficiently compensated he was willing to give up Sicily and come to terms. His new Aragonese subjects were not happy with continuing the war.

Messina, October 1292

The war had fallen into something of a hiatus following the death of pope Nicholas IV in April 1292 as everyone from Charles to James waited for the new pope to be elected and hoped for a peace settlement. Roger de Lauria having little to do with his fleet and piracy not being beneath him had taken thirty galleys in the Aegean in the summer, ostensibly aimed at the Angevin possessions in Greece. With the imperial fleet dismantled by Andronicus in his wisdom or lack of such, Roger had looted the coasts at his leisure attacking Greek and Frank alike, looting Chios, Lesvos, Lemnos, Tenos, Mykonos and Monemvasia among others. The only serious combat against the Angevins had taken combat by accident when Roger had stopped at Achaea to water his fleet and the local barons had attacked the Aragonese. Then Roger had completed his raid by looting Corfu, Cephallonia and the coast of Epirus before returning to Messina.

Alexandros could not let the subjects of his father get carried away to slavery. He could not attack Roger either. Thus he ransomed Roger's Greek prisoners. Going back to Greece was of course difficult if not impossible for the majority of them. Alexandros would settle them to unused land within the despotate.

Syracuse, February 1293

John Doukas Vatatzes, walked by the side of his father as the despot inspected the new fortifications being raised at the Epipolae, the eldest son of Alexandros and Maria Tarchaneiotes had just turned thirteen this month. Syracuse was reasonably well fortified already, but nowhere near the vast scale that had beaten back multiple Carthagian sieges and held the Romans at bay fifteen centuries earlier. But Alexander was both well read and paranoid. The fortifications of Syracuse were being steadily improved little by little over the past decade, with the work peaking up pace now that there was a lull in the war.

Constantinople, March 1293

Pinkernes Alexios Philanthropenos was made commander of the imperial army in Asia Minor and governor of all Asia Minor provinces aside from the coast of Ionia. Philanthropenos had been given vast authority, probably more than his uncle the emperor was comfortable with, but the challenge he was facing was no less vast. After three decades of neglect, with the empire's efforts directed west, heavy taxation and bad blood between the Asia Minor provinces and their Lascarid loyalist populations and the crown the position of the empire in the east was collapsing and the pressure of the Turkish emirates on its border.

Rome, December 1294

Celestine V, became the first pope in history to resign. Within a day he would be succeeded by Boniface VIII. The new pope, helped by James II and Philip IV of France would set at once at work for a final peace with Aragon, along the lines of the truce of Figueras the previous year.

Anagni, June 1295

Peace had finally come. James II would give up Sicily in exchange for Sardinia and marry Blanche, Charles II daughter. John of Procida and Roger de Lauria would be granted yet more land, titles and wealth to follow their master James in giving up Sicily. Frederick, James younger brother and governor of Sicily at the moment would marry Catherine de Courtenay the titular empress of the Latin empire of Constantinople. The excommunications would be lifted. Charles II would get back Sicily. Everyone was happy. Everyone but the Sicilians who offered Frederick the throne of Sicily and informed him in no uncertain terms that they were going to fight on with or without him. That was a sentiment Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes was more than willing to share. He was not going to give up his hard won land at the say so of no pope.

 

[Lascaris]

Palermo, December 12, 1295

Frederick of Aragon at the news of the treaty of Anagni, had requested that Catherine de Courtenay, accept the proposed betrothal by September 1295, in order to accept the treaty. Catherine sensibly enough some later historians would say had declined the proposed marriage saying that a princess without lands, ought not to marry a prince without lands. And that had been the end of the treaty for Frederick who had refused it and accepted the crown of Sicily. His mother had been more than happy to support his decision. Some might had feared that her cousin Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes might not, after all he would had been the likely alternative to Frederick, if the latter adhered to the papal schemes. But Alexander, also concerned about events back in Greece, had more than readily supported his nephew's decision. And that was it. Frederick was proclaimed Frederick III king of Sicily.

Constantinople, January 1296

For the past three years, Alexios Philanthropenos had led his army, built around some 3,000 Cretan veterans of the revolt against Venice, from victory to victory against the Turks. This had not failed to bring up his popularity and this in turn to bring accusations and slander against him to the emperor. While Andronikos seemed at least initially resistant to the calumnies he had also failed to provide any meaningful support. The end result had been Alexios being proclaimed by his troops emperor and despite his initial misgivings in the end going along with revolt against his uncle. Initially the revolt seemed to carry all before it, after all the Asia Minor populations were anything but happy with the Palaiologues, it was natural to side with the man delivering them from the Turks and who could claim connection by marriage to the Lascarids. Andronikos could likely not stand up to Alexios. But what fighting could not achieve treason had when Alexios had been betrayed and arrested. Now what mattered would be his fate....

His serenity basileus Andronikos II looked at Maximus Planudes in consternation. "And why again Alexandros sent you to my court?"

"The despot would like to request your clemency for your nephew."

"And why should I give it? He is a traitor and will be treated as such."

"My master would be sorely disappointed, if you had his brother in law blinded. As you might recall from your youth he was very fond of him."

"So was I, before he rose up against the throne. And Vatatzes had better not threaten the imperial throne."

"My master has certainly not..."

"Then how does he dare send you here to interfere on the decisions of his emperor?"

Planudes visibly flinched. "As said your serenity the despot instructed me, to tell you that he'll be sorely disappointed, indeed insulted if anything untoward happens to his brother in law. He's prepared to take the problem off your hands instead."

Andronikos was getting ironic. "Otherwise will happen what?"

"Otherwise he'll come to discuss in person how intolerable he finds this and what your father had done to his nephew his serenity basileus Ioannis IV, to secure your place to the throne."

"He'll come in person."

"He further instructed me to remind you who has a fleet and who not."

Andronikos said nothing for a while. "So how is Alexandros prepared to take the problem off my hands?"

"He proposes that you exile Alexios and his supporters to Sicily. He's prepared to take them in and ensure they never return to the east as he has not. You know the despot has never broken his word in his life."

"So either I send Alexios to him or he comes to me."

The ships carrying Philantrhropenos and his loyalists were off to Messina as soon at the weather allowed...


Messina, October 1296

The Sicilian army of Frederick and Alexandros had crossed into Calabria in the spring joined there by Philanthropenos exiles. The Sicilians had been able to drive the Neapolitan army who had made inroads into Calabria out of it and advance into Basilicata while their fleet under Roger de Lauria had been able to size Otranto and besiege Brindisi. But events outside Sicily were to undermine their success. Earlier in the year the pope had secured the military support of king James of Aragon against his former Sicilian subjects, who now sent an embassy to his brother demanding obedience. The parliament of Sicily was called in Messina by Frederick to decide on the response. It wasn't much in doubt. The Sicilians, excommunicated for the third time earlier this year would decide to fight on. The war would go on...

 

[Lascaris]

Palermo, March 1297

Roger di Lauria had come on the verge of outright revolt against Frederick, between entreaties by king James and Frederick III mishandling him at once accusing him of treason in front of the whole court and then taking no drastic action against him. Despite Alexandros advice either to fully reconcile with Roger or destroy him, Frederick had taken neither action. The impasse had in the end been solved by queen mother Constance who when summoned by James along with infante Yolanda, who was to marry Robert of Anjou to Rome, had asked for Roger and John of Procida to accompany her. Frederick had consented. Constance hoped she would be able to reconcile Frederick with James. She would be proven wrong.

Rome, April 1297

King James of Aragon, made Roger di Lauria admiral for life, while pope Boniface granted the admiral Messina as a fief, not accidentally Messina was at the moment controlled by the despotate of Sicily. Roger had made his choice between the two royal brothers...

Cefalu, June 1297

John Loria had risen up in revolt at news his uncle had switched his allegiance to James of Aragon. It had not gone well for him as Frederick had immediately brought a royal army against him, investing and taken Roger's fiefs one by one. Besieged at Cefalu John had surrender the fort in exchange of safe conduct to Naples.

Sicopotamo, Calabria, summer 1297

Roger di Lauria had instigated a revolt at the nearby town of Catanzaro. The castle had remained faithful to Sicily but agreed to surrender if no relief came within a month. Thus Roger had moved with a force of 700 knights and men at arms to ensure that no relief came. Roger had every reason to be confident of victory. King Frederick had sent no aid, the Sicilian barons were unwilling to campaign outside Sicily this time. Thus the army assembled to fight him had no knights of his own. Besides they were Greeks send by Alexander under his brother in law, who had recently come from the east were he had led a failed rebellion against the Greek emperor. How good could be someone who couldn't even defeat Andronikos? He charged against the Greeks with his knights. Just as expected the Greeks gave way before the charge. The knights followed them up till the charge start losing steam on broken ground and his knights were stopped by soldiers on foot almost as heavily armed as themselves, dismounted pronoia soldiers. And that was when the light cavalry and infantry showed on his flanks. The knights, their horses killed under them by stones and arrows and unable to extricate themselves from the trap were mercilessly cut down with little to no quarter given. The infantrymen in their wake tried to flee only to be cut down it turn by the Stratiotai coming after them. Roger, wounded in the arm, managed to flee by pure luck when one of his retainers found him hiding in a hedge and gave his lord his own horse to flee. Roger di Lauria had his first defeat in a lifetime and Alexios Philanthropenos his first victory in Italy. And Calabria would remain secure till next year...

 

[Lascaris]

Patti, Sicily, September 1st, 1298

In past years an army led by James of Aragon and Robert d'Anjou, duke, in name at least, of Calabria would had been considered an impossibility. And yet the supposed impossibility had just landed in Sicily, captured the town of Patti and was advancing south. Over the next few weeks Milazzo, Novara, Monforte and San Piero sopra Patti had fallen to the advancing Aragonese-Neapolitan army. Neither Alexandros nor Frederick had the numbers to take on the enemy directly, most of the despotate's army was in Calabria under Philanthropenos which was also being invaded. But if the Aragonese-Neapolitans had taken several towns, many more were holding out. Soon the invading army would begin to be concerned of its supplies as fall went on and winter approached.

Syracuse, October 30th, 1298

Ioannis Doukas Vatatzes, stood atop the tower of Castello Maniace at the end of the island of Ortygia, looking at the enemy galleys filling the sea below. The great Maniakes had fist built the castle a quarter of a millenia ago when he had come to liberate the island from the Arabs only to be betrayed by Constantinople, just as his father and uncles had been betrayed by Andronikos and his father. Then his great grandfather had rebuilt it and his own father had added yet more on the fortifications, not just of the castle and the island of Ortygia but the entire city. Now with James army camped outside the land walls and his fleet crossing the waters outside the city it remained to be seen whether the fortifications on which Alexandros had poured much of the specie extracted from the mines of Longobucco had been worth the silver that had been poured into building them. And one Ioannis Vatatzes had to prove he was worthy of his more illustrious ancestors. His uncle was with an army in Calabria. His father with most the rest of the army and the fleet somewhere outside Syracuse. It fell upon him and the garrison commander, John Chiaramonte to hold the city.

Syracuse March, 1299

King James raised the siege of Syracuse and retreated from Syracuse to Naples. The previous five months had proven most frustrating. Besieged Syracuse had beaten back all assaults while an attempt by a couple of priests loyal to the pope to open a gate had been found out in time, the Greeks had just impaled both priests for treason and any other prospective traitors had not dared to move. Outside the walls his army had been subjected to constant harassment by the Sicilians. Worse yet had come at sea where a squadron of 20 ships under John Lauria the admiral's nephew bringing supplies had been caught out in the straits of Messina by Vatatzes, With Vatatzes commanding 40 galleys to John's 20, all twenty Aragonese galleys had been captured in the ensuing battle. James did actually demand from his brother compensation for the lost crews and galleys as he was retreating from Sicily. Frederick was somehow not impressed by the argument...

Calabria, June, 1299

Charles II had tried to retrieve Calabria through a mix of subversion and military force. So far it was not working as well as he might have hoped. It was true that he had found a handful of priests loyal to Rome and yet more barons willing to side with Naples. But they were fewer than he might had hoped and over the last fifteen years Alexandros had generated quite a lot of loyalty among the commoners Greek and Italian alike. Thus most attempts to switch side had been met with counterrevolts with Philanthropenos and his army appeared to be everywhere supporting loyalists and making examples, very bloody examples, of their opponents. As for outright invasion, Philanthropenos was again everywhere. The Neapolitan army led by Philil and Robert d' Anjou was hit time an again and unable to forage from the country. With the Angevins already in the verge of bankruptcy and thus unable to field armies as large as in years past or properly supply them the problem was made all the greater.

Cape Orlando, July, 1299

James had reinvaded Sicily a mere four months after lifting the siege of Syracuse. This time though Frederick had brought the Sicilian fleet out to try to intercept the invasion force. It nearly worked when the Sicilians almost trapped the Aragonese fleet. But Frederick had declined Alexandros advice to immediately attack waiting for reinforcements instead and Roget di Lauria in command of the enemy fleet had extricated him from the worse. But still the Sicilians had significant numerical superiority with 72 galleys, 40 of them from the despotate under Alexandros personal command to Roger's 52. And yet Roger had managed to win taking advantage of lack of discipline among the Sicilian captains, were the most enthusiastic ones had broken the chain linking their ships to close with the enemy. Only the veteran despotate crews, had strictly adhered to Alexandros orders and kept formations but it had not been enough. The Sicilians had lost 21 galleys to Roger's 7...

 

[Lascaris]

Salerno, July 1299

The victorious Catalan-Angevin fleet begun loading the Neapolitan army for one more invasion of Sicily, now that the Sicilians had been defeated at sea. But as soon as the Neapolitan army was transported to Sicily, much to the shock of Robert and Philip of Anjou and Charles II, king Jaime declared that he had fulfilled his obligations by defeating the Sicilian fleet and now he could leave, the two princes with the support of Roger de Lauria could surely subdue Sicily by themselves without further Catalan aid. As soon as the army had been transported to Sicily, Jaime picked up his mother and his wife from Salerno and left for Aragon.

Messina, July 1299

The city had been on the verge of panic at the news of the defeat of Cape Orlando. And then the survivors of the Sicilian fleet, 30 Despotate galleys, a third of them Messinese and 21 from the rest of Sicily reached the port with both the kind and the despot aboard. Desperation turned to joy, despite the defeat not all was lost. And this in turn into grim determination and a desire for revenge when the news that Roger de Lauria had massacred the Messinese and Greek crews of the galleys he had captured in revenge for the execution of John Lauria spread in the city and the crews.

Falconaria, Sicily, December 1st, 1299

The landing of Angevin troops to Sicily had been followed by nearly thirty towns falling to the Angevins nearly all of them to treason. The most important of them had been Catania where Walter di Pantaleone and Virgilio Scordia, perhaps out of greed, perhaps weary of the support of Vatatzes for the lower classes and the Basilian order and his centralization of Eastern Sicily had risen up and delivered the city to the Angevins. But the army of Robert had nevertheless been stalled by Sicilian resistance. And thus reinforcements under his brother Philip of Taranto had been landed near Trapani and advanced to the interior. They had been met by Frederick and his lieutenant Blanco di Alagona at Falconaria and decisively defeated with Philip taken as prisoner while Robert's army trying to march west to join that of his brother had been held back by Vatatzes and on news of the defeat had retreated to Catania.

Gagliano, Sicily, February 1300

Following the defeat of Philip in Falconaria, Roger di Lauria had left for Naples to bring reinforcements while advising Robert of Anjou to remain holed up in Catania and avoid battle with the enemy. Robert had initially followed that advice but had grown inreasingly frustrated by it, particularly at news that Philantropenos army had been brought by Alexandros Vatatzes back to Sicily, where Philantropenos along with Alexandros had begun systematically reducing the towns taken by the Angevins one after the other, often enough with support from within the towns. Thus the offer of the castellan of Gagliano to surrender his force to the Angevins, supposedly because he did not want to continue serving a schismatic had proven very tempting, almost tempting enough to bring Robert out in person to take the castle. At the last moment a French force of 300 knights under Walther of Brienne had been sent instead only to be ambushed and destroyed by Philantropenos in a night attack, with Walther taken prisoner.

Calabria, April 1300

Alexios Philantropenos and his Cretans might had left Calabria but Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes had no intention of losing Calabria. If most of his army was needed in Sicily other means of securing the loyalty of Calabria were needed. And thus Ioannis Doukas Vatatzes fresh from victory in the siege of Syracuse had been sent to command in Calabria. And since his father knew better that let a twenty year old on his own in command of an army he had sent alone a former Templar knight turned mercenary captain to advise him and as second in command. Roger de Flor was of course excommunicated by the pope. But so was Alexandros...

 

[Lascaris]

Catane, April 1300

Roger Lauria transported Angevin reinforcements to the army of Roberd of Anjou. Charles II had gone to extraordinary efforts to reinforce his son, recruiting Italian, French and with the help of Roger who had guaranteed their pay, Spanish mercenaries. It was a sign of his priorities that these professional troops had been brought to Sicily while only local feudal levies were used for the reconquest of Sicily. Then Rogers fleet left again for Naples.

Outside Catane, May 1300

A dozen Apulian galleys had tried to move supplies to Catane only to be overtaken by Vatatzes fleet of thirty galleys. Not a single Angevin ship would survive. Alexandros proceeded to blockade Catane from the sea while the army under Philanthropenos blockaded the city from the land. Unless the blockade was lifted soon, Robert would have to act or face starvation.

Ponza, Gulf of Gaeta, June 14th 1300

Twenty-six Sicilian galleys, had ventured north under his Genoese admiral Conrad Doria, despite Vatatzes calls to instead concentrate the entire Sicilian fleet in the blockade of Catane. Frederick had refused to take Alexandros advice. The despot had in turn ignored the king and continued the blockade instead of venturing with the rest of the Sicilian fleet north, ignoring insults by many Sicilian nobles that he was afraid to do so. The Sicilian operation appeared to go well when the Sicilian fleet managed to blockade Roger De Lauria who initially refused to give battle. Why he was doing so was made clear when the reinforcement's Lauria was waiting for, seven Guelph Genoese galleys, joined his fleet and Lauria now in command of forty galleys attacked. The ensuing battle would be a disaster for Sicilian arms, with only a single ship managing to escape.

Off Catane, July 1300

Alexandros Vatatzes mouthed a curse at the sight of Lauria's fleet. He, unlike the noble idiots at Ponza had no intention of taking on a superior force. The Despotate fleet would retire to Syracuse. Lauria was welcome to try his luck against what the best Byzantine engineers the silver of Val d'Argento could buy had spent the last two decades preparing. Lauria would indeed refrain from attacking, raiding around the Sicilian coast with limited effect instead.

Scoglitti, Camerina, July 1301

The past twelve months had not brought much change to fortunes of the war. The sea remained in Angevin hands, with Vatatzes keeping his fleet at Syracuse, but Lauria's raids while damaging had failed to bring any permanent gains. On land Robert's army had made no headway beyond Catania under the constant harassment of Philanthropenos soldiers. In Calabria the feudal levies sent by Charles II had proven no match against Ioannis Vatatzes and Roger de Flor's Calabrian troops and neither had bribes and treason. Calabria had itself been a source of professional troops and these were by now serving for nearly two decades house Vatatzes. The local Greek population had every reason to prefer Vatatzes and by now the sentiment was shared by the majority of their Lombard neighbors. The old nobles might have different opinions but after two decades of war most were either dead or in exile in Naples. Thus Robert and Roger had decided on one more naval demonstration with the fleet sailing south from Catania. They had launched an abortive attack at Syracuse before proceeding further south. And there disaster had struck when a gale, unexpected in the middle of summer had caught the Angevin fleet destroying 22 galleys. Survivors making it ashore would for the most part either perish or get captured as they tried to reach Catane.

Ortygia, Syracuse, July 1301

Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes raised the flag with the golden two headed eagle in his flagship as he led his fleet out of Syracuse. If providence had destroyed the best part of Lauria's fleet he was not going the let the other half get away. He had set sail with every single ship that could be manned, additionally boarding part of his army as marines...

 

[Lascaris]

Aegadian islands, Sicily, August 1st, 1301

Roger de Lauria, true to his reputation as the greatest admiral of the era, instead of taking the shortest route home which would had brought himself in front of Syracuse and Vatatzes fleet had instead sailed westwards hoping to circumnavigate western Sicily and sail north to Naples avoiding Vatatzes. Alexandros had though chased after the Angevin fleet and while Lauria had a head start his ships were both damaged and heavier in the water from several weeks at see. And thus finally the fleet of Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes despot of Sicily, of 28 galleys joined battle with the Angevin fleet of 15 galleys between Marsala and Favignana island in the 1st of August. Lauria's fleet even damaged and outnumbered nearly two to one still dealt nearly as much damage as it received. But Vatatzes pressed on despite casualties and so did his crews enraged by the massacre of the captured Messinese crews by Lauria after the battle of Cape Orlando and the treatment of Sicilian prisoners both at Cape Orlando and after the battle of Ponza the previous year. Not a single Angevin galley survived the battle with most captured and the rest sunk.

Messina, August 10th, 1301

Roger de Lauria, spat at the closest of his captors, only to be hit over the head for his troubles. That damned Greek had dared throw himself, a noble, to the hand of commoners. And these particular commoners had every reason to hate him, since he had massacred nearly two thousands of their brethren at Cape Orlando, refusing to take prisoners. He had his reasons, after the death of his nephew. But the Messinese who had lost brothers, fathers and sons to his revenge were of a different opinion. History would record that Alexandros Vatatzes gave Lauria to the people of Messine who executed him. The details for Laria before he was impaled and died were rather messier.

Syracuse, August 20th, 1301

Robert d'Anjou suppressed a sigh as he looked at the fortifications of Syracuse from the inside. The Greek prince had been clearly busy at work for the past two decades. Huge forts had been built in the heights of Euryalus and Epipolae on the land side. More forts lined the harbor while the older castello Maniakes in the island of Ortygia had been further reinforced. Curtain walls dotted with multiple towers linked the forts. The city would be a bitch to take by force but then he had learned as much two years ago. But he still had hoped to enter the city as a conqueror not as a prisoner of war. His treatment by the duke, no despot he called himself, was impeccable very much unlike the late Lauria. But how much would his imprisonment cost his father?

Catane, September, 1301

The wall shook as the stone unleashed by the counterweight trebuchet hit it. Alexis Philanthropenos had closed on the town from the land just as the fleet blockaded it from the sea. How much the trapped French army insite would hold was anyone's guess.

Florence, November 1301

The army of Charles of Valois entered the city in support of the papist Black Guelphs, looting the city, killing many of the opposing White Guelphs and forcing others to exile. Among the exiled would be a certain Dante Alighieri and act that gain Charles his place in hell, in the Divine Comedy. Whether Charles wold ever learn about securing his position to eternity...