Britain isn't College/All Saints/Charlton Park and College: Presidents of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
An analogue list for College/All Saints/Charlton Park and College Ward, Gloucestershire Country Council (it's name got changed a lot)
1973: Jeremy Thorpe (Liberal)
Jeremy Thorpe (Liberal) 53.7%
Sir Alec Douglas-Home (Conservative) 37.2%
Harold Wilson (Labour) 9.1%
The details of the Bodmin Incident are well known to any student of recent British history or politics, so there is no need to go into them here. Suffice it to say the transformation of Britain into a presidential republic (modelled on the French system) was the only acceptable solution considering the circumstances.
With both main parties tarred by the cover up, (in fact experts credit the Tories getting as high a vote share as they did to their choice of candidate), the previously moribund Liberals were able to come up the middle, with their charismatic candidate Jeremy Thorpe touring the country and offering Real Change for Britain
Unfortunately, the Liberals did not have the funding to mount a national parliamentary campaign as well and Thorpe was unable to carry his party with him into parliament, finding himself forced to cohabit with the newly re-elected Edward Heath. Fortunately, they both had similar views on Thorpe’s social liberalisation agenda and while it did not move as fast as the President would have liked, decent solid work was still done.
Thorpe was a popular leader at home and abroad and was credited with holding the country together during the period of transition. By 1976 many assumed he was a shoo in for re-election the following year. Until that is, the press got wind of Dartmoor.
1977: Willie Whitelaw (Conservative)
Willie Whitelaw (Conservative) 50.8%
Jo Grimond (Liberal) 49.2%
Come the 77 election, Labour were left with a choice. Polling suggested that the Liberal Party was popular even while Thorpe was under investigation, and while they would have preferred to have one of their own in Admiralty House, splitting the progressive vote only increased the chance of the Tories winning. So, in January of 1977 the Camden pact was formed, where Labour agreed not to field a presidential candidate in exchange for the Liberals not fielding parliamentary candidates in Labour seats.
Unfortunately for both parties, the Tories had nominated the genial Willie Whitelaw and despite the popularity of the former Liberal leader Jo Grimond, Whitelaw was able to take both the Presidency and Parliament by the skin of his teeth.
Fortunately, for both of the other parties, Whitelaw (a One Nation Conservative) alongside Edward Heath, decided to continue pursing Thorpe’s social agenda, while mostly focusing on the grand prize of foreign policy. Entering the EEC. Following a referendum in 1978, in which the country voted overwhelmingly in favour of the entry, Heath left parliament to take up an EU commissioners post and was replaced as PM by Peter Walker.
By the time the 1981 Presidential election came around, Conservative Central Office were confident that Whitelaw would become the first president elected for a second term. What they hadn’t counted on, was the Liberals campaign strategy.
1981: David Penhaligon (Liberal)
David Penhaligon (Liberal) 57.1%
Willie Whitelaw (Conservative) 32.3%
Roy Jenkins (Labour) 10.6%
The Liberals campaigned on the idea that if the President was going to act like a liberal, the President might as well be a Liberal. The campaign worked and David Penhaligon entered Admiralty House with the highest vote margin of any president so far.
Unfortunately, the good times didn’t last long. Come the parliamentary elections of 1982, the Tories (who had been in power since 1973) were exhausted, and the Liberals had spent a good chunk of their money on the Presidential election. This mean that Labour (who had undergone a prolonged period of soul searching over the last nine years) under republican Michael Foot, were swept to power all be it with a very small majority.
Penhaligon (who favoured slow incremental change) found himself cohabiting with one of the most radical Prime Ministers of the modern era. While he was able to block some of the madder ideas, such as unilateral nuclear disarmament and abandoning the EEC, renationalisation of the industries that had been privatised under Whitelaw and the abolition of the House of Lords slipped through the net.
For many members of the Labour Party, this was too much, and in 1984, several prominent Labour figures (including the 1981 presidential candidate Roy Jenkins) made the Portsmouth Declaration in which they announced they were leaving the Labour Party and forming the Social Democratic Party. Enough MPs crossed the floor, to force Foot to limp along with a minority government, until a double election could be held in 1985. The question on everyone’s lips of course, was how would this affect the upcoming Presidential election?
1985: David Penhaligon (Liberal/SDP)
David Penhaligon (Liberal/SDP) 52.5%
Margaret Thatcher (Conservative) 42.6%
Roy Hattersley (Labour) 4.9%
The answer was it really didn’t. The SDP were aware that they didn’t have the resources to mount a full presidential campaign of their own, and that they had more in common with the Liberals than they disagreed on. Therefore, they approached Penhaligon with the idea of running on a fusion ticket, an idea he happily embraced.
Running with the support of two parties, Penhaligon easily overcame the Tories monetarist standard-bearer Margaret Thatcher and Labour’s Roy Hattersley (running what historians now call Labour’s last serious run for the presidency) and while he had a slightly rocky relationship with the new Prime Minister, Jim Prior, his second term is considered by many to be his best.
1989: David Penhaligon (Liberal Democrat)
David Penhaligon (Liberal Democrat) 51.1%
Douglas Hurd (Conservative) 48.9%
Following the success of the Liberal/SDP fusion ticket the two parties had merged in late 1987. While Penhaligon has been hoping to retire, senior party figures like David Steel convinced him that only he could help the fledgling party win the next election, and at the same time take them into parliament. With Labour, too deep in its own civil war to even field a candidate before the cut-off date, Penhaligon picked up their votes in addition to his own, and found himself returning to Admiralty House for the third time. In addition, the Lib Dems found themselves with a majority of parliamentary seats at the 1990 general election as well.
His third term was mostly focused on foreign affairs with the ongoing events in the Crimea and integrating us further with Europe, taking up most of his time. However, he did pass the two-term limit bill, meaning no future president would ever be able to equal his time in office. While some historians feel his did this to secure his own legacy, others believe he did it to make sure the electorate were presented with a more varied choice of candidates.
David Penhaligon is the longest serving president to date and regularly tops the polls as the most popular president ever.
1993: Alan Beith (Liberal Democrat)
Alan Beith (Liberal Democrat) 50.8%
Geoffrey Howe (Conservative) 45.3%
Dennis Skinner (Labour) 3.9%
Running as the fourth term of David Penhaligon, Alan Beith should have had it easy. But despite the Tories struggling to bridge the gap between their One Nation and Monetarist camps and Labour having been taken over by the far left, it was clear that the Liberals were running out of ideas.
While in his first year in office, Beith was able to get his flagship devolution policy through (leading to today’s system of Mayors and regional assemblies), the success of the Conservatives under Michael Portillo in the 1994 general election, (though Lib Dems continued to hold the Senate) put paid to any further plans, and he spent most of the rest of his term clearing up the Crimea and visiting other countries.
1997: Michael Howard (Conservative)
Michael Howard (Conservative) 46.4%
Alan Beith (Liberal Democrat) 44.5%
Michael Meacher (Labour) 9.1%
After sixteen years of Liberal dominance of Admiralty House, the Conservatives (the monetarists having won the ideological scrap fight) were back with a vengeance, with complete control of both the Presidency and the lower house of Parliament (it would take until the general election of 2003 for the Tories to claim control of the Senate)
Seeing there wasn’t much the Conservatives could do about the devolution to the regions, Howard turned it to his advantage, shrinking the size of central government and distributing more power to the regions. Many industries that had been nationalised since the 80’s suddenly found themselves back in private ownership. When asked to rate which President has had the biggest effect on domestic politics, Howard often comes in second place, just behind Jeremy Thorpe.
2001: Michael Howard (Conservative)
Michael Howard (Conservative) 46.4%
Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrat) 45.1%
Ken Livingston (Labour) 8.5%
When most people of the right age, think of Michael Howard, they tend to think of him alongside President Jospin, at the memorial service for the Paris Metro Bombing. That event (committed by the Ukrainian terrorist group Vohon, in retaliation for the Crimea being removed from Russian control) in early 2002 would come to dominate his second term, with foreign policy and the ongoing war in Eastern Europe taking up the majority of his time.
While he and Prime Minister Ken Clarke were able to pass some domestic legislation, mostly relating to taxation and benefit law, it is as an international statesman who took Britain back onto the world stage, that Howard is remembered for.
2005: Nadine Dorries (Conservative)
Nadine Dorries (Conservative) 47.3%
Malcolm Bruce (Liberal Democrat) 37.2%
John McDonnell (Labour) 11.8%
Nigel Farage (UKIP) 3.8%
Most people would assume that Nadine Dorries would go down in history, as the first female President of the UK, or as the winner of the first four party presidential race. While this is true, what she is mostly known as, is as a disastrous one term, no mark.
Capturing the nomination with the support of the angry Eurosceptic far right and winning off the back of Howard’s legacy, she found her policies both at home and abroad blocked at every turn. Her attempts to roll back abortion and consent laws were blocked first by Ken Clarke and from 2006 by Menzies Campbell. Meanwhile her referendum on Britain’s place in the EU (which won her plaudits from UKIP) was defeated by a margin of 56% to 44%.
Come 2009 she was isolated in Admiralty House, unable to do much but meet foreign dignitaries. Then came the final indignity. Dorries became the first incumbent president to lose her parties primary.
2009: Nick Clegg (Conservative)
Nick Clegg (Conservative) 42.3%
Chris Huhne (Liberal Democrat) 36.0%
Sian Berry (Green) 11.3%
Nadine Dorries (UKIP) 6.6%
Jeremy Corbyn (Labour) 3.7%
The Conservative wunderkind, Nick Clegg had served in the back rooms of CCO, as an MEP and as an MP since 2006. Concerned about the direction Nadine Dorries was taking the Tory party, he had unseated her in the 2008 primary, under the banner of “A Fresh Direction for the Tories” (Dorries later became the first president to campaign under a different party label) and then come out on top of a crowded presidential field (the Liberal Democrats were still undergoing a period of soul searching) under the banner of “A Fresh Direction for Britain”
Young, intelligent and with a suitably photogenic family, Clegg was the classic example of what a president should be like, (to the point that the creators of the BBC political drama,
SW1 have had to deny their fictional president is based on Clegg). But while things were rosy in public, behind the scenes, things were quite tense. The problem was that Clegg – who campaigned on a liberal agenda – has misinterpreted the mood of his party. While they were keen to get rid of Dorries, they were still Conservatives not Liberals, and some of the things Clegg was suggesting – a national living wage, and the adoption of more EU legislation – were just not Conservative enough. In fact, Clegg found himself more and more comfortable with his Liberal Democrat Prime Ministers, first Campbell and then Simon Hughes, who were more than willing to work with his agenda.
Westminster was still stunned however, when Clegg called a live press conference in late 2011 and announced he would be running as a Liberal Democrat in the next election.
2013: Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrat)
Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrat) 47%
Theresa May (Conservative) 36%
William Legge (UKIP) 11%
Diane Abbott (Labour) 6%
Still amazingly popular, Nick Clegg’s decision to switch parties, not only made the Lib Dems job easier (the nomination became a technicality) but also made the Conservatives job harder, as they were forced to run against their own record in office.
Increasing his vote share, Clegg’s second term was even more successful than his first. Abroad he strengthened Britain’s reputation as a world power, cementing its relationship with the EU, and taking the lead on the UN’s response to Kazakhstan. At home, he oversaw the introduction of a universal basic income, made Britain the home for new business start-up’s and was a familiar face when London hosted the Olympics in 2016.
In presidential popularity polls, Clegg is regularly ranked as the best President of the 21st century and is often tied with David Penhaligon for most popular president ever.
2017: Unknown
Norman Lamb (Liberal Democrat)
William Hague (Conservative)
Jonathan Bartley (Green)
Jess Phillips (Labour)
With the next election (the first double since 1985) only a few weeks away, no one is quite sure who the next resident of Admiralty House will be, or if they will have to negotiate with Prime Minister Hughes or the Leader of the Opposition George Osborne. One thing is obvious however. Whoever wins they will continue to represent the best that Britain has to offer.