From Exile to Triumph: a Western Roman Timeline

Interesting chain of events in Burgundy.

So if I understand, Nepos revoked the title of Patrician to Gundobad for having assassinated his brother, so passing it to the still alive one. Which would prove to be a brief success for the Empire because Gundobad despite being defeated killed in the end Godegisel...

I wonder if Gundobad made a secret agreement with Clovis. Future Roman historians may have the benefit of the doubt and probably the same court. Gregory of Tours instead may be more defensive of Clovis, but anyway Vandal Gaul is on the target.

I suppose Clovis will invade the South, the Romans will intervene without being allies of the Franks and at least would recover Massilia and Arelate and the territories South of the Durance, Gundobad may attack the coast but after this brief civil war and Frank invasion the Burgundians won't be at their full force so it may go as OTL, only instead of the Ostrogoths those lands will be retaken by the Romans.

It would be interesting if Gundobad would switch loyalties - which may be possible with a Frank Gaul looming over them. The Rhone will become the border between the Roman and the Frank domains and the situation will stabilize for the convenience of both sides.

Clovis is surely more cunning than OTL, and I like this. I can almost justify his actions.
 
You can also do a "Not!Islam" option where a similar religion with a different name, founder, and teachings (for starters, they might draw more of their features from Zoroastrianism, Manichaeism, or schismatic sects of Christianity) develops.
Why not? I like in particular the idea of using for the arabs an “eretic” branch of Christianity but if you prefer more syncretism between different creeds then I will let the readers discuss and decide the features that this fate will take. Just remember that if you want something new instead of Islam or any form of Christianity, I will need some help with the aspects of this completely new faith.
There was some months ago an interesting thread involving this queen and an alternate Arab invasion where basically the arabs took the place of the goths. It could provide interesting ideas if I can find it again. Basically the Arab invasion could mirror the Germanic one with several Romano-Arab kingdoms.
Might I suggest looking at the Mullaqaat for candidates?

Imru' Al-Qais has always been a favorite of mine from the period. I would suggest starting there for a unitary figure, given his heritage as a Prince of Kindah. Antarah ibn Shaddad could serve as a general, I'd imagine. Amr ibn Kulthum actually killed Imru' Al-Qais's cousin, so that's another tie in.
Basically there would be the possibility of several different Arab tribes invading the empire ( I really like this idea) or as you propose we could just have one single invasion from all these tribes united under the leadership of a charismatic leader, without the religious aspect. In both case I would gladly accept any suggestion about possible characters that I could involve in the story, events prior to the invasion ( that would take place during the VII century as OTL), and the main feature of this Alt unified Arabia ( that would probably resemble pre Islamic Arabia before gradually absorbing Greek/Roman and maybe Persian elements). Let me know if you have any suggestions or would like to help me with this part of the timeline.
Interesting chain of events in Burgundy.

So if I understand, Nepos revoked the title of Patrician to Gundobad for having assassinated his brother, so passing it to the still alive one. Which would prove to be a brief success for the Empire because Gundobad despite being defeated killed in the end Godegisel...

I wonder if Gundobad made a secret agreement with Clovis. Future Roman historians may have the benefit of the doubt and probably the same court. Gregory of Tours instead may be more defensive of Clovis, but anyway Vandal Gaul is on the target.

I suppose Clovis will invade the South, the Romans will intervene without being allies of the Franks and at least would recover Massilia and Arelate and the territories South of the Durance, Gundobad may attack the coast but after this brief civil war and Frank invasion the Burgundians won't be at their full force so it may go as OTL, only instead of the Ostrogoths those lands will be retaken by the Romans.

It would be interesting if Gundobad would switch loyalties - which may be possible with a Frank Gaul looming over them. The Rhone will become the border between the Roman and the Frank domains and the situation will stabilize for the convenience of both sides.

Clovis is surely more cunning than OTL, and I like this. I can almost justify his actions.
Most of the events are following the same path of OTL history with minor changes so far.
The title belonged to Chilpericus not to Gundobad (at the beginning of the timeline it belonged to him before being transferred to Chilpericus). After the assassination of Chilpericus, Nepos granted the title to Godegisel in order to oppose Gundobad.
There is no secret deal between the two kings ( but later historians could of course have their doubts), as Clovis was a supporter of Godegisel before accepting his death and the unification of the kingdom under Gundobad ( as long as he rule according to Clovis’ will).
You clearly saw correctly here, just that the Romans won t be alone in their war in the next update.
Don t know yet the fate of the Burgunds: either independence or annexation by one or both neighbours but now I think that their independence would keep things more interesting. And here no one has so fa mentioned another Romano-barbarian kingdom whose indipendence could have further interesting butterflies.
For more information about the future just wait for the next update that could be out this evening ( if I’m able to spare some hours for writing).
 
Basically there would be the possibility of several different Arab tribes invading the empire ( I really like this idea) or as you propose we could just have one single invasion from all these tribes united under the leadership of a charismatic leader, without the religious aspect. In both case I would gladly accept any suggestion about possible characters that I could involve in the story, events prior to the invasion ( that would take place during the VII century as OTL), and the main feature of this Alt unified Arabia ( that would probably resemble pre Islamic Arabia before gradually absorbing Greek/Roman and maybe Persian elements). Let me know if you have any suggestions or would like to help me with this part of the timeline.

My suggestion would be to have a singular leader confederate the Arabian Peninsula, before reaching out to the Ghassanids, Lakhmids and others. Arab unity versus Byzantine and Persians isn't unlikely given that the Arab vassal states often rebelled against their patrons. What you would want to do is have the Arab confederation get involved with one or the other northern kingdom (possibly sheltering then reclaiming the throne of an exiled dynast), and have that migrationary force swoop into Egypt, Levant, Mesopotamia.

I'd keep it multi-sectarian to start, given that the Arabs weren't particularly inclined to convert en masse to any outside religion. I suppose you could try and formulating something around Rahmanism, but that'd be a crapshoot because we don't know much. I usually treat it as a Judaic strain adapted to Arab cultural mores that quickly became little more than an excuse for prophet cults as per the Ridda Wars, though I've not really gone at all into detail and tried to flesh that out.

I've played around with this in some private notes on post-400 AD myself (albeit an ASB version with surviving Atenism, etc...), and my mentality was that the Arab Migrations would settle into Cyrene, Egypt, Levant and Mespotamia before petering out, with the Arab tribes who migrated forming kingdoms with themselves at the top and Arabizing beneath them... but also converting to the local religions.

So you'd have Ghassanid descendants fighting over coastal Syria vs. insular Syria with some as Melkites and the others as Maronites, Lakhmids adopting Nestorianism or Zoroastrianism, Rahmanis in the Arabian peninsula, Egyptian Arabs adopting Coptic Christianity. Some might even intermarry with the Armenians or Kurds further north, causing something of a generational shift. At least a few tribes might stay loyal to the Byzantines, and get replanted in Europe for their efforts...?

One of the things to consider is that the OTL Migrations were partially influenced by an Arab population boom and a lack of internal aggression following the Ridda Wars. Tribes had already been migrating north for centuries, so you could simply avoid the concept of "Arab Genghis" and just have the migrations increase more and more ala the Germanics, with Arabization or intermixing happening underneath Byzantine and Persian noses and rulers like the Ghassanids simply stretching out their influence to such a degree that they don't need their patrons anymore.

I mean, the Migrations outright turned the Peninsula into a backwater for centuries afterwards, so anything that changes in Arabia probably won't mean too much in the long run in a situation where central authority is dependent on a Khan type.
 
Nestorian Arabia, anyone?
Maybe, or maybe they could just adopt the local version followed by their new subjects.
My suggestion would be to have a singular leader confederate the Arabian Peninsula, before reaching out to the Ghassanids, Lakhmids and others. Arab unity versus Byzantine and Persians isn't unlikely given that the Arab vassal states often rebelled against their patrons. What you would want to do is have the Arab confederation get involved with one or the other northern kingdom (possibly sheltering then reclaiming the throne of an exiled dynast), and have that migrationary force swoop into Egypt, Levant, Mesopotamia.

I'd keep it multi-sectarian to start, given that the Arabs weren't particularly inclined to convert en masse to any outside religion. I suppose you could try and formulating something around Rahmanism, but that'd be a crapshoot because we don't know much. I usually treat it as a Judaic strain adapted to Arab cultural mores that quickly became little more than an excuse for prophet cults as per the Ridda Wars, though I've not really gone at all into detail and tried to flesh that out.

I've played around with this in some private notes on post-400 AD myself (albeit an ASB version with surviving Atenism, etc...), and my mentality was that the Arab Migrations would settle into Cyrene, Egypt, Levant and Mespotamia before petering out, with the Arab tribes who migrated forming kingdoms with themselves at the top and Arabizing beneath them... but also converting to the local religions.

So you'd have Ghassanid descendants fighting over coastal Syria vs. insular Syria with some as Melkites and the others as Maronites, Lakhmids adopting Nestorianism or Zoroastrianism, Rahmanis in the Arabian peninsula, Egyptian Arabs adopting Coptic Christianity. Some might even intermarry with the Armenians or Kurds further north, causing something of a generational shift. At least a few tribes might stay loyal to the Byzantines, and get replanted in Europe for their efforts...?

One of the things to consider is that the OTL Migrations were partially influenced by an Arab population boom and a lack of internal aggression following the Ridda Wars. Tribes had already been migrating north for centuries, so you could simply avoid the concept of "Arab Genghis" and just have the migrations increase more and more ala the Germanics, with Arabization or intermixing happening underneath Byzantine and Persian noses and rulers like the Ghassanids simply stretching out their influence to such a degree that they don't need their patrons anymore.

I mean, the Migrations outright turned the Peninsula into a backwater for centuries afterwards, so anything that changes in Arabia probably won't mean too much in the long run in a situation where central authority is dependent on a Khan type.
Let’s see the result of the incoming poll before deciding the details of this alt-Arab invasion.
 
Most of the events are following the same path of OTL history with minor changes so far.
The title belonged to Chilpericus not to Gundobad (at the beginning of the timeline it belonged to him before being transferred to Chilpericus). After the assassination of Chilpericus, Nepos granted the title to Godegisel in order to oppose Gundobad.
There is no secret deal between the two kings ( but later historians could of course have their doubts), as Clovis was a supporter of Godegisel before accepting his death and the unification of the kingdom under Gundobad ( as long as he rule according to Clovis’ will).
You clearly saw correctly here, just that the Romans won t be alone in their war in the next update.
Don t know yet the fate of the Burgunds: either independence or annexation by one or both neighbours but now I think that their independence would keep things more interesting. And here no one has so fa mentioned another Romano-barbarian kingdom whose indipendence could have further interesting butterflies.
For more information about the future just wait for the next update that could be out this evening ( if I’m able to spare some hours for writing).

I think there is a little confusion on a single point. Gundobad took the titles of Ricimer in 472-473 when he imposed Glycerius. His titles, at least the patrician one, were his by authority but also by right being Ricimer's nephew. But there is no mention that Nepos took from him the patrician title in 474. Chilperic we know took the title of Magister Militum of Gallia presumibely by Nepos's approval, but the Patrician title should have stayed within Gundobad. Besides Gundobad didn't oppose resistance to the dethronement of Glycerius and wasn't hostile to Nepos. Personally I am inclined to think Nepos switched the title of magister militum but not of patrician.

Anyway Gundobad in principle shouldn't have de jure at the moment the patrician title; not even the magister militum Galliae one if was transferred to Godesicel along the patrician title. Hmmm Burgundy is really in a tight spot.

I wonder if Clovis would aim for the magister militum Galliae title as well. Would legitimate definitely his rule over the region in front of everyone. Rome, the Church, the Roman Gauls, the Visigoths.
 
I think there is a little confusion on a single point. Gundobad took the titles of Ricimer in 472-473 when he imposed Glycerius. His titles, at least the patrician one, were his by authority but also by right being Ricimer's nephew. But there is no mention that Nepos took from him the patrician title in 474. Chilperic we know took the title of Magister Militum of Gallia presumibely by Nepos's approval, but the Patrician title should have stayed within Gundobad. Besides Gundobad didn't oppose resistance to the dethronement of Glycerius and wasn't hostile to Nepos. Personally I am inclined to think Nepos switched the title of magister militum but not of patrician.

Anyway Gundobad in principle shouldn't have de jure at the moment the patrician title; not even the magister militum Galliae one if was transferred to Godesicel along the patrician title. Hmmm Burgundy is really in a tight spot.

I wonder if Clovis would aim for the magister militum Galliae title as well. Would legitimate definitely his rule over the region in front of everyone. Rome, the Church, the Roman Gauls, the Visigoths.
And the emperor had the right to revoke all of these titles,often without having the need for a cause.This isn’t the Middle Ages. In the case of Gundobad,he murdered one of the previous emperors(the current emperor’s father in law in fact). It’s possible that Nepos revoked all of Gundobad’s titles when he married Anthemius’ daughter.It would have been politically correct to punish Gundobad.
 
And the emperor had the right to revoke all of these titles,often without having the need for a cause.This isn’t the Middle Ages. In the case of Gundobad,he murdered one of the previous emperors(the current emperor’s father in law in fact). It’s possible that Nepos revoked all of Gundobad’s titles when he married Anthemius’ daughter.It would have been politically correct to punish Gundobad.

Is a possibility. Certainly the fact Gundobad returned in Burgundy when Nepos came to the throne in 474 could be a possible hint his power in the Empire was fading back then also because he was deprived of those titles, included the patrician one. For sure right now is not in good terms with Rome - and being a de facto vassal of Clovis doesn't help him much as well.

If else, the only advantage for the Empire over this debate of the titles to barbarians is an acknowledged superiority of the Emperor over the four rex of the West. Sure for Burgundy, the Franks are coming right now, the Vandals may if Naples is the TTL start of their decline, the Visigoths we'll see how things in Gallia turn and a certain rebellion in Spain will go...
 
I think there is a little confusion on a single point. Gundobad took the titles of Ricimer in 472-473 when he imposed Glycerius. His titles, at least the patrician one, were his by authority but also by right being Ricimer's nephew. But there is no mention that Nepos took from him the patrician title in 474. Chilperic we know took the title of Magister Militum of Gallia presumibely by Nepos's approval, but the Patrician title should have stayed within Gundobad. Besides Gundobad didn't oppose resistance to the dethronement of Glycerius and wasn't hostile to Nepos. Personally I am inclined to think Nepos switched the title of magister militum but not of patrician.

Anyway Gundobad in principle shouldn't have de jure at the moment the patrician title; not even the magister militum Galliae one if was transferred to Godesicel along the patrician title. Hmmm Burgundy is really in a tight spot.

I wonder if Clovis would aim for the magister militum Galliae title as well. Would legitimate definitely his rule over the region in front of everyone. Rome, the Church, the Roman Gauls, the Visigoths.

And the emperor had the right to revoke all of these titles,often without having the need for a cause.This isn’t the Middle Ages. In the case of Gundobad,he murdered one of the previous emperors(the current emperor’s father in law in fact). It’s possible that Nepos revoked all of Gundobad’s titles when he married Anthemius’ daughter.It would have been politically correct to punish Gundobad.

This was not the last act of vengeance by Nepos. In order to avenge his father in law and his wife’s family (most of whom were now in Italy with the exception of Marcianus junior, who was a prisoner of the Isaurian Ilius) the emperor ordered the revocation of all the titles held by the assassin: King Gundobad of the burgundians. A simbolical act accompanied by the elevation of his brother Chilpericus II to the rank of patricius, further enhancing his position among his roman subjects while also appearing somewhat superior to his three brothers: Gundobad, Gundomar and Godegisel.
 
Chapter XXIV: The Gothic war
Chapter XXIV

Since the collapse of imperial authority outside Italy, the Visigoths have been the dominant power of the West. From the Loira to souther Hispania , their kingdom covered almost the entire territory of the old Gallic Praefecture. During the last century they exploited the imperial weakness and reliance on their power to carve their own kingdom, while the gothic kings proved to be more powerful than the western emperors, as the year passed and former Roman provinces were gradually absorbed by the barbaric entities. But these entities proved to be stable as long as their kings proved to be strong. During the past years, after the death of king Euricus, Alaric II engaged in something more difficult than the mere military conquest: preservation and integration of his domain. Both internally and externally the Gothic kingdom faced problem after problem, as the question of the contraposition between Roman and Goths remained while a new threat emerged in the north. The Franks under king Clovis showed an aggressiveness equal to that of the Goths one century earlier. In order to counter this threat, king Alaric had attempted an alliance with king Gundobad before losing this ally after Clovis’ recent victory. Therefore he pursued the diplomatic way, trying to avoid a conflict over southern Gaul. At first Clovis proved receptive to this attempt and even the Roman emperor showed support to this initiative, aimed at avoiding another conflict that could potentially threaten even the Italian peninsula.

Unfortunately, in the end, war proved to be the only solution, as Clovis had only dissimulated his real intention while Alaric was now forced to fight a conflict he had tried to avoid. The war broke out during the seventh year of the new century and saw the gothic army led by the king himself marching against the invaders. The two armies met in Aquitaine, at Vouille, not far from the Frankish-Gothic border. The fight between these two Germanic population saw an initial stalemate, until Clovis was able to engage and personally kill his Gothic opponent. The death of Alaric meant the end of any chance of victory for the Goths and the beginning of a period of hardship for their kingdom.

The victorious Franks proceeded to occupy the now almost undefended Gothic territories in Gaul, the three Aquitanian provinces, while their Burgundian subjects moved against the cities of southern Gaul. The empire however didn’t only watch the events that were taking place in Gaul.

Since the beginning of hostilities the emperor had readied his army in order to protect the western flank of his empire, but never he would have expected such outcome. As soon as news of the battle reached the emperor at Mediolanum, he ordered his army to move quickly in order to secure what was left of Gothic Gaul from the Franks and Burgundians. Officially his move was justified by the need to secure the throne for the young prince Amalaric, Theodoric’s grandson, against his illegitimate older brother Gesalec. The real reason behind this war however was the possibility to recover what the emperor had lost in Gaul more than 30 years ago. Several italic units were detached by the two Italian armies ( including the Burgundian frontier units) for a total of 7000 men. To these army the Roman could add 3000 Ostrogoth soldiers sent by Theodoric to protect his grandson’s rights. What was really exceptional in this war however was the fact that at the head of the army neither the emperor nor some old commander from previous war was present. Instead the Roman army was led by the young Caesar Flavius Iulius Marcianus,who had replaced his uncle Anthemius Iunior in the position of Comes Domesticorum Peditum. Supported by the Roman fleet and with the addition of one Scholae as a personal guard, Marcianus moved from Segusio to Gaul. Here the Romans took several minor coastal cities before encountering the metropolis of Arelate, once the administrative capital of the entire Gaul. The city was besieged by the Burgundian king Gundobad, who after receiving news of the incoming army, retreat back to his kingdom, leaving alone the gothic garrison of the city. Here the Roman population welcomed the imperial liberation while the small gothic garrison gladly accepted to officially serve the young Amalaric, as the Visigoths were not unanimously supporting Gesalec as their new king. From here Marcianus proceeded into two directions: north against the Burgundians who threatened to attack again Arelate and cut his supply lines, and then west against the province of Narbonensis I. After devastating the territory of the Burgundians, Marcianus took the city of Arausius, a key city on the road from Lugdunum ( Gundobad’s seat of power) to Arelate, thus securing the Gallic capital. After securing the recent conquest, Marcianus headed west toward the Gothic capital of Tolosa, while passing through import cities such as Nemausus and Narbo, before reaching Tolosa after an exhausting march. The Romans had crossed the entire southern Gaul in order to reach the capital before the Franks, who were currently busy subduing the Aquitanian territories, so that they could secure for themselves this strategic city, and for this reason Marcianus had ordered his soldiers to move more quickly than what was usually required from an army. The effort however had repaid, as the Romans were now besieging the target while only some day later the first Frankish units reached the city. Here any possible conflict was avoided, as Clovis had previously ordered to avoid any clash with the Roman army in order to avoid a worsening of the conflict. Therefore the Franks halted their march toward the Mediterranean, focusing on the pacification of the recently conquered Aquitania and Alvernia. Meanwhile the Romans could focus on Tolosa, where the local garrison and what was left of the gothic army of Alaric refused to surrender the capital. Their only hope now was the arrival of reinforces led by Gesalec himself.
 
Interesting turn of events, I admit I didn't see the Roman march on Toulose, and Theodoric gaining more power and authority due of this. So Narbonensis/Septimania was ignored, it would be interesting if the Romans would impose their/Theodoric's candidate to the throne of what could become a Regnum Iberia while Clovis would see barred from taking all the Foedus Visigothorium... hmmm I wonder if instead of Septimania the region would be called Octimania (added Tolouse) in the future...
 
Interesting turn of events, I admit I didn't see the Roman march on Toulose, and Theodoric gaining more power and authority due of this. So Narbonensis/Septimania was ignored, it would be interesting if the Romans would impose their/Theodoric's candidate to the throne of what could become a Regnum Iberia while Clovis would see barred from taking all the Foedus Visigothorium... hmmm I wonder if instead of Septimania the region would be called Octimania (added Tolouse) in the future...
Narbonensis was not really ignored as most of the cities in the region have been occupied by Marcianus during his march. What is happening in this update and in the next one ( that will probably come out tomorrow) will surely bring huge butterflies in the West, as European history is gradually diverging from OTL.
 
Chapter XXV: Choices and compromises
Chapter XXV

After the Frankish retreat, king Clovis had implicitly recognised the limit of his conquests. He had gained what he really wanted and further advances could only provoke a worsening of his diplomatic situation. The Aquitanian region was now part of his possession and sincerely he could not care about the lack of gains for his Burgundian ally. Meanwhile the Romans under the lead of Iulius Marcianus, were trying to exploit this moment of chaos and weakness to recover the bits of Gaul left after the battle of Vouille. Before departing from Italy, the young Caesar had been granted from his father the right to lead the war and the subsequent negotiations as he wished. This measure was aimed at reducing the burden of the empire over the old emperor but also to let his young heir earn his legitimacy and the respect of the key elements of the imperial court. Since the beginning of the conflict, Marcianus already now that his gains would probably be limited and that he couldn’t face more opponents at the same time, unless he wished to face the same fate of his deceased uncle Anthemiolus. In order to consolidate his recent conquests in southern Gaul, Iulius Marcianus had to take the strategic city of Tolosa, if he wanted to secure a stable border between Rome and the kingdoms on the north. After taking the city of Arausius he had left one of his subordinate, Eparchius Avitus, in the region so that he could reinforce local defences aimed at containing Gundobad.

Now it was up to him to remove the Visigoths from their remaining possessions in Gaul. Time was against the young Caesar as he was unsure if he could face both the incoming gothic king and the local forces inside the city. His rather small army had been deprived of almost 2000 men for the defence of Arausius/Arelate and what was left ( including some gothic soldiers loyal to Amalaric and reinforces from Italy) was not suited for a long war against numerous foes. Luckily the defenders were not unanimous in their intention as a faction quickly gained prominence among the inhabitants and the military officers. Not enough to gain the surrender of the city as the majority of the soldiers opposed the idea of giving up the capital, but enough to gain access to the city through a gate left open, during the night, by a local section of the garrison and his officer, allowing the Romans to storm Tolosa and defeat his garrison with the support of the pro-romans Goths. After an initial battle between the two sides, the Goths quickly realised that they had no chance to repulse the Roman soldiers and thus surrendered to Marcianus. The gothic capital had fallen to the Romans but more importantly the Gothic treasury now belonged to Rome. Marcianus quickly took some necessary measure like reinforcing the local defence and leaving behind 2 units ( whose loss was partially compensated by the conscription of some pro Roman Goths into the army) before departing again for the city of Narbo.

Here Marcianus delivered the gothic treasure to the fleet assigned to him with the task of bringing it to Italy, away from the war and the possibility of losing it, before the beginning of the winter season. Some weeks after these events, news reached him about the approaching gothic army led by his king some miles south of Narbo. That same news informed him that the king had halted his march against the Romans and that he was preparing to return back to Spain. Afterwards two delegations reached the army of the Caesar, one from the east and one from the west. The first delegation informed him about Gesalec’s intention to reach a deal with the Romans, as the news of the fall of Tolosa had reached him and now there were little reasons for the king to move north with his army, as the city and the royal treasury were already in Roman hands and local gothic forces were no longer available to assist him against Marcianus. Meanwhile he still had a kingdom to defend in Spain, a kingdom threaten by his political opposers and now also by the Romans and their candidate for the gothic throne, Amalaric. Most of his political opposers, were trying to rally support for the young prince and now that the news of the fall of Tolosa would soon reach them, they would have the perfect occasion and reason to overthrow Gesalec, thus prompting him to eliminate this threat even at the cost of heavy concessions. He was ready to recognise what the Romans had conquered so far, including his capital, as long as they revoked their support for his stepbrother, thus removing the threat coming from the north while weakening the position of his opposers. Even though he was tempted to resume his successful campaign during the new year, the young Caesar know that he had not enough resources to lead a war of conquest in Spain while keeping his recent conquests in Gaul safe from the Burgundians or even the Franks. Additionally there were the informations coming from Italy brought by his uncle, the patrician Marcianus, that deserved his personal attention. His father had died of old age, some weeks after his return to Rome, almost completely alone as his close relatives were all miles away from him. Before dying he asked to his friends and most trusted collaborators to show to his son the same respect and esteem they had showed to him during his long reign. Finally he had wished to his son a long and prosperous reign but most of all the bless of God for his future actions and for his empire. After carefully pondering over these news and being acclaimed Augustus by his army, the young emperor accepted the proposal of the Goths, before departing for Italy. A new emperor, a victorious general, was now coming from Gaul, ready to take control of Rome.
 
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