7.6 Pining for the Fjords
7.6 Pining for the Fiords.



To say the start of the Norwegian campaign had been muddled and confused would be a bit of an understatement. The weather in early April was not conducive to Ariel reconesonse and patrols over the coast of Norway. With plans for operation Wilfred well advanced and the operation it’self commencing on the 5th April every endeavour was made by Maritime Air Command to maintain a regular patrol of RDF equipped aircraft up and down the Norwegian coast from the North Cape to as close to the Skagerrak as was practical. At night aircraft could close the coast of Demark and examine the Skagerrak with RDF but in daylight the risk of interception by long range Luftwaffe fighters was to high. So it was that part of RN force proceeded towards Narvik on the 7th of April and the balance headed further south to lay mine fields. Radio intercepts over the previous days had indicated movements of German naval forces and operational preparations. The Admiralty had to judge whether these were indications of a plan to break out units into the north Atlantic or some other operation.

As of the morning of the 7th April the Admiralty was positioning assets not involved in Operation Wilfred so as to cover a potential break out. Early on the 7th of April Winterbottom requested an urgent meeting with the CAS and Sir Phillip. In a nutshell Winterbottom explained that radio intercepts from the Y service had been analysed and there were indications of a concentration of Luftwaffe air transport on the Baltic coast and of Army units on the Danish border. These along with other intelligence the sources, of which he was not at liberty to then divulge, all indicated an imminent invasion of Both Norway and Denmark by Germany in violation of those countries neutrality. When asked Winterbottom stated that he thought the intelligence both reliable and urgent, he had passed a dossier on it to the Admiralty via the usual channels but had come strait to the AM to brief the Ministers and the CAS due to the time critical nature and the covert sources involved. Sir Phillip immediately put a call into the Admiralty to talk to Churchill. This latest assessment had not yet reached Churchill so Sir Phillip gave him a very brief summary and suggested that Winterbottom proceeded to the Admiralty with all dispatch to give Churchill and the First Sea Lord the fullest possible briefing. Sir Phillip closed the call by reiterating that Maritime Command would pull out all the stops to locate German Naval units as soon as they cleared the Naze. Little changed for the rest of the day other than the weather continued to cause problems with poor visibility and scudding clouds. A group of kreigsmarine vessels had been found about 100 miles south of the Naze at 0.800 that morning but it was not until nearly 6pm that another report placing them some seventy miles further north at about four pm reached the Air Ministry and the Admiralty. As a result of the delay in this new position being received due to the standing orders regarding radio silence , Air Marshall Sir Fredrick Bowhill, instigated an immediate change in procedure that any sighting of a German vessel was to be radioed in instantly. Further if in addition to the coded Morse message for the RAF copies should be sent on frequencies used by the Admiralty signal stations as well. Thankfully after the exercises in early 1938 and with the advent of airborne RDF not only do all Maritime Command aircraft have radio’s working on Naval frequencies but there are common voice frequencies for the control of fighters and for aircraft to ship communications. Morse by Aldiss light was found in the exercises to be too slow and inconsistent for the rapid communication of complex information. Whilst radio discipline was considered essential prior to any enemy contact, the reaction to such contact had be communicated rapidly. The fitting of both HF/DF and RDF transponders to HM ships was proceeding apace but as of early 1940 only the major warships had been outfitted and nothing below cruiser size so far. It would take at least a few days and many procedural queries from lower formations before the adoption of the revised sighting reporting protocol achieved universal adoption within Maritime air control.

A case in point was the loss of HMS Gloworm on the 8th of April when she encountered Hipper and her escorts in the early morning fog. The nearest allied assets to her were two MAC patrol air craft, one on station to the north and one transiting to a patrol line to the south. Both picked up Gloworms sighting report but did not have the codes to decipher it. Nothing further was heard from the Destroyer and neither aircraft had an RDF contact.

Late on the 8th of April Lieutenant Commander Grudzinski commanding the Polish submarine Orzei reported intercepting a German ship carrying troops south of Bergan, this information finally convinced the Admiralty that the invasion of Norway was imminent though it could not discount entirely that a breakout of ships to the Atlantic was not also occurring.

Everything changed on 9 April, the British battlecruiser HMS Renown in company with HMS Courageous were appraised of the location speed and course of the German battleships Scharnhorst and Gneisenau, by a LRMP Stirling. In the adverse whether conditions an airstrike was sent at long range and no torpedo hits achieved. The dive bombers claimed hits on both ships but did not do enough damage to slow either of the German ships. Renown got close enough to exchange a few artillery salvos with the German ships which were screening the destroyers that had been landing troops at Narvik, causing further damage to Gneisenau. In detoriating conditions and with the LRMP aircraft having had to return to base the German ships made good their escape into the gloom of the short artic night. Closing with Courageous and their escorts Renown head towards Narvik fiord. As they close the coast they are joined by The 2nd Destroyer Flotilla—under Commodore Bernard Warburton-Lee and comprising five H-class destroyers (HMS Hardy (flagship), Hotspur, Havock, Hunter and Hostile. The Admiral on Renown decided to send in the 2nd flotilla following an air attack by the D/B and TBR aircraft from Courageous as there were reports of between six and seven German destroyers having entered the fiord. The Admiral considered it paramount that the German naval forces were attacked befor they could establish themselves. The intention is that not only will the air attack distract the German destroyers from advancing British destroyers the aircraft will also be able to keep Commodore Bernard Warbuton -Lee appraised of the location and manoeuvring of the German Destroyers and auxiliary ships. As the airstrike went it was reported that there were three German destroyers in the Herjangsfjord, two more in Ballangen Bay, whilst another two destroyers were refuelling from a tanker near Narvik and a further five more and an auxiliary ship were at Narvik itself where there were moored up to a dozen merchant vessels. Despite the German forces being larger than expected Warbourton-Lee sealed his intention to engage the five outer lying destroyers first and inflict as much damage as possible before either retiring or continuing on to Narvik as the situation evolved. The admiral on Renown did not demure but brought the battle cruiser and two further destroyer’s close to the fiord entrance to as he later stated to ‘cork the bottle’. Courageous air group consisted of 18 Bristol 148 Buccaneers, 18, swordfish and 12 Follond Fulmars, Four swordfish had been retained for anti submarine patrols and (though no Luftwaffeaircraft was expected this far north yet the Admiral was being cautious) six Follands provided a CAP over the Carrier, Renown and their escorts. Therefore as the destroyers entered the fiord at 4.30 am, the air attack commander found himself with no less that 12 German destroyers as targets plus two auxiliaries of which one was a valuable tanker, to add to this he had another dozen merchant ships of unknown nationality. With so many targets the raid leader had no option but to divided his forces so he instructed the Dive bombers to concentrate on the five destroyers at Narvik whilst the Torpedo aircraft would attack the two destroyers refuelling from the tanker and the destroyers in both Hejangsfjord and Ballagan Bay.


One flight each of the Sword fish attacked the destroyers in Hejangsfjord and Balagan Bay. Attacking in vics of three the TBR attacked two destroyers in Ballagan Bay and another pair in Hejangsfjord. Due to the constricted waters the aircraft could only carry out a single axis attack. However the very constraints of the waters acted in favour of the torpedo aircraft as the destroyers lacked manoeuvring room to avoid the Torpedoes. One destroyer In Ballagan Bay was hit in the bow and slowed rapidly the other took a hit aft the other four torpedoes expended themselves on the shore of the bay two swordfish were damaged. In Hejangsfjord the story was similar as two destroyers were hit, here the lead ship in dodging the first torpedoes masked their track from her consorts behind her. The second German Destroyer collected two torpedoes in quick succession and capsized before she lost way the final destroyer caught a tin fish amidships which completely disabled here boilers leaving here dead in the water shrouded in steam. One of the attacking Swordfish had pushed to close to the leading destroyer and crashed into the water amid a hail of cannon shells. Even as the German crews assessed the damage from the attack the 2nd Flotilla was crossing their bows in the main fiord and pouring 4.7inch shells at them. With the information relayed from the raid leader and the TBR pilots Warburton-Lee had divided his force with, Hardy Hotspur and Havock pressing ahead to engage the destroyers in Hejangsfjord whilst Hunter and Hostile hung back to engage the two destroyers in Ballagan bay. Warbourton-Lee was relying on the Dive bombers to keep the remaining German destroyers busy until his forces had completed the destruction of the German forces outside of the harbour. The eighteen Buccaneers each carrying a 500lb GP bomb, split into their three six plane flights, one flight targeted the two destroyers and the oil tanker and the remaining aircraft went for the remaining five destroyers lying at Narvick.

The claimed hits and the after action inspection of the wrecks never quite tallied, part of this was due to the devastating effect of the first bombs dropped on what turned out to be the whaleing ship turned tanker ‘Jan Wellem’ at least two of the first three bombe dropped hit either her or the destroyer on her portside. Even as the second set of three bomber were lining up for their dives the targets disappeared in a series of large explosions as a combination of ammunition and oil exploded. By the time the targets became visible again it was clear that all three vessels were doomed to sink or burn. The last two bombers had aborted their dives and pulled up. Whether the lead aircraft had been hit by flak or debris from the explosion will nether be known as it simply disappeared for ever into the smoke as it dived.

Against the stationary targets in the harbour the story was much the same despite concentrated flak being put up by all six vessels those caught stationery were either hit or badly damaged by the concussion from near misses. In minutes four of the five destroyers were seen to be damaged, later the raid commander was criticised for not hold more of his aircraft back to access the results of an initial attack. Hind sight is always wonderful but with the second flotilla fighting at odds the raid commander felt time was of the essence.

Warbourton-Lees second flotilla had not escaped undamaged from their fight. The undamaged destroyer in the Hejangsfjord had managed to fire a full spread of torpedoes before it succumbed. HMS Havock was the recipient of no less than two of the torpedoes fired by Wolfgang Zenker. This was a phiaric victory as the Wolfgang Zenker had already taken damage from the destroyers guns and the concentrated fire of the remaining two H class destroyers soon overwhelmed her. Even as Havock foundered all five German destroyers in the out zone were either sunk or beached, whilst Warbourton-Lee had lost one ship and had significant damage to his own. Hunter and Hostile had disposed of the two crippled destroyers in Bagallan bay by the simple expedient of firing an overwhelming spread of eight twenty one inch torpedoes. This was half of their available load and when later criticized the Half Leader on Hostile, responded that he considered it imperative in the circumstances that he completed the destruction of the two now stationary German destroyers with as little delay as possible so as to be able to re-join his flotilla leader with dispatch. As his two destroyers approached the entrance to the Hejangsfjord they were able to rescue a large proportion of the survivors from HMS Havock.

As the four remaining RN destroyers approached the harbour at Narvick the raid commander asked them to hold off whilst his two remaining dive bombers attacked the last undamaged destroyer that was attempting to get clear of the merchant vessels and it’s damaged consorts. Of the two bombs dropped neither scored a clean hit but in manoeuvring to avoid the attack the German destroyer clipped a rock with her screws and rudder causing her to run ashore. On seeing this occur Wharbourton-Lee ordered his four remaining ships to advance and finished of the five remaining German destroyers. In the ensuing mellie the bridge of Hardy was struck by several shells and Warbourton-Lee mortally wounded.

By noon the RN was in possession of the harbour and returning fire against any of the German troops ashore who fired on them. Having no Troops with them there was little the flotilla could do at this time other than take possession of all the merchant shipping and sail from the fiord.

Thus did the first battle of Narvik draw to a close.
 
Writing a brief time line about the British Air Ministry on a POD from an OP by someone else, which I had thought I had completed, as just ended in me writing up a naval engagement! How did that happen! Due to geographical moves I will be without my personal research library for several months from the start of September. So anything I do to complete the Peerless Air Ministry story, or at least my version of it, needs to be wrapped up in the next two weeks.
 
Writing a brief time line about the British Air Ministry on a POD from an OP by someone else, which I had thought I had completed, as just ended in me writing up a naval engagement! How did that happen! Due to geographical moves I will be without my personal research library for several months from the start of September. So anything I do to complete the Peerless Air Ministry story, or at least my version of it, needs to be wrapped up in the next two weeks.

This is currently my favourite TL on this site. I am sure I am not alone in being happy to wait a few months to see how all the many butterflies that have hatched in PAM turn out!
 
Re my earlier posts on the organisation of Anti-Aircraft Command I had forgotten that I had a PDF copy of this...
THURSDAY, 18 DECEMBER, 1947
The War Office,
December, 1947​

THE ANTI-AIRCRAFT DEFENCE OF THE UNITED KINGDOM FROM 28TH JULY, 1939, TO 15TH APRIL, 1945.

The following despatch was submitted to the Secretary of State for War on- the 2ist October, 1946, by GENERAL SIR FREDERICK A. PILE, Bt., G.C.B.,D.S.O., M.C., General Officer Commanding-in-Chief, Anti-Aircraft Command.

PART I.
PREAMBLE.

1. I have been commanded by the Army Council to submit a report on the Anti-Aircraft defence of the United Kingdom during the war and have the honour to -present my despatch herewith.

2. For convenience the report has been divided into two parts and in this first part I propose to deal with events from the outbreak of war until May, 1941.

SECTION I—GENERAL.

3. In September, 1939, the Anti-Aircraft defences of the country were organised in a Command Headquarters, seven Divisional Headquarters, a varying number of Brigades in each Division and a number of gun and searchlight units in each Brigade.

4. Anti-Aircraft Command Headquarters was situated at Stanmore, adjacent to the Headquarters of Fighter Command, R.A.F., and with them was jointly responsible for the Air Defence of Great Britain, the A.O.C.-in-C. Fighter Command being in operational command.

A system of responsibility such as this obviously entailed the closest liaison and willing co-operation on both sides. I wish to put on record that the relations between my Headquarters and Fighter Command Headquarters were always most cordial.

5. The areas allotted to each of the seven Divisions were as follows: —
1st―The Metropolitan area of London.
2nd—Northern East Anglia, the East Midlands and Humber.
3rd—Scotland and Northern Ireland.
4th—North-west England, the West Midlands and North Wales.
5th—South Wales, south-west and southern England.
6th—South-east England and southern East Anglia.
7th—North-east England.​
An additional organisation, directly controlled for operations from my Headquarters, was responsible for the defence of the Orkneys and Shetlands. It is essential to emphasise that A.A. Divisions were in no way comparable to Divisions in the Field Army, being of no fixed size and at times being up to four times as large and covering many thousand square miles of country.​
7. At the end of 1940 I felt it essential to propose a considerable re-organisation in order to relieve, the burden on the existing Command and Divisions and also to achieve closer coordination of boundaries with Fighter Command. Five new Divisions were created as follows: —
8th—covering the south coast as-far east as Bournemouth.
9th—South Wales.
10th—Humber.
11th—the West Midlands and central Wales.
12th—Clyde and Northern Ireland.​
In addition, to ease the supervision of this organisation, three AA Corps were created:
1 AA Corps in the South (1, 5, 6, 8 and 9 Divisions) corresponding with 10 and 11 Groups R.A.F.
2 AA Corps in the Midlands (2, 4, 10 and 11 Divisions) corresponding with 9 and 12 Groups R.A.F.
3 AA Corps in the North (3, 7, and 12 Divisions) corresponding with 13 and 14 Groups R.A.F.​

Re-organisation.

30. The organisation of Anti-Aircraft Command into three Corps and twelve Divisions remained until October, 1942, when a further reorganisation took place. This was prompted by a number of reasons; the desire to economise in manpower, the need for fewer intermediate formations between Command Headquarters and units allowing a quicker dissemination of orders, the need for still closer co-ordination with R.A.F. Groups and the desire to achieve a better balance of responsibility since the shifting of the emphasis in defence southwards had over-loaded 1st Anti-Aircraft Corps.

Corps and Divisions were therefore abolished altogether and were replaced by seven Anti-Aircraft Groups. There were three grades according to the operational commitments in the Group area and establishments appropriate to each grade were worked out. The system was extremely flexible since the grade of any one Group could be changed to meet current needs.

31. The seven groups were situated as follows: —
1st. London.
2nd. The Solent, south-east England and southern East Anglia (these two Groups coincided with 11 Group R.A.F.).
3rd. South-west England and south Wales (coinciding with 10 Group R.A.F.).
4th. North Wales and north - west England (coinciding with 9 Group R.A.F.).
5th. Northern East Anglia and 'the East Coast as far as Scarborough (coinciding with 12 Group R.A.F.).
6th. North-east England and Scotland (coinciding with 13 Group R.A.F. (except Northern Ireland) and 14 Group R.A.F.).
7th. Northern Ireland.​
The defences of the Orkneys and Shetlands remained a separate organisation, responsible in operational anti-aircraft matters direct to Anti-Aircraft Command Headquarters.

In the later stages of the war there were at times concentrations of defences in certain areas quite beyond anything visualised in October, 1942, and the local Group Headquarters was not sufficient to deal with the tremendous increase of work. In these circumstances, group boundaries were altered to permit the insertion of an extra Group in the affected area.

Thus, 6th Anti-Aircraft Group took over the Solent area during the preparations for invasion, Scotland becoming the responsibility of a new 8th Group. 6th Anti-Aircraft Group was disbanded when its responsibilities in the South had ended.

The progressive reduction of defences in the North and West in 1944 enabled me to disband the 3rd, 4th and 7th Anti-Aircraft Groups and to extend the responsibilities of the 2nd and 5th Groups westwards into their areas.

A 9th Anti-Aircraft Group was especially created in southern East Anglia when, there was a heavy concentration of equipment there in the later stages of the flying bomb battle.
 
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I compiled this table from Pile's despatch.

AA Command from Piles despatch in the London Gazette.png


By May, 1941, there were 1,691 Heavy guns, 940 Light guns, and Searchlights had reached a total of 4,532 early in 1941 but owing to shortage of manpower the number of equipments in action had to be reduced before May, 1941.

13. Throughout the period covered by this part of my despatch, and indeed throughout the war, I was constantly faced with manpower problems. The shortage of manpower and the large demands made on the Command to supply personnel and units for the Field Army (in all 170 gun or searchlight regiments went overseas) led first of all to the introduction of Mixed Units and later to the Home Guard manning anti-aircraft equipment. It led also to drastic reductions in the number of searchlight units.
 
These are what I think are the despatch's salient points about the introduction of radar into Anti-Aircraft Command
46. There appeared to be no satisfactory solution to this problem until the invention of radar and, as the delivery of the first radar sets for guns was not due until 1940, some alternative means of dealing with unseen targets had to be found. The only available equipment was the sound-locator.

Pre-war experience had shown that under good conditions and within certain ranges sound-locators could pick up and follow single slow-flying targets and that, by making due allowance for the fact that sound travels comparatively slowly, searchlights could be-directed at the actual position of the target.

56. It was on 1st October, 1940, that radar was first used to control anti-aircraft gunfire.

The first sets had actually been received at the end of 1939 but a delay in applying them to anti-aircraft work had been caused by their complete inability to give any indication of the height of the aircraft and the intervening months had been spent in trying to overcome this handicap. In this work I must especially mention the untiring and valuable help given by Major-General M. F. Grove-White, C.B., D.S.O., O.B.E., at that time G.O.C.2 AA Division. The only use to which it had been possible to put the few available sets was direction-finding, but, as the heights still had to be found visibly by a height-finder, there was only a very small improvement on the old system, in that targets could be picked up a little earlier.

61. Of necessity priority in the provision of radar equipment was given to the guns; but I arranged for the provision at the earliest possible moment of similar equipment for searchlights also and the first sets were deployed towards the end of 1940. These were of the same type as was being employed with the guns; shortly afterwards, a type specially designed for searchlight control, known as S.L.C., which had been delayed in production, became available.

62. Throughout the first three months of 1941 there was an increasing amount of radar equipment coming into service, and a more advanced type for gunlaying, the G.L. II, also began to come from production. These were deployed in and around London in March, 1941.
 
A substantial Anti-Aircraft Command was maintained until the middle of the 1950s.
CHIEFS OF STAFF COMMITTEE
THE SIZE AND SHAPE OF THE ARMED FORCES OVER THE THREE YEARS BEGINNING 1951-52
REPORT BY THE CHIEFS OF STAFF
ANNEX II
DEPLOYMENT OF THE ACTIVE ARMY

Shortly after 1st April, 1951, the Active Army to carry out its tasks, set out above, is planned to be ten equivalent divisions deployed as follows: —​
B.A.O.R. (3⅓ equivalent divisions) —
one infantry division
two armoured divisions
one infantry brigade​
United Kingdom (2⅓ equivalent divisions) —
one armoured division
one infantry division
16 Independent parachute Brigade
(to be formed later in 1951—one armoured brigade)​
Middle East (1⅓ equivalent divisions) —
one infantry division
one infantry brigade
two infantry battalions​
Far East (2⅓ equivalent divisions) —
one infantry division
one infantry brigade group
Anglo-Gurkha Division​
Austria and Trieste (⅔ equivalent division) —
one infantry brigade each​
Caribbean & Gibraltar—
small garrison forces​
Total ... 10 equivalent divisions
The Reserve Army
The Reserve Army is planned to contain 12 equivalent divisions in two categories: —
(a) 5 Equivalent Divisions in the first contingent of the Reserve Army available as part of an Expeditionary Force: -
50 Division
51 (Highland) Division
53 Division
56 Armoured Division
23 Armoured Brigade
9 Armoured Brigade
161 Independent Infantry Brigade divisions​
(b) 7 Equivalent Divisions in 2nd Contingent of the Reserve Army
42 Infantry Division
43 Infantry Division
44 Infantry Division
49 Armoured Division
52 (Lowland) Division divisions
16 Airborne Division
certain independent infantry and armoured brigades​
Total ... 12 equivalent divisions
Anti-aircraft Command arid other Anti-aircraft Units
(a) Defence of the United Kingdom
14 Active Army and 156 T.A. Total 170 Regiments​
(b) Overseas in Peace
13 Active Army Regiments​
(c) Overseas after Mobilisation (some of them initially deployed in United Kingdom)
5 Active Army and 14 TA. Total 19 Regiments​
(d) T.A. divisions L.A.A. regiments (some on mobilisation deployed in non div. role)​
9 T.A. Regiments​
(e) Total A.A. regiments
32 Active Army and 179 T.A. Total 211 regiments = 12 equivalent divisions​

It is intended in the immediate future to raise two additional L.A.A. regiments for the Regular divisions now being raised.​
 
So the opening salvo of the Norway campaign is still a cluster flub of mixed plans and planning and the Twins got away but this time with a few more dings and dents courtesy of some bombs. The First Battle of Narvik though's a big change as the Germans have been taken care of right away.
 
Re RDF in AA Command ITTL, Due to the "joined up Thinking" of the AM who controlled the RDF development work at Bawdsey Manor the gun ranging RDF has been jointly developed by the combined teams from the RN and the WD. The GCI RDF has height finding and this is relayed to AA Command. There the onsite 1.5m RDF gun laying sets provide target offset and fuse settings via modified Vicker's Predictors sets. Whilst not perfect this is better than blind firing at night. A similar set up is being fitted to major RN warships (Battleships and Carriers). Currently only such large vessels are cable of carrying the relatively large rotating aerial array (nicknamed the 'mattress').
 
Not really, no real way of butterflying an earlier Magnetron. the real difference ITTL over OTL is that airborne 1.5m RDF and it's Ground based equivalent is on average about 18 months ahead of OTL, depending on application. For AI, 1940 the aircraft are lagging a little behind the RDF. But Night Reaper and TTL equivalent of RDF/AI IV will be in operation by Mid 1940. At the current time mark ITTL the RAF's Primary night fighter is the Blenheim MKV (Bisley) early types have AI MkIII and Later ones MkIV.
 
One downside of Lindemann's demise is in the OTL, he initiated a survey which had a detailed look at how things were transported.

Doing this involved a detailed look at what was transported and how. One of the most bulky cargoes was military vehicles. They were sent fully assembled, thus wasting a great deal of shipping space. Lindemann discovered this and insisted on boxing the thousands of vehicles being shipped each month. By the end of 1942 it took half the space it previously had to ship a 3-ton lorry ‘The immense importance of this matter,’ he told Churchill, was shown by the fact that even in the first effort ‘boxing one-fifth of the vehicles has in one month saved about 100,000 tons of imports.

Edgerton, David. Britain's War Machine: Weapons, Resources and Experts in the Second World War (pp. 106-107). Penguin Books Ltd. Kindle Edition.

No Lindemann possibly means no survey.
 
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