7.6 Pining for the Fjords
  • 7.6 Pining for the Fiords.



    To say the start of the Norwegian campaign had been muddled and confused would be a bit of an understatement. The weather in early April was not conducive to Ariel reconesonse and patrols over the coast of Norway. With plans for operation Wilfred well advanced and the operation it’self commencing on the 5th April every endeavour was made by Maritime Air Command to maintain a regular patrol of RDF equipped aircraft up and down the Norwegian coast from the North Cape to as close to the Skagerrak as was practical. At night aircraft could close the coast of Demark and examine the Skagerrak with RDF but in daylight the risk of interception by long range Luftwaffe fighters was to high. So it was that part of RN force proceeded towards Narvik on the 7th of April and the balance headed further south to lay mine fields. Radio intercepts over the previous days had indicated movements of German naval forces and operational preparations. The Admiralty had to judge whether these were indications of a plan to break out units into the north Atlantic or some other operation.

    As of the morning of the 7th April the Admiralty was positioning assets not involved in Operation Wilfred so as to cover a potential break out. Early on the 7th of April Winterbottom requested an urgent meeting with the CAS and Sir Phillip. In a nutshell Winterbottom explained that radio intercepts from the Y service had been analysed and there were indications of a concentration of Luftwaffe air transport on the Baltic coast and of Army units on the Danish border. These along with other intelligence the sources, of which he was not at liberty to then divulge, all indicated an imminent invasion of Both Norway and Denmark by Germany in violation of those countries neutrality. When asked Winterbottom stated that he thought the intelligence both reliable and urgent, he had passed a dossier on it to the Admiralty via the usual channels but had come strait to the AM to brief the Ministers and the CAS due to the time critical nature and the covert sources involved. Sir Phillip immediately put a call into the Admiralty to talk to Churchill. This latest assessment had not yet reached Churchill so Sir Phillip gave him a very brief summary and suggested that Winterbottom proceeded to the Admiralty with all dispatch to give Churchill and the First Sea Lord the fullest possible briefing. Sir Phillip closed the call by reiterating that Maritime Command would pull out all the stops to locate German Naval units as soon as they cleared the Naze. Little changed for the rest of the day other than the weather continued to cause problems with poor visibility and scudding clouds. A group of kreigsmarine vessels had been found about 100 miles south of the Naze at 0.800 that morning but it was not until nearly 6pm that another report placing them some seventy miles further north at about four pm reached the Air Ministry and the Admiralty. As a result of the delay in this new position being received due to the standing orders regarding radio silence , Air Marshall Sir Fredrick Bowhill, instigated an immediate change in procedure that any sighting of a German vessel was to be radioed in instantly. Further if in addition to the coded Morse message for the RAF copies should be sent on frequencies used by the Admiralty signal stations as well. Thankfully after the exercises in early 1938 and with the advent of airborne RDF not only do all Maritime Command aircraft have radio’s working on Naval frequencies but there are common voice frequencies for the control of fighters and for aircraft to ship communications. Morse by Aldiss light was found in the exercises to be too slow and inconsistent for the rapid communication of complex information. Whilst radio discipline was considered essential prior to any enemy contact, the reaction to such contact had be communicated rapidly. The fitting of both HF/DF and RDF transponders to HM ships was proceeding apace but as of early 1940 only the major warships had been outfitted and nothing below cruiser size so far. It would take at least a few days and many procedural queries from lower formations before the adoption of the revised sighting reporting protocol achieved universal adoption within Maritime air control.

    A case in point was the loss of HMS Gloworm on the 8th of April when she encountered Hipper and her escorts in the early morning fog. The nearest allied assets to her were two MAC patrol air craft, one on station to the north and one transiting to a patrol line to the south. Both picked up Gloworms sighting report but did not have the codes to decipher it. Nothing further was heard from the Destroyer and neither aircraft had an RDF contact.

    Late on the 8th of April Lieutenant Commander Grudzinski commanding the Polish submarine Orzei reported intercepting a German ship carrying troops south of Bergan, this information finally convinced the Admiralty that the invasion of Norway was imminent though it could not discount entirely that a breakout of ships to the Atlantic was not also occurring.

    Everything changed on 9 April, the British battlecruiser HMS Renown in company with HMS Courageous were appraised of the location speed and course of the German battleships Scharnhorst and Gneisenau, by a LRMP Stirling. In the adverse whether conditions an airstrike was sent at long range and no torpedo hits achieved. The dive bombers claimed hits on both ships but did not do enough damage to slow either of the German ships. Renown got close enough to exchange a few artillery salvos with the German ships which were screening the destroyers that had been landing troops at Narvik, causing further damage to Gneisenau. In detoriating conditions and with the LRMP aircraft having had to return to base the German ships made good their escape into the gloom of the short artic night. Closing with Courageous and their escorts Renown head towards Narvik fiord. As they close the coast they are joined by The 2nd Destroyer Flotilla—under Commodore Bernard Warburton-Lee and comprising five H-class destroyers (HMS Hardy (flagship), Hotspur, Havock, Hunter and Hostile. The Admiral on Renown decided to send in the 2nd flotilla following an air attack by the D/B and TBR aircraft from Courageous as there were reports of between six and seven German destroyers having entered the fiord. The Admiral considered it paramount that the German naval forces were attacked befor they could establish themselves. The intention is that not only will the air attack distract the German destroyers from advancing British destroyers the aircraft will also be able to keep Commodore Bernard Warbuton -Lee appraised of the location and manoeuvring of the German Destroyers and auxiliary ships. As the airstrike went it was reported that there were three German destroyers in the Herjangsfjord, two more in Ballangen Bay, whilst another two destroyers were refuelling from a tanker near Narvik and a further five more and an auxiliary ship were at Narvik itself where there were moored up to a dozen merchant vessels. Despite the German forces being larger than expected Warbourton-Lee sealed his intention to engage the five outer lying destroyers first and inflict as much damage as possible before either retiring or continuing on to Narvik as the situation evolved. The admiral on Renown did not demure but brought the battle cruiser and two further destroyer’s close to the fiord entrance to as he later stated to ‘cork the bottle’. Courageous air group consisted of 18 Bristol 148 Buccaneers, 18, swordfish and 12 Follond Fulmars, Four swordfish had been retained for anti submarine patrols and (though no Luftwaffeaircraft was expected this far north yet the Admiral was being cautious) six Follands provided a CAP over the Carrier, Renown and their escorts. Therefore as the destroyers entered the fiord at 4.30 am, the air attack commander found himself with no less that 12 German destroyers as targets plus two auxiliaries of which one was a valuable tanker, to add to this he had another dozen merchant ships of unknown nationality. With so many targets the raid leader had no option but to divided his forces so he instructed the Dive bombers to concentrate on the five destroyers at Narvik whilst the Torpedo aircraft would attack the two destroyers refuelling from the tanker and the destroyers in both Hejangsfjord and Ballagan Bay.


    One flight each of the Sword fish attacked the destroyers in Hejangsfjord and Balagan Bay. Attacking in vics of three the TBR attacked two destroyers in Ballagan Bay and another pair in Hejangsfjord. Due to the constricted waters the aircraft could only carry out a single axis attack. However the very constraints of the waters acted in favour of the torpedo aircraft as the destroyers lacked manoeuvring room to avoid the Torpedoes. One destroyer In Ballagan Bay was hit in the bow and slowed rapidly the other took a hit aft the other four torpedoes expended themselves on the shore of the bay two swordfish were damaged. In Hejangsfjord the story was similar as two destroyers were hit, here the lead ship in dodging the first torpedoes masked their track from her consorts behind her. The second German Destroyer collected two torpedoes in quick succession and capsized before she lost way the final destroyer caught a tin fish amidships which completely disabled here boilers leaving here dead in the water shrouded in steam. One of the attacking Swordfish had pushed to close to the leading destroyer and crashed into the water amid a hail of cannon shells. Even as the German crews assessed the damage from the attack the 2nd Flotilla was crossing their bows in the main fiord and pouring 4.7inch shells at them. With the information relayed from the raid leader and the TBR pilots Warburton-Lee had divided his force with, Hardy Hotspur and Havock pressing ahead to engage the destroyers in Hejangsfjord whilst Hunter and Hostile hung back to engage the two destroyers in Ballagan bay. Warbourton-Lee was relying on the Dive bombers to keep the remaining German destroyers busy until his forces had completed the destruction of the German forces outside of the harbour. The eighteen Buccaneers each carrying a 500lb GP bomb, split into their three six plane flights, one flight targeted the two destroyers and the oil tanker and the remaining aircraft went for the remaining five destroyers lying at Narvick.

    The claimed hits and the after action inspection of the wrecks never quite tallied, part of this was due to the devastating effect of the first bombs dropped on what turned out to be the whaleing ship turned tanker ‘Jan Wellem’ at least two of the first three bombe dropped hit either her or the destroyer on her portside. Even as the second set of three bomber were lining up for their dives the targets disappeared in a series of large explosions as a combination of ammunition and oil exploded. By the time the targets became visible again it was clear that all three vessels were doomed to sink or burn. The last two bombers had aborted their dives and pulled up. Whether the lead aircraft had been hit by flak or debris from the explosion will nether be known as it simply disappeared for ever into the smoke as it dived.

    Against the stationary targets in the harbour the story was much the same despite concentrated flak being put up by all six vessels those caught stationery were either hit or badly damaged by the concussion from near misses. In minutes four of the five destroyers were seen to be damaged, later the raid commander was criticised for not hold more of his aircraft back to access the results of an initial attack. Hind sight is always wonderful but with the second flotilla fighting at odds the raid commander felt time was of the essence.

    Warbourton-Lees second flotilla had not escaped undamaged from their fight. The undamaged destroyer in the Hejangsfjord had managed to fire a full spread of torpedoes before it succumbed. HMS Havock was the recipient of no less than two of the torpedoes fired by Wolfgang Zenker. This was a phiaric victory as the Wolfgang Zenker had already taken damage from the destroyers guns and the concentrated fire of the remaining two H class destroyers soon overwhelmed her. Even as Havock foundered all five German destroyers in the out zone were either sunk or beached, whilst Warbourton-Lee had lost one ship and had significant damage to his own. Hunter and Hostile had disposed of the two crippled destroyers in Bagallan bay by the simple expedient of firing an overwhelming spread of eight twenty one inch torpedoes. This was half of their available load and when later criticized the Half Leader on Hostile, responded that he considered it imperative in the circumstances that he completed the destruction of the two now stationary German destroyers with as little delay as possible so as to be able to re-join his flotilla leader with dispatch. As his two destroyers approached the entrance to the Hejangsfjord they were able to rescue a large proportion of the survivors from HMS Havock.

    As the four remaining RN destroyers approached the harbour at Narvick the raid commander asked them to hold off whilst his two remaining dive bombers attacked the last undamaged destroyer that was attempting to get clear of the merchant vessels and it’s damaged consorts. Of the two bombs dropped neither scored a clean hit but in manoeuvring to avoid the attack the German destroyer clipped a rock with her screws and rudder causing her to run ashore. On seeing this occur Wharbourton-Lee ordered his four remaining ships to advance and finished of the five remaining German destroyers. In the ensuing mellie the bridge of Hardy was struck by several shells and Warbourton-Lee mortally wounded.

    By noon the RN was in possession of the harbour and returning fire against any of the German troops ashore who fired on them. Having no Troops with them there was little the flotilla could do at this time other than take possession of all the merchant shipping and sail from the fiord.

    Thus did the first battle of Narvik draw to a close.
     
    Photographs of new Blenheim
  • 9709690058_4b95fd734e_b.jpg


    PAM, Bristol Blenheim MkV (Bisley) Mock up before the addition of RDF aerials and guns. Operational from late summer 1939.

    bisley-8.jpg


    Note removal of dorsal turret to reduce drag.
     
    7.8 Northern Lights, Shorter Nights And Sudden Noises Off!
  • 7.8, Northern lights, shorter nights and sudden noises off!

    The First lesson that the AM and the RAF learnt during the Norwegian campaign was that you can nether have enough aircraft and crews. With the clash of the two plans, one British/French and the other German the call to “see the other side of the hill” became strident. The losses to RAF reconnaissance aircraft quickly rose as the Luftwaffe established bases in Souther Norway . Maritime Air command crews were flying long missions over the Northern North sea, frequently in atrocious conditions trying to provide both information for the RN and to interdict the movement of German Military units as they attempted to occupy Norway as far north as Trondhiem. Both Crew fatigue and the wear and tear on the somewhat delicate new fangled RDF equipment was taking it’s toll. Maritime Command were moving technicians north to increase the serviceability of those squadrons working on the ‘Norwegian Problem’. This of course was only a short term solution as the effectiveness of the rest of Maritme Commands assets would eventually decline if to many technicians were poached. With the Luftwaffe fighters came the bombers and with that came the cry from the Norwegian Army and the Navy for fighter cover. The quickest way was to fly them off carriers to available bases north of Trondhiem. The problem for the allies was two fold, operations off southern Norway by major units of the RN were now too risky due to the Luftwaffe having air control form their newly captured bases in Denmark and southern Norway. The second problem was trying to get a coordinated campaign organised with a fragmented Norwegian army. The actions of a minority of Norwegian turncoat politicians and service officers in either delaying their response or actually giving direct aid to the invaders further complicated the allies responces. With the near total destruction of the German Naval presence in Narvik fiord Churchill pushed for the earliest possible landing of British troops to achieve this the cruisers that had already embark troops for operation R4 were ordered to proceed with all dispatch to Narvik. Warspite and her escort were ordered to proceed to the fiord to dissuade any interference from German heavy units. At that time the Admiralty were unaware of the damage inflicted on Hipper when she was rammed by Gloworm. The opposed landing at Narvik became what was known as the second battle of Narvik.

    On the 10th of April Air attacks were carried out by both Furious and Courageous on Trondhiem, unfortunately the Hipper had already left and was heading south for Germany. However as a distraction and to try an persuade the Germans that the RN was still operating near the south of Norway, a squadron of Skuas had flown from RNAS Hatston in the Orkney Islands to Bergan where they sank the damaged light cruiser Konisberg.

    By hurrying Glorious back from the Mediterranean, Where she had been flying off another load of aircraft to Malta. RAF Hurricanes of No 263 Squadron were then taken to Norway and flown off to frozen Lake Lesjasskou. Several operations like this were carried out with the four available fleet carriers rotating back to Scapa to refuel and re-store. The movement of additional squadrons from Maritime Air Command plus the addition of no less than three squadrons from Bomber Command (much to the disgust of RAF high command who were overruled by the politicians) principally to provide extra aerial mining capacity had been undertaken to provide further support. These reinforcements help to stabilise the situation in Norway and by the start of the second week of May it looked as if the allies would succeed in holding northern Norway.

    On the 10th of May everything changed. For on that day the Germans attacked the Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg and France. The first units involved were perforce the aircraft of the BEFAC, one thing the Phoney war had allowed was time for the various units to become complacent. The British at least had been able to set up a basic RDF system using mobile units with trucks and tents, as operations rooms. Two of these RDF units had been tasked to cover the area which had been assigned to the Polish Contingent. The British crews of these units had complained bitterly when the Polish officers insisted in relocating the mobile units at irregular intervals but at least once a week. It was only later upon hearing from their surviving colleague who had been sat in the same position for the entire phoney war and had been visited by JU87’s in dawns early light, did the wisdom of the Poles become evident. It was a harsh lesson learnt at high cost, not only in the immediate destruction of the vital early warning system but also the effect it had on the BEFAC to carry out it’s primary task of protecting the BEF. On the morning of the tenth of May the Air Component consisted of the following:-

    Four Henley Squadrons (1 Polish)

    One Lysander Squadron

    Six Blenheim Squadrons (2 Polish)

    Eight Hurricane Squadrons (four Polish)

    And the Advance strike force:-

    nine Fairy Battle Squadrons

    Four Blenheim squadrons

    Two Hurricane squadrons.

    Some had considered the RAF command chain in France to top heavy with senior officers. With Air Marshal Arthur Barratt as Air Officer Commanding British Air Forces in France, with Air Vice-Marshal Patrick Playfair as the Air Officer Commanding the Advanced Air Striking Force and Air Vice Marshal Trafford Leigh-Mallory as Air Officer Commanding the Air Component of the BEF. However it seemed to work with Barrat working with the French High Command and his two subordinates runnning the operational units.

    One action taken by Leigh-Mallory early in his command was to arrange for the Polish Squadron due to form on Battles and be assigned to the Advanced Strike Force to actual fly Henleys and Blenheim’s and be attached with all the other Polish squadrons to the AC, BEF. This great simplified the communications and the administration for the Polish contingent. Whilst Lee-Mallory did not make an impression upon the Polish Pilots as had Sir Keith Parks they soon came to realise that he was a competent and aggressive commander who like them wanted to ‘Get at the Hun’. The AC,BEF were based in the North whilst the AASF and the BAFF headquarters were further south near Rheims. With the first reports of the German assault on Belgium and Holland coming in the AC, BEF were committed to covering the advance of the BEF to the Dyle Line and reconnaissance to locate the German spearheads. By the end of the 10th of May the news that Maastricht had already fallen and that the majority of the Belguim Air Force had already been lost either on the ground or in air combat was already causing concerns with the Headquarters of the BAFF. The loss if even only temporarily of a third of his mobile RDF units was particularly worrying Leigh-Mallory at the AC,BEF.
     
    7.9 A Complete Debacle
  • 7.9 A Complete Debacle.


    When the official histories were written the above was the title covering the fall of France in May, June 1940 and many historians have considered that statement to be the epitome of ‘British Understatement’. No one can fault the efforts of either the AASF or of the AC,BEF but the methodology employed and the tactical use of the available resources were in a word woeful. The only unit to come out with an enhanced reputation for anything other than just suicidal bravery was the Polish Air Contingent of the Air Component of the British Expeditionary Force, official known as the PAC,AC,BEF and usually shortened to just the “PAC” and their exploits would become legendary.

    Back at the Air Ministry Sir Phillip could only read the reports and look at the maps. Then when briefed as part of the cabinet attempt to carry out the wishes of the new prime minister Winston Churchill. All to often in those early day of May, once more Sir Phillip found himself at odds with Churchill and having to try and ensure that actions were controlled by the head rather than the heart.

    As the Germans attacked pre-set plans were enacted, the principle one as far as the AM was concerned was the automatic reinforcement of the AC,BEF with two more squadrons of Hurricanes and another two going to the AASF. A huge problem was that despite having large numbers of aircraft ‘on charge’ the Armee de l’Air could actually muster less than 100 modern bomber aircraft to attack the advancing German Columns and therefore perforce the AASF would have to provide the main opposition. First however they had to find the columns and decide where to attack to the best advantage. The problem was that since the arrival of the AASF in September 1939 losses of Battles on reconnaissance flights had been so high, on the 30th of September of six battles sent out five had been shot down and the sole survivor so badly damaged had to be written off, as to have all such sorties cancelled. Now there was a dire need for up to date information. On the First day all the fighter units of the AC,BEF and the AASF flew multiple sorties, some pilots flying as many as six within that single day. For the first time the Luftwaffe bombers met modern fighters in numbers and by all reports they did not like it. Due to the prevailing condition the six Squadrons of fighters with the AC,BEF and the four with the AASF were spread too thinly, protecting not only their own bases but the army formations as the BEF continued to move towards the Dyle, to provide more than fighter sweeps ahead of the bombers. As no close escort was available for the Battles of the AASF, which were known to be vulnerable to fighters, were ordered to go in low with 11 second delay fuses on their bombs. On the first day thirty two battles were sent out to attack German columns and thirteen were lost and every single one of the remainder was damaged to some extent.

    The three squadrons of Heley’s with the AC,BEF faired a little better but still suffered los of 20% with a further 30% damaged. However with the Polish Heleys there was a different result as the PAC was used as single unit and aircraft from both Blenheim squadrons attacked the same columns with three of the Hurricane squadrons flying as escort. The single polish Henley squadron with the fourth Hurricane squadron as close escort was sent to attack the same choke point at the same time. The Four Polish hurricane Squadron achieved local air dominance for the duration of the Blenheim’s bomb run and this provide some distraction for the columns light flak as the Henleys carried out their dive bombing attacks. Despite the success of the plan, losses amongst the bombers were still over 5% with 10% damaged and the Hurricanes too sustained losses of the same level. These losses compared to favourably the three squadrons of Henleys sent out from the RAF AC and this vindicated the tactical innovations advocated by the Poles.

    On the 11th the losses continued, of eight Battles from no’s 88 and 218 squadrons sent to attack enemy columns in the Ardennes only one returned. Of Nine Blenheims from 139 Squadron sent to attack the crossings at Maastricht seven were lost whilst No 114 squadron were caught on the ground and lost nearly all of their Blenheims.

    On the 12th of May No 12 squadron sent Six volunteer crews in their Battles to attack the bridges across the Meuse, Of the five that actual took off on the sortie not one returned. One of the bridges was damaged and a VC won. Later when Bomber Command sent Blenheim’s to attack the bridges at Maastricht ten out of the twenty aircraft were shot down and most of the survivors damaged. Also on the 12th an attack by aircraft from the AASF near Boiulon in the Ardennes cost six out of fifteen for little tangible result.

    By the end of the 12th May it was obvious that the current loss rates were not sustainable, for the AASF Battles the losses per sortie were 40% on the 10th ,!00% on the 11th and 62% on the 12th. There were some bright spots on the 13th battles from 266 squadron managed to block a crucial crossroads with the ruins of a factory and on the early morning of the 14th Battles from 103 and 150 squadrons managed to avoid the fighters and successfully bomb the bridges at Sedan. Mean while the Polish Squadrons were advancing German units wherever they could be located in support of the BEF.

    Reading the reports Sir Phillip was appalled at the losses, all the dire predictions from the pre-war exercises and analysis were coming true.

    Despite the bravest of efforts the German advances were hardly slowed and by the 13th of may Holland was a beaten nation and Queen Wilhelmina was aboard an RN destroyer and taking passage to Britain to lead a Dutch Government in exile. On another ship was another cargo no less precious. The Pye receivers and transmitters for the 1.5 m band RDF units relied upon the EF50 valve designed by the Dutch company Phillips from Eindhoven. Mullards the UK licence holder had had production problems with making sufficient valve bases and had been importing most of them from the Dutch factory. When the Germans invaded some 25,000 complete EF 50 valves and an additional 250,000 valve bases were rushed aboard a destroyer at the Hague and conveyed to England, Thereby securing the supply of valves for the continued production of 1.5m RDF units. Later that day even as the city was negotiating the Luftwaffe descended upon Rotterdam in an unopposed attack that resulted in the almost total destruction of the old city. On the 15th of May the British government finaly lifted the restriction on the RAF from bombing private property in the Rhur.
     
    7.10 The Debacle Continues And The Dynamo Starts
  • 7.10, The Debacle continues and the Dynamo starts.

    Within days keeping the River Aisnes and the Somme on their left the German panzer thrust had reached the sea. Cutting off the BEF and a sizable chunk of the French first army. It also separated the AC,BEF from the AASF. Whilst the AASF made plans to move west away from the German forces, this move was only possible because some how three hundred brand new American trucks were procured from the French. Unfortunately some prat loaded all the manuals, jacks and starting handles into one truck and promptly sent the lot to a French west coast port for evacuation. Despite this in the next three weeks the AASF progressively moved further and further west as the German army advanced. On the 17th of may trying to attack advancing German columns near Gembloux twelve Blenheim’s from no 82 squadron were caught by Fifteen Me 109’s. Eleven Blenheim’s were shot down. The spirit, resolve and determination of the AASF and the AC,BEF was epitomised by the CO. of this squadron, Wing Commander the Earl of Bandon, for within forty eight hours, he had mustered eight crews and aircraft from various sources and No82 squadron returned to the battle carrying out a night raid. To help the mobility of the AASF two of the battle squadrons Nos. 105 and 208 were effectively dissolved and their surviving aircrew and aircraft were transferred to the other surviving Battle squadrons. Also the two Blenheim squadrons nos.114 and 139 with nine surviving aircraft between them were sent north to join the AC,BEF before flying back to bases in England.

    For the Air Component the only place they could move to was the Britain so commencing on the 19th of May the squadrons started to fly back to airfields in England. By the evening of the 21st only a few Lysanders were left operating from fields in France. Through the short summer nights the RAF transport aircraft worked near miracles in flying back the valuable ground crew and then the administrative staff of the squadrons. The Aircraft of the POC also flew out and it was remarked at the airfields that received them that nearly every hurricane contained two pilots, often one wearing a RAF uniform and another a French Armee de L’air one and that the Blenheim’s and Battles were also packed to bursting with aircrew. Only later would it become clear just how valuable a cargo this was. Unfortunately the bulk of the squadrons equipment and all to many aircraft had to be left behind and destroyed. Later the Polish Air Contingent were verrucous in their objection, despite their losses, to being withdrawn from the fight after their return from France. It actually took an intervention from the Polish Government in Exile and an explanation that they would return to the fray once they had been rested, their numbers restored and they had re-equipped the new cannon armed marks of fighters.

    Including the POC some seventeen squadrons of Hurricanes numbering some three hundred and forty aircraft had been sent to France. Some ninety eight had been ‘written off’ and destroyed and only one hundred and twelve Hurricanes had flown back. The balance of one hundred and forty hurricane were damaged and despite mighty efforts to cannibalise parts and cobble together airworthy aircraft had had to be abandoned and destroyed. So in a little over ten days the RAF had lost a total of two hundred and thirty eight aircraft. The Polish Air Component would remain part of the Air Component under the control of a new headquarters known as the ‘Back Component’ was forming at RAF Hawkinge. The above statistics more than justified the stance taken by Sir Hugh Dowding as AOC Fighter Command on the 15th of May when he appeared before the cabinet and put the case for limiting the flow of Hurricanes to France otherwise Britain would be bled dry of fighters. The defence of the ‘Home Base’ had always been seen by Dowding as his primary concern and responsibility. Both Sir Phillip and Newell the CAS had given Dowding their support but nobody was able to put the case as forcibly as Dowding and the cabinet was swayed to follow his advice with even Churchill agreeing.

    At the turn of the year the MAP had been dispersed to Harrogate in Yorkshire. To which sir Archibald Sinclair commuted on a weekly basis. At the 14th May cabinet meeting Sir Archibald was tasked with maximising the output of new fighters to make good the losses. There was much debate about how this could be achieved without doing long term damage to future projects and production for a short term surge in specific aircraft production. A committee was set up to examine the situation and was given a week to report. there was talk of Beaverbrook being the chair of the committee but Churchill had already given him the task of streamlining the shipping industry to make full and better use of the available capacity.

    On May 26th operation Dynamo, the evacuation of British, French and allied soldiers from the pocket formed around Dunkirk commenced. Up until this dare the remains of the AC,BEF had been carrying out daily sorties to protect the BEF. On this day the task was formally taken up by RAF as a whole with lead role taken by Fighter Command. The greatest burden would fall upon the Squadrons of 11 group Fighter Command who were to provide all the fighter squadrons task to protect the evacuation fleet and beaches. 12 Group were tasked with protecting the east coast as far south as the Foreland to ease the burden on 11 Group and 10 Gr's area of responsibility was temporarily extended as far east as the eastern end of the Isle of Wight. Bomber Command would fly sorties to disrupt the German pressure on the enclave. Maritime Command would fly continuous patrols from the North Goodwins to Gravelines and as far up the Belgium coast as Ostend.
    To prevent the Harbour or beaches from being bombed or staffed was an impossible job and it was not long before cries were being heard of “where is the $@&&!^# RAF” the answer was fighting and dying to protect their comrades in arms but nine times out of ten far from the sight of those beleaguered on the ground, harbour, beach, boat or ship.
    However for the first time in the conflict British fighters were flying from their own air fields with RDF coverage at least part of the immediate area of the evacuation and for the first time the Luftwaffe met the Spitfire, Defiant and Reaper armed with cannons.

    The problem for Parks commanding 11 group was one of numbers on the 26th of May he had somewhere around two hundred serviceable fighter aircraft. This was the figure that Dowding could maintain by rotating squadrons from other groups without stripping the rest of the country of it’s fighter defence. Park could either have a small continuously outnumbered combat air patrol over the Dunkirk pocket or he could conduct more powerful sweeps at intervals. Either way the Luftwaffe would at times rain bombs and bullets down on the trapped men below.
     
    7.11 From A Debacle To Dunkirk
  • 7.11 from a Debacle to Dunkirk, another disaster masquerading as a triumph.

    Whilst Park was coming to grips with protecting the Dunkirk pocket and Admiral Ramsey was mobilising to hopefully rescue some thirty thousand men, Churchill was wrestling with the bigger picture. It soon became apparent that attempts to keep France in the fight would fall on stony ground. Churchill went to extreme measures to try an ensure that France kept fighting even offering a union between the two nations but as time would tell to no avail. By as Early as May the 24th, despite Churchills arguments against the decision the cessation of the support of the Norwegians had been agreed with the French, though the Norwegian Government was not informed until the 1st of June.

    On the evening of the 26th May the German XIX corps had noted the change and they themselves were complaining of lack of fighters protection. It was not possible for the RAF to prevent the bombing of Dunkirk as the initiative lay with the Luftwaffe and the Port was sustained considerable damage. On the 27th of May a constant fighter presence was kept over Dunkirk and the beaches but this resulted in the patrols being frequently outnumbered by the Luftwaffe. At times the fighters from No 11 Group faced fearsome odds. Eleven Spitfires of no.74 squadron faced thirty 109’s and Dornier 17’s whilst six Hurricane from No.145 Squadron initial engaged a section of Dornier 17’s only to be pounced on by an estimated thirty Messerschmitt’s 110’s. despite this the Hurricanes and Spitfire with a pair of belt fed twenty millimetre cannons each proved far more effective a destroying or damaging the Luftwaffe aircraft than the earlier versions with eight Rifle calibre machine guns. Also on the 27th of May 264 Squadron flying Defiants had their first combat over Dunkirk and claimed six He 111’s and a further three damaged. This was not the first time the Luftwaffe had encountered the Defiants as 264 squadron had been flying mixed patrols with 266 squadrons Spitfires of the Dutch coast since the 10th of May. 264 squadron had quickly shown that with four cannons their aircraft were deadly against bomber but when facing the Me109 they were at the same performance disadvantage as pilots flying Hurricanes, except when the Defiants did got a 109 in their sights and hit it, it almost invariably resulted on a kill.

    On the 28th of May Newall as CAS sent the following signal to the Chiefs of Fighter, Bomber and Maritime command. ‘To-day is likely to be the most critical day ever experienced by the British Army. The extreme gravity of the situation should be explained to all units. I am confident that all ranks will appreciate that it is the duty of the RAF to make their greatest effort today to assist their comrades of both the Army and the Navy’. Park new that his pilots flying from No.11 Group needed no such encouragement as they flew above the chaos on the beaches below, the peril of their comrades was all to clear. Once again Park was again instructed to keep a continuous fighter presence over the now somewhat shrunken perimeter. This Limited Park to a maximum strength of a two squadron patrol which was insufficient to wrest even temporary control of the air over the enclave. By the end of the day 11 group had flown some three hundred and twenty one sorties and had intercepted many powerful Luftwaffe formations the largest of which was estimated at some one hundred and fifty aircraft.

    Now with the Bulk of the BEF within the much shrunken perimeter Park with the agreement of Dowding, the CAS and Sir Phillip changed his tactics to provide much larger patrols of up to four squadrons but this left periods when there were no patrols present. In fact there was no cover for some six hours of the seventeen hours of daylight. In the morning the attacks were mainly met and thwarted but in he afternoon the Luftwaffe attacked in much greater strength and of the five attacks made two were virtually unopposed. Though there was much damage done to both shipping and the Harbour the effectiveness of the larger RAF fighter formations on inflicting damage on the Luftwaffe was not disputed and Admiral Ramsey signalled Fighter Command that night-‘I am most grateful for your splendid co-operation. It alone has given us a chance of success.’

    On May the 30th it was the weather that was the most important factor regarding operations by both The Luftwaffe and the RAF. With cloud of 10/10ths covering the area at an altitude from 3000 to 1000ft for the entire morning air attacks on the evacuation were greatly curtailed. Through the afternoon as the cloud cleared 11 group carried out a succession of four squadron strength patrols but no major air battles. With the Luftwaffe only managing a few desultory raids on the harbour, shipping and the beach. It was on this day that the ‘little ships’ arrived off the beach to speed the rate on embarkation. By the End of the day admiral Ramsey concluded at the current rate of lift the evacuation of the BEF would be completed by the night of the 31st May/ 1st June.

    The 31st of May dawned with a light haze that soon dissipated under the warmth of the sun leaving clear bright skies. Radio intercepts had indicated that the Luftwaffe would concentrate on the shipping rather than the beach or harbour. There were few and disjointed attacks in the morning but in the afternoon the story was very different when a new attack on the shipping took place at almost have hourly intervals. Almost all of these attacks were engaged by aircraft from 11 group at some time and particularly the three main attacks were harassed to the point where their bombing was uncoordinated and largely ineffectual. The success of the RAF fighters could be measured in the fact that only a single ship had been sunk directly by air attack. However six destroyers had been damaged to some extent in collisions! Also the decision was made that the remaining French troops within the pocket would be evacuated to England so that they could return to France and re-join the fight. So the completion of the evacuation would now be delayed for several days and the air defence of the beaches would continue.

    The 1st of June dawned and the haze soon cleared . 11 groups first patrol met and attacked the Luftwaffe bomber but unfortunately the second bombers attack arrived in the interval between the departure of 11 groups second patrol and the arrival of the third. The Forty odd JU87’s in this attack played merry hell with the shipping and there were reports of soldiers being strafed as they swam from sinking vessels. Later twenty eight Hurricanes had a brawl over the beaches with an estimated fifty to sixty Me110’s and Me 109’s and gave a good account of themselves. It was actions like this that showed the wisdom of vhaving at least on ASR launch off the beaches and another in mid channel. These boats were working out of Ramsgate harbour and it was noted that they always arrived back from a patrol loaded to the gills with soldiers whether or not they had picked up any downed pilots. The losses od ten ships, including there destroyers during the day coupled with the fact that the Dunkirk Roads were now under artillery fire forced Admiral Ramsey to suspend daylight operations.
     
    7.12 Dunkirk The Final Act
  • 7.12 Dunkirk the final act and yet another evacuation.

    Hasty messages passing between the Air Ministry and the Admiralty via Admiral Ramsey to Captain William Tennant the senior naval officer at Dunkirk to confirmed that No 11 Groups priority would be to provide cover for the evacuation shipping at dusk as they headed for Dunkirk and at dawn as they withdrew. This would leave the beaches largely without continuous fighter cover through the day and would add to the unfortunate myth that the RAF were not doing enough to protect either the navy or the army at Dunkirk.

    Only later did Sir Phillip hear from a pilot who had been shot down for the second time and was heading for a destroyer on the mole just how acrimonious the situation had got. Being with a group of pilots and aircrew in a similar predicament they were accosted by a jeering crowd of disgruntled soldiers who started to jostle them and get ‘quite out of order’ as the pilot put it. Just when he thought that the situation was going to become a fist fight, an imposing Naval officer in a watch coat with the letters SNO in silver foil on his tin helmet pushed his way through the throng and shook him by the hand stating loudly so that all in the melee of soldiers could hear “Thank you, without you chaps there would be no ships and no evacuation” turning to an imposing CPO Regulator, who had followed him the SNO gave brisk instructions that all the RAF aircrew were to be escorted onto the first available destroyer, when the pilot remonstrated about getting preferential treatment the SNO simply wished him better luck in his next fight.

    On the night of the 1st and 2nd June loading went well from both the mole and of the beach with little interruption. The morning haze helping to shield the ships as they headed for the English coast. When the Luftwaffe did arrive in Numbers at about eight Am they were countered by fully five squadrons of fighters from 11 Group and a major engagement commenced. As there were upwards of one hundred and twenty German aircraft the British fighters were still outnumbered by almost two to one. But with the two squadrons of Spitfires engaging the German fighters the two Hurricane squadrons and the lone squadron of Defiant’s were able to wade into the bomber formations and do much mayhem. The Defiant Squadron had a ‘guest’ pilot who although he was a Czechoslovakian was known as the ‘Pole’ who had fought with the PAC earlier in the campaign. His speciality was the head on attack and now he demonstrated how effective four 20mm cannons aimed at the Perspex glass house cockpit of a He111 was. The most important outcome of this large engagement was not the destruction of German aircraft but the fact that the ships were left completely unmolested. In the evening four squadrons managed to catch a flock of JU87’s over the beach and thwarting their attack again causing great execution.

    By the morning of 3rd of June Tennant as SNO could signal that the BEF had been lifted off and the evacuation of the remaining French contingent would continue as rapidly as possible that night. Thousands of French soldiers were lifted from the mole on the night of the 3rd of June. Luckily a heavy mist on the morning of the 4th June kept the Luftwaffe on the ground. Over this period from the second to fourth of June the incredible number of seventy-five thousand French soldiers were evacuated the vast majority in fighting order. Later on the fourth of June the remaining rear guard of some forty thousand mainly French soldiers finally surrendered.

    It was time for all to take stock, since the 10th of May the RAF had been in continuous action. Over the nine days of the evacuation from Dunkirk Bomber Command had flown six hundred and fifty-one sorties with a further one hundred and seventy-one reconnaissance sorties. Fighter Command had flown some two thousand seven hundred and thirty-nine sorties over the evacuation plus hundreds of others further afield in support. RAF pilots had claimed hundreds of Luftwaffe aircraft shot down and the AM, the Air Staff and particularly Dowding and Park would now try and sort fact from fiction. This is where the OR teams and some of the newly joined civilians with suitable real-world skills and experience would come to the fore. One thing was obvious if the Nazi propaganda being broadcast was any indication. Where they were claiming to have shot down more aircraft than the RAF actually had on operations at the time. So allowing for pilot enthusiasm and multiple pilots claiming for the same kill add on an inflation for propaganda purposes and employing the same over claim as the Luftwaffe, then RAF kills might be between a third and at best a half of the initial claimed numbers.

    The fall of the rest of France commenced from the 5th June, compared to the start of the campaign in France the allies had lost fully half their fielded divisions and more crucially the best and most mobile of those. The French demands for twenty more fighter squadrons were rebuffed in the most diplomatic terms possible. However squadrons of fighters would fly patrols from England and would refuel at French bases when necessary. Once the defensive line along the Marne, Oise and Seine Rivers had been breeched on the 11th of June the complete collapse of France was inevitable.

    As far as the Air Ministry and the CAS were concerned it was now very much a case of damage limitation. Losses of aircraft especially fighters to the extent suffered by the AC,BEF had to be avoided. This meant making early arrangements to repatriate damaged aircraft. Where possible aircraft that could be made airworthy but not operational would be flown back to the UK for full repairs, even if it meant cannibalising others. Reparable engines and other unused components would be shipped back to the UK from western France. The staff of the AASF, would be thinned out as much as possible, with preference to getting as many experienced fitters, armourers and other technicians back as possible. Though Sir Phillip was aware that he could not be seen to compete with the Army for preference for what he saw as the inevitable withdrawal from France, he was however discussing the practicalities with the Navy. The same situation existed with the Hurricanes currently operational in northern Norway. Those fifty odd aircraft were to valuable to just leave behind. There had been political talk of flying them into Finland to aid that country in the Continuation war that they were fighting but the scale of the losses in Northern France had convinced the CAS and perforce Sir Phillip that that was now a luxury that Britain could not afford. By the 17th of June when Petan approached the Germans requesting the terms for a cease fire.

    The BAFF under Barrat now made final plans for protection of the Evacuation ports for this task there remained in fence five squadrons of Hurricanes to protect seven ports. Fighters from Tangmere in 11 group and from 10 Group to the west could help cover Cherbourg and St Marlo with the channel islands being used as a staging post by the two BAFF squadrons No 17 and 501 as the withdrew from Dinard with their Hurricanes. It was decided to basically leave La Pallace and La Rochell without air cover as they were furthest from the advancing Luftwaffe bases and the least used ports. With this in mind the decision was taken to send all the antiaircraft guns that the BAFF still possessed to defend these ports with instruction that if at all possible they were to be embarked for shipment home. The principle evacuation ports to the north of, nates and St Nazaire where the bulk of the troops would be lifted off Barrat assigned 1,73 and 242 Squadrons with detachments to cover the port at Brest as required.

    The final squadrons and ground staff flew out in the early evening of the 18th of June.

    The battle for France was over now the battle for Britain would start.
     
    8.1 Recouping
  • 8.1, Recouping.

    Just before the final fall of France the evacuation of allied forces in Norway took place. This was presented as a fait accompli to the Norwegian Government as late as the 1st of June. Whatever the thoughts of the Government, King Haakon VII accept the British offer of Sanctuary in the United Kingdom. Part of the evacuation was the recovery of the remaining Hurricanes by the FAA. The plan was to fly the ten surviving Hurricanes from 263 squadron and seven Hurricanes from 46 squadron onto HMS Courageous using the basic plan used during the trials on Courageous in 1937. That was to fly on the aircraft with a sand bag in the tail to help hold the tail down under heavy braking. After the Hurricanes had been flown on board on the morning of the 8th June Courageous and her two escorting destroyers had been joined by the heavy cruiser HMS Devonshire which was carrying the Norwegian Royal family. The subsequent passage back to Scapa had proceeded at high speed with continuous cover by LRMP Sterling’s from Maritime Command. It was one of these aircraft that had located the German battleships Scharnhorst and Gneisenau some one hundred miles northeast of Courageous. Admiralty instruction had the safe arrival of the Norwegian royal family as a priority so all ships had all boilers lit and were proceeding at highest viable cruising speed. On identification of the enemy ships the Courageous group fled on a course south of west. Though the crew of Courageous would for ever suffer verbal spears and arrows from the crews of Ark Royal, Glorious and Furious who were providing cover for the evacuation of the troops from Norway and who’s aircraft crippled both of the enemy battle ships in what became known as the first Battle off North Cape. Due to the necessity of covering the evacuation convoy the air attack was not followed up in the artic midnight sun. Whilst both the damaged German warships eventually made it into Narvik fiord. later intelligence from Norwegian sources confirmed that Gneisenheau was a constructive total loss and was stripped of equipment to make Sharnhorst sea worthy enough to work her way back to Kiel for full repairs. The important event as far as Sir Phillip was concerned was the safe return of eighteen invaluable combat experienced pilots who would form the core of their squadrons as they were brought up to strength in the coming weeks. The saving of the Hurricanes was a bonus and would provide the aircraft for another squadron or OTU.

    On the 19th of June Sir Phillip gave his initial report on the state of the RAF, the Air Defence organisations and the Aircraft industry. The report started off by listing the losses suffered by the RAF in the recent campaigns. May and June had cost the RAF around a 1000 aircraft, there was some ambiguity in the figures, sources saying that the losses were between 992 and 1003 aircraft, the discrepancy apparently being that some aircraft were struck of charge but were subsequently repaired and some of those aircraft were then destroyed. The accepted figures of these losses were 501 fighters with the totals for all aircraft types being, for the A.A.S.F 234, the A.C.ofB.E.F including the P.A.C lost 305, Fighter Command 219, Bomber Command 166 and Maritime Command 68. It was noted that the PAC by proportion had lower losses in percentage of fighters engaged than either the Air Component, the Advanced Strike Force or Fighter Command and this led strength to the argument being put forward by operational research that it must be the way the Polish Pilots flew and fought that was the deciding factor as they were flying the same aircraft in the same skies against the same enemy aircraft. In discussions with Newall, Dowding and Park Sir Phillip made it clear that the rest of the RAF had better take on board the Polish tactics pretty dam quick. To this end the Highest scoring Polish Pilots were being sent to spend time with the Air Fighting Development Squadron (AFDS) currently at Northolt so that lessons could be learnt and passed on to all the other squadrons. Park stated that 11 Group would stage all Squadron CO’s and Flight leaders through Northolt as quickly as the AFDS could cope with and then that the AFDS should be sent to each of the other groups in turn. Two important projects had been instigated by the AM prior to the start of the spring campaigns, these had been the allocation of extra aircraft and pilots to the fighter squadrons to cover leave and other absences so that the squadron could always fly its full fighting establishment and in the current emergency could at time fly at above the established strength for short periods (or until losses took their toll). After debriefing his pilots and his own personal observations over Dunkirk, Park put forward the suggestion that with so many squadrons reforming and accepting both extra and replacement pilots, that in order to apply the new tactics now was the time to alter the flight and squadron format. The flights should be reduced from six to four pilots but each squadron would have four operational flights of four aircraft, flying in pairs, this would give an operational strength of sixteen with one flight of four as a reserve. This would necessitate more flight leaders but would in it’s own way make the absorption of new pilots easier. Additionally it was made formal policy that Squadrons would be rested in 13 and 14 groups where they were less likely to encounter large enemy formations.
     
    8.2 Regrouping
  • 8.2, Regrouping,

    With the losses in Norway, Belgium and France plus the depletion of the squadron reserves to enlarge the squadron sizes the available reserves in Britain were dangerously low. There being less than 200 fighters of all types held in storage ready for issue. Despite the factories working flat out and up to the end of May achieving the figures espoused in the Harrogate program of January 1940 or actually exceeding them. Part of this was due to three new types of fighters attaining volume production, these being The Defiant at Bolton and Paul, The Gloster Reaper at Westlands and the Beaufighter at Bristols. The Beaufort being built with Alvis Pelides engines and the cancellation of the Taurus engine had really hurt the pride of the Bristol company and finally spurred the management into taking action to cure the mass production problems of the Hercules. The fact that the Alvis Maeonides was entering limited production at Armstrong Siddley and a trial installation on an early production Beaufighter had been flown may have had something to do with this change in Bristol’s attitude.

    Harrogate Plan. Aircraft production from January 1940

    Month Planned Production Actual Production Planned fighter Actual Fighter

    All Aircraft Types All types Production Production

    February 1940 1,001 751 171 173

    March 1940 1,137 893 203 210

    April 1940 1,256 1,118 231 288

    May1940 1,244 1,309 261 355

    Looking at the figures two things were very apparent to Sir Phillip one was that fighter production was exceeding that planned and the continued upward trend was widening the margin. Even a few weeks of uninterrupted production would reinstate the reserve stocks. So panic measure to boost fighter production would likely have more of a negative long term effect on the RAF than any short term gain.

    There were one or two things that could be done and would have an immediate benefit. One was to cut down on the Fairey Battle production. That would have the effect of freeing up Merlins for fighters thereby removing one possible bottleneck. Though it would be the shadow factories that were effected the semi-skilled workforce could be redirected to building components for other manufacturers to remove bottle necks. Suspending production of the Henley at Glosters would provide an instant boost to capacity to produce Hurricanes at Hucclecote. Any other tweaks would require a little more consideration. Currently Spitfires were being built at Southampton and Castle Bromwich. Hurricanes at Kingston, Langley and Hucclecote. Defiants at Wolverhampton, Reapers at Yeovil and Beaufighters at Filton. The icing on the cake was that the FAA had the Fulmar in full production at Follond down at Hamble so there was a back up fighter that could be utilised if Merlin production was hit. Of the current fighters in production the best candidate for changing from an inline Merlin to a radial was the Hurricane and a project to that effect had been on the backburner for some time.

    As to bomber production, yes it could take a backseat but not to cut it to far. The Manchester and the Stirling were entering squadron service but not yet operational. Stirling bomber production might need to be curtailed due to the capture of the French Atlantic ports requiring more LRMP Stirlings to counter the new U-Boat bases. This meant that work on the Halifax should also continue as cover Bomber Command for the loss of the Stirlings. Of the existing types the following would be dropped from production or reduce to minimum priority, Battle, Blenheim and Henley. The Hampden, Whitley and Wellington would continue in production at existing rates where this did not impact fighter production. A problem here was allocating engines and propellers, to get a performance gain and to offset the extra weight of the cannons, armour and other additions both the Hurricane MkIc and the Spitfire MKII had been made priorities for the new constant speed propellers that gave both additional ceiling and speed at height. The Bomber clique in the RAF had tried to snaffle the entire production of constant speed propellers for the bombers. This had been countered by pointing out that the Fairy Monarch came with it’s own unique constant speed counter rotating propellers four of which went on each Sterling and two on each Manchester. The Tornado was due to enter production by the end of the summer and Richard Farey was expanding the engine construction plant to try and keep up with demand. However supply of the Monarch and its propeller were at the moment proving the limiting factor.

    With the Hudson and the Harvard arriving in increasing numbers from American, two proposals had been made. One was to cut the Flamingo Production as it was doing largely the same tasks as the Hudson and the second was to cut the production of training aircraft as the Harvards were available.

    To the first proposal upon talking to both the manufactures and Maritime Command it was pointed out that the Hudson could fill in for the Blenhiem in most of it’s roles and that would free up Bristol’s capacity to ramp up production of both the Beaufighter and Beaufort. Whilst the Flamingo was Maritime Commands premier mid-range ocean patrol aircraft and there were never enough of them.
     
    8.3 Rebuilding
  • 8.3 Rebuilding

    Sir Phillip along with Sir Hugh Dowding at Fighter Command was acutely aware that the limiting factor in Fighter Command was likely to be the number of available Pilots rather than sufficient aircraft for them to fly.

    As to suspending training aircraft production this was exactly the kind of panic measure that Sir Phillip was concerned about and his instructions to Sir Archibald at the MAP were unequivocal, ‘training aircraft production would retain equal priority to fighter aircraft’ as the flow of replacement pilots to fighter command would be critical to the continuation of the defence of Great Britten. One action taken which came into effect in mid May was to split Training command into two, Flight Training and Technical Training commands. This removed some conflicts of interest and also allowed each command to focus on it’s core task that were so very different.

    Various stupidities and bottle necks within the Training Command had been drawn to Sir Phillip’s attention over the previous months and with the assistance of Sir Arthur Newall as CAS, these had hopefully been removed. One such stupidity within training command that had resulted in Sir Phillip’s intervention and the removal of a degree of dead wood personnel was that all entrants to flying training irrespective of their previous experience were being sent through the full elementary flying training school syllabus. It did not seem to matter to the RAF that the recruit might have hundreds of flying hours, the reason purportedly for this was that the RAF required all their pilots to fly the RAF way! Whatever that meant Sir Phillip was not sure but what he was sure of was that this was patently a waste of resource and time and experienced pilots once they had completed their basic military training should be sent to the flying training establishment most suited to prepare them for service, whether that be an advanced flying school for say multi-engine training or fighter flying and in certain circumstances posting directly to an OTU. At Christmas 1939 there were only three fighter OTU’s, This was patently insufficient for the expansion of Fighter Command from three groups to five and possibly later to six.

    Also at this juncture the only one OTU for night fighters was the night fighter development unit. Therefore as the Spitfire Mk2 and the Hurricane MkIc had entered service in numbers some of earlier marks had been used to form two further fighter OTU’s and a full night fighter OTU had been formed using Blenheim NF’s and a flight of the new Night Reaper for type familiarisation. These changes would help to increase the flow of fighter pilots, when asked to justify such a training expansion during the early part of what was now being called the phoney war Sir Phillip pointed out that Fighter Commands flying training requirements had been based upon a fighter force of fifty two squadrons had had not taken any account of the additional fighter squadrons required for the AASF and the AC,BEF. The increase was therefore to partially cover these needs and to enable further expansion.

    At the time when the MAP had wrested control of Castle Bromwich from the Nuffield Organisation the AM and MAP had set up the Civilian Repair Organisation. This Organisation was as it’s name implied was created to repair aircraft for the RAF but outside of the RAF workshops. Civilian Repair Units and Depots were set up to which aircraft could be sent for repair. This service was actually run by the Nuffield Organisation from their Cowley works.

    The sense of this system had become apparent when the German Blitzkrieg had broken on the AC of the BEF and it became apparent how many reparable aircraft had had to be abandoned on the airfields in France. Part of this was down to the aircraft availability/repair classifications in use by the AC,BEF in France.

    The classification was as follows;- 1, reparable by unit, 2, reparable by contractor or RAF depot and 3, recommended for stripping of parts and eventual salvage and scrapping. In France the RAF depot could not cope and there were no contractors, so aircraft and engines beyond repair by the squadron mechanics had to be recovered to the UK. This resulted in the RAF airfields in France becoming clogged with unserviceable aircraft which were subsequently lost. Taking lessons from these events the AM and MAP reclassified aircraft requiring repair into three new categories known as 4,5,and 6. Category four was for those aircraft that could be repaired quickly on station using station mechanics and facilities. Category Five was for aircraft that require more work than category four aircraft but were still able to fly to a depot for repair. Category six was for any aircraft that was unfit to fly, which would be recovered to the nearest CRU. Any aircraft that could not be returned to service within 36 hours on the station was reclassified from category four to either Five or Six.

    Aircraft in category Five became known as fly-ins and if the aircraft could be returned to service in twenty four hours or less then often the pilot would wait and then fly it back. One of the largest of these ‘first aid’ depots was at RAF Henlow which would play an important part in the subsequent battle where the CRO would exceed all expectations. No 50 RAF Maintenance Unit had been set up as part of No 43 Group of the RAF. It’s task was to transport damaged and crashed aircraft from all over the country to the repair depots and was staffed by civilians and based at the Nuffield works in Cowely.

    Another critical facility had been set up at the RR development centre at RAF Hucknall, not only were Hurricanes repaired here but also merlin engines were assessed, repaired if only minor works required or sent to Derby for rebuilding or salvage. This was also the home base of the RR liaison team who spent their time travelling around RAF bases disseminating the latest information of the engines and learning of recurrent problems and defects from those at the sharp end. By these Means the AM and the MAP hoped to maximise the availability of serviceable fighter aircraft during the subsequent months. To help ensure this in late May the CRO was taken under direct MAP control in Harrogate.
     
    8.4 Reassessing
  • 8.4 Reassessing,

    Between the end of operation Dynamo and the final capitulation of France in June the British Government and in particular the AM, MAP and the RAF had to carry out a rapid reassessment of the defence requirements to reflect the changed circumstances. Some of these changes and their effects have already been described, here we will concentrate on Fighter Command and the matter of a German invasion of England.

    Historians will continue to argue for generations over the German plans for an invasion. Some would postulate that it was never a serous option for the German Military and was never more than a chimaera designed to frighten the British Government into seeking terms, Others would contend that the gathering of shipping and barges, with its dislocation of German industry, on it’s own indicate that it was a serous endeavour on the part of the Nazi’s.

    What is unarguable is that in May, June 1940 Great Britain and it’s government had to take the initiation of a German assault as a distinct probability and plan their defences accordingly. After Dunkirk the British Army was in disarray and would require time to re organise and rearm. The RAF and in particular Fighter Command had to regroup and prepare to face the bulk of the fighting for the immediate future, whilst the RN would plan and prepare for what would probably be the defining event in all it’s long and glorious history. In addition to attending Cabinet meetings Sir Phillip also called a series of meeting in early June at the AM at which the entire high command of the RAF participated with representatives from the Admiralty and the War department also in attendance.

    The first of these meeting started with Sir Phillip reading a statement from Dudley Pound the first sea Lord which said ‘if I may paraphrase my esteemed predecessor the 1st Earl St Vincent- “I do not say, my Lords, that the Germans will not come. I say only they will not come by sea.” As long as the RAF is able to deny the Germans air superiority over the Channel’. If the RAF cannot do that, then a successful German landing will only be over the wrecks of the RN ships sent to stop them’.

    Having read the statement Sir Phillip waved Sir Newall aside and asked for Sir Hugh Dowding to respond. Sir Hugh’s statement was short and to the point. There were three threats, Invasion which would require the Luftwaffe to obtain air superiority over the channel and sustain it until Britain was defeated, Concentrated night bombing which might take months, and the submarine menace to the nations supplies. Only the first two were of direct concern to Fighter Command and these were the two Sir Hugh and his staff were working on. With the return of the units from France and Norway Fighter Command could count on around Fifty operational squadrons with around a further ten recouping and rearming. Though there were shortages of reserve aircraft. At the moment the factories were working hard to remedy the deficit.

    The extension of the CH RDF system to the North and more importantly to the West was complete, the CHL was nearly complete with only the far North and far West to be completed and those stations should be operating by the end of June. The Inland and night fighter RDF cover was not yet complete with the Wales and the far north west of Scotland currently lacking cover. With the flanking of the current cover by Luftwaffe units in the Brest peninsular Sir Hugh requested that priority was given for RDF,PPI installations to cover Cornwall and South Wales. This would also have the benefit of adding cover to Liverpool and Northern Ireland from the South.

    A reassessment of the required number of fighter squadrons to provide an adequate defence from the expected air assault by the Luftwaffe had been hastily undertaken by the AM and the RAF, the high command had concluded that the original requirement for sixty fighter squadrons previously arrived at had now risen to one hundred and twenty, Of course this force would not be available for months if not years. Therefore Fighter Command would have to do the best it could with the resources currently available and to maximise their effectiveness. Sir Hugh then went on to define a series of proposed measure. These were to form another fighter group to be called 14 Group in the north of Scotland to take over the area north of Glasgow and Edinburgh, thereby permitting 13 Group to concentrate on defending the north of England and southern Scotland.

    Further south it was proposed that the Duxford and Colchester sectors would be moved under 11 Groups command and the Middle wallop sector would go to 10 group. This gave a better balance of forces to counter the concentration of the enemies’ aircraft to the south. It was also proposed that the limited number of AA guns available would be relocated and re assigned to defend principally the aircraft and aero engine factories and London. The existing defences at the major naval bases would not be altered under this scheme.

    10 group would need additional stations in order to provide sufficient cover against the new threat axis. Immediately some fighter squadrons would need to share Maritime Command stations. A particular problem was providing adequate cover for Plymouth Naval Base, the current grass field at Roborough was not large enough to handle modern monoplane fighters. The proposed plan was to use grass satellite fields at Bodmin/Millfield, Tavistock and Bolt Head. Squadrons would fly in each day from other bases principally the new airfields at Exeter and at Davidstow. Both these airfields were being completed as a matter of urgency and would have concrete runways by mid July. The full wartime standard facilities would take some further weeks to complete at which time each airfield could support a wing of fighters.

    Sir Keith Park also noted the limits of the current Chain Home Low in that it could not detect aircraft below 500ft and with the Germans setting up fighter stations close to Calais by the time that these aircraft were recorded 11 Group had very little time to react and this made Manston airfield particularly vulnerable. Sir Phillip confirmed that a new set of RDF stations would be constructed which were based on an amalgamation of the Armys Coastal Defence Gunlaying RDF and the Navies 280 series of radars using the standard 1.5m wavelength transmitter chassis. This could detect aircraft down to about 100ft across the sea. When coupled to a modified version of the Navies Precision Ranging Panel and linked to the Vickers Predictor this was becoming the standard AA low/medium level gun control system. Hence the first unit placed at Dover would serve to give low level warning and control the Dover AA Defences. Sir Phillip commented that as always it depended on the Germans give us the time to set them all. Additionally a number of mobile units were being made available to act as emergency gap fillers to replace CH stations temporally put out of service by enemy action.
     
    8.5 Just Chasing The Maggots
  • 8.5 Just chasing the Maggots

    Throughout the battles of spring and early summer it was the single seat fighters and day light actions that had caught the publics attention but there was a quieter battle fought at night that had gone on unabated from the very first night of the war.

    Each night the RDF crews watched the glowing tubes of their PPI sets and waited for the ‘maggots’ to start to crawl across the screens. In the early days there were far too few sets leaving large gaps in the system and the operators lacked experience but slowly over the winter months the gaps had been filled and the mainly WRAF operatives had become skilled at discerning the movements of the glowing ‘maggots’ on the screen.

    Likewise in that first winter of the war the pilots and their RDF operators were raw and without experience and they were further handicapped by the simple fact that their Bisley night fighters were little faster than the prey they sort. One winters night a DO.117 had been chased for nearly 200 miles across the blacked out country and the crew of the fighter had never got close enough to engage their target.

    These targets were usually lone intruders whose main task seemed to be to get the air raid sirens sounded to disturb the sleep of those below and disrupt the night shifts. Over time the alarms were sounded less often and the chance of an unannounced explosion taken as just another fact of wartime life. The other activity was the mining of our sea lanes principally on the east coast but occasionally a raider would fly right across the country to plant his deadly eggs in the waters off Liverpool or another major port.

    Despite the difficulties the night fighters scored success and learnt their craft, whilst a Spitfire or hurricane pilot would shout ‘Bandits’ and ‘Tally ho’ as he swooped into his attack a night fighter pilot would simply say ‘maggot seen, engaging now’ and there could be the glow of flames in the night sky indicating a dying aircraft and a crew.

    Late in the winter the first of the new Gloster Night Reaper with the improved RDF sets began to appear at the night fighter squadrons these were a very different beast from the plodding Bisseley. The sleek twin engine fighter carried twice the number of cannons and was nearly a hundred miles an hour faster at maximum speed. There were other differences to, whereas in the Bisseley the crew sat in close proximity in the cockpit in the Reaper the pilots sat up front and the RDF operator sat separated from him further aft in an enclosed section of the fuselage with two small vision ports (usually blacked out at night) and a solid hatch above his head. His office, was dark place with the gun ammunition and the RDF set separating him from the pilot and this was known variously as the ‘coal hole’ or ‘cave’ and not all RDF operators could cope with its claustrophobia inducing closeness.

    Over the months of the phoney war a few crews distinguished themselves as being experts at their deadly nigh time duels. Likewise the controllers and operatives of the PPI sets became equally adept and tactically astute at placing ‘their’ fighter in the best place for a contact. For the early RDF sets were very limited particularly against low flying intruders of which the minelayers were a particularly difficult target. Here it was discovered early on that the RDF1.5 actual had an advantage over the early marks of RDF2. This advantage was that with RDF2 due to the ground scatter of the radiating signal the detection range was limited to the height of the aircraft above the ground so if your target was hugging the ground or sea you had to be right on top of them to get a signal and if they were low enough the detection range and minimum RDF range coincided and no fix was possible. However with RDF1.5 being a receiver only system the ground clutter interference was much less but the airborne receivers’ were dependent upon a ground based transmitter in the right location to electronically illuminate the target. The power and speed of the new night fighter slowly started to show results as the new year exploded into the continental campaign.

    With the Luftwaffe now poised across the channel in easy range of Britain’s industrial heartland and population centres the officers and crews of the night fighters were only to aware that their time of trial was fast approaching for it was inconceivable that the Luftwaffe would not try to minimise their losses by waging an intense night time bomber campaign. Whilst it was the height of the summer and the nights were short the advantages of a night campaign were less compelling. The concern of the night fighter commanders was that if all the available resources were put into the day fighter force then come the day when the Luftwaffe turned to the night, Fighter Command might not have the resources to defend the nations heart in the dark of winter.

    When the aircraft production priorities had been allocated the night fighter version of the Reaper had been kept at it’s current steady level whilst the day fighter version was prioritised. Like wise the day fighter version of the slightly bigger Beaufighter had also been given precedence over the night fighter version. The logic behind this decision was simple enough the heavy day fighters could kill invasion craft as well as bombers and therefore were important to countering the invasion threat. In the middle of June their was a fierce debate within the AM over the allocation of production capacity to different aircraft types and slowly by presenting the numbers and the threat, the night fighter advocates gained a consensus that expanding the force should continue in line with the greater threat. One factor that swayed the argument in favour of the night fighter force was the availability of the new Beaufighter, with Blenheim production curtailed Bristol’s were increasing production of both the Beaufighter and Beaufort. There were other options available, though similar the Reaper and the Beaufighter had significant differences, a principle one in the day fighter version was the agility of the much faster but slightly smaller and lighter Reaper. Also being a single seater the Reaper day fighter carried more ammunition and fuel than its night fighting brother. Eventually after Sir Phillip’s personal intervention a decision was made to continue building both versions of the Reaper at their current ratios of day to night fighters relying on the modular form of construction to enable an increase in production rates to satisfy the growing demand. These priorities would be continuously reviewed as the conflict continued through the summer and the autumn. Meanwhile the Bristol company would concentrate on the day version for the Beaufighter and produce only sufficient night fighters at this time to enable production methodologies and skills for rapidity increasing night fighter production if needed could be established. The night Beaufighters built would be used for operational training and trials.
     
    8.6 Friends Indeed and Selling The Family Silver
  • 8.6 Friends indeed and selling the family silver.

    One of the more pleasant tasks that Sir Phillip had recently undertaken was a review with the Polish government in exile of the performance of the Polish Air Component. It was at this meeting that the secondment of some Polish Pilots to the AFDS was agreed. The main Item on the agender was the future use of the PAC after its arrival in the UK. The Polish Government in exile wanted to keep the national identity of the Polish pilots rather than just lose them by adsorption into the RAF. With the increased number of Polish personnel presenting themselves for service It was decided that an enlarged wing of Polish Fighters could be formed and if possible the two existing Polish bomber Squadrons could be eventually expanded into a wing.

    Despite the losses incurred in France the existing four Fighter Squadrons could be expanded to five, due to the extra personnel rescued from France. Additionally the Polish Government suggested that the Henley squadron should convert to Hurricanes with bomb shackles on the wings. Apparently some of the Hurricane MkIc’s in France had had this done by field modifications using components taken from written off Henleys and had proved very useful in ground attacks.

    Unbeknown to the MAP whilst in France The POC had somehow managed to get a number of trainers in the guise of liaison aircraft and all their observers from the Henley squadron had received pilot instruction, soloed and were capable of flying the Henleys in case of the pilots becoming casualties. These unofficial Pilots at the behest of the Polish government in exile would form a Polish OTU at the same bases as the active squadrons and all future Polish trainees would pass through the normal RAF training regime until qualified and then join the Polish OUT. Sir Phillip had consulted with the CAS and the decision had been made to convert the Polish squadrons to the Spitfire MKII, this would in the short term severely reduce the available aircraft reserve but would help to balance the number of squadrons flying Spitfires and Hurricanes within Fighter Command which would ease rotating squadrons between groups on a like for like basis. The Polish squadrons would initially be sent to the newly formed No14 Group where it was hoped that they would have time to adapt to their new aircraft and absorb their new pilots.

    There was another reason for sending the Poles to No 14 Group and that was Trafford Leigh Mallory, who after returning from France had been at a loose end until sent to form 14 group as a separate entity for the defence of Scotland north of the Clyde and Firth of Forth. His previous work with the Polish squadrons in France would hopefully ease their amalgamations into Fighter Command. This was just one of the measures taken to adapt to the changing threat caused by the loss of France.

    The Admiralty noting the reinforcement of 10 group particularly to provide better protection for both Portland and Plymouth made their own offer of assistance. This was that due to the carrier building program and the recent hard use of the carrier fleet necessitating some quick refits the admiralty could make available up to five squadrons of Fulmars for temporary duty with Fighter Command. Upon considering this Sir Hugh suggested that the FAA squadrons could be used to provide fighter defence for Scapa flow using RNAS Hatston and the other Orkney airfields and possibly basing one squadron at Wick to aid integration with 14 group.

    Britain did not stand alone as some might say, for there was the entire empire to draw upon and there were others like the Poles who although their nations were subjugated and occupied were still fighting for the cause of freed. Churchill and the rest of the British Government was well aware that American good will and assistance would be required to carry the fight to Nazi Germany even if not to stave the threat of invasion. Churchill acting in his capacity as defence minister requested each of the services to list their most urgent needs which the Americans might be able to fulfil.

    Churchill considered it of vital importance that Britain was seen to bring something to the table rather than merely an empty begging bowl. One of the important things to be requested of the Americans was the volume production of new British technology. To this end Churchill proposed a scientific mission to visit the USA and to share some of these technologies with the Americans as a show of good faith. Churchills friend Lord Beaverbrook argued strongly against this and used the English expression of ‘selling the family silver’ taking the analogy further Beaverbrook suggested that it would be better to in effect ‘Pawn’ the scientific advances by offering to withhold patent payments on anything built for the war effort, any patentable development produced for commercial sale would attract patent fees as would anything made post war.

    After much debate a consensus was agreed that the principle scientific adviser to the Government, Sir Henry Tizzard would head the scientific component of the mission and Beaverbrook in his capacity of Minister of Ship construction would lead the commercial negotiations. Several very senior scientists were to accompany the mission principally from the fields of Electronics/RDF and atomic research. No scientist was to be assigned to the mission unless their current projects could be continued in their absence. R.V. Jones would in Sir Henry Tizzard’s absence act as Churchill’s primary scientific advisor.

    The immediate aid already promised by Roosevelt in the form of rifles, ammunition, artillery and aircraft was vital and it’s delivery to the UK as fast as possible was one of the first tasks of Beaverbrook in his new capacity.
     
    8.7 The Other Side Of The Hill
  • 8.7 The other side of the hill

    As to the Germans next move, the broad outline was fairly easy to discern, take control of occupied France, Then when ready commence the destruction of the UK’s ability to resist. This would mean attacking and neutralising all aspects of Britain’s air defence and aircraft production. The difficulty the RAF had in “seeing the other side of the hill” was that there was no way that currently the actual targets for raids could be predicted in advance, therefore the initiative would invariably lay with the attacker. Signals intelligence and aerial photography could and did provide information as to where the Luftwaffe were based and roughly their state of readiness but that was about the current limit.

    One thing that the phoney war and the subsequent continental campaign had driven home was just how unsuitable the Battle and the Blenheim were as reconnaissance aircraft. As a consequence of this the Photographic Development Unit which Winterbottom had sponsored with the unorthodox and somewhat cavalier F.S.Cotton had developed it’s special high altitude and long range Spitfire PR aircraft and these had become the preeminent aerial reconnaissance asset. Such a unit could not be left in the control of a loose cannon like Cotton so in early May 1940 the unit was taken under direct RAF control and command of it given to a regular RAF officer, Wing Commander G.W. Tuttle and renamed the Photographic Reconnaissance Unit.

    For administration purposes this unit came under Maritime Command but it received its instructions directly form the High Command of the RAF and the Air Ministry. With the fall of France the work of the PRU became even more vital. Just as the interception of the German reconnaissance aircraft became a vital task for Fighter Command. One early task suggested was the regular or even daily photographing of Luftwaffe basis that could be used for the coming assault of Britain. The sponsor of this program was somewhat taken aback when he was quietly informed that there were now some four hundred known Luftwaffe airfields within range and capable of launching attacks on Britain and photographing them all just once was a major task even if they were prioritised regular updates would still soak up resources.

    There was another source of intelligence that the AM was exploiting and once more Winterbottom’s influence was present via the committee for scientific intelligence. R.V. Jones was looking for and analysing German radio transmitions but these were not communications but radar and directional guidance beams. For this purpose the radio investigation flight of specially equipped De Havilland Flamingos was based at the RAEE at Farnborough. Every day these aircraft with their special aerials and multitude of radio receivers sampled the air waves and searched out the enemies transmissions.

    Late in June a new German radar was detected transmitting from near cape Wissant, it was classified as a Freyer gun laying and sea search radar. Informed of it’s location the RN came to the conclusion that the attacks on the coastal convoys were likely to intensify. The German radar was however a side show as far as R.V. Jones was concerned. His primary aim was to find the German guidance signals that could and would be used by the German night bombers. Finding these beams would give warning that an attack was imminent and an indication of the target. Further counter measures could then be instigated to negate the effectiveness of the guidance system.

    When and where the air assault would come was of course a prime consideration of all the forces and intelligence services and at this juncture all they could do was watch and listen hoping that the respite was long enough for them to remedy the immediate deficiencies.

    The counter to this was of course the German reconnaissance efforts each one of which whether intercepted or not was tracked as closely as possible by electronic and visual means to help build up the picture of the enemies intentions. One aspect of these flights was to help to inform the placement of decoys and the camouflage and deception activities as an on going part of the build up to the battle. It would seem hard to hide an airfield with concrete runways and huge hangers or a factory with equally prominent buildings but the effort was made. With paint canvas, hessian and other materials fake hedges and field patterns broke up the hard shapes of runways and buildings in an attempted to deceive whist the same materials produced dummy aircraft, hangers and sheds to provide alternatives to the real thing. Major aircraft plants like the De Havilland factory at Hatfield were both camouflaged as well as possible and given their own decoy site. The Q site, as it was known, for Hatfield was located some three miles to the east of the plant in open countryside.

    At the beging of May the RAF had been given a gift of extraordinary value when No1 squadron had somehow acquired an ME 109E-3 that had been forced down near Amiens. Restored to flying condition and given RAF markings including the serial number AE479 the aircraft was sent to the RAE at Boscombe Down for flying trials and evaluation. These trials included mock combat against all the current RAF and FAA fighter types to establish the strengths and weakness of the aircraft and their best tactical use in both defence and offence.

    By the end of the first week of July the AM/RAF had arrived at the following order of battle for the Luftwaffe, this was based mostly on radio traffic analysis and some message intercepts. An additional source of information was German propaganda procured through contacts in neutral countries. Here the British intelligence services were much helped by the Nazi’s love of propaganda pictures. Herr Goering in particular liked to have pictures of himself with his Luftwaffe high command in the field published. By this and other means the commanding officers of the Luftwaffe formations were identified.

    Luftflotte 2, Commanded by Kesselring was based in Holland.

    Luftflotte 3, Commanded by Sperrle was in north and north-west France.

    Luftflotte 5, Commanded by Stumpff was in Norway and Denmark.

    Identify the individual units and their strengths within each Luftflotte was much more difficult and often the estimates were more of guesstimate than the intelligence officers would have liked. The best the AM /RAF could come up with at this time was total strength of around 3500 aircraft between the three fleets, taking that no more than 75% of this total would be available for operations at any one time still meant that the RAF was facing around 250 dive bombers, 1,000 long range bombers and a 1,000 fighters.

    In late June and early July the Luftwaffe was only using about 10% of this strength on a daily basis as they reorganised and relocated after the intensity of the recent campaigns.

    So the preparations, move and counter move went on though the heat of mid-summer and whilst the enemy was not quiescent the probes and tactical taunts slowly intensified.
     
    8.8 Joisting And Jostling In June
  • 8.8 Joisting and Jostling in June.

    Even before the French call for an armistice on the 17th of June the Luftwaffe had carried out a series of probing attacks commencing on the night of the 5/6th June. The first of these attacks was primarily on the coastal towns, ports, industry and airfields of the English east coast as far south as northern Kent. This nightime incursion would be the biggest of the war so far with some 30 Luftwaffe bomber aircraft taking part. As such it would be the first major test of Fighter Commands night fighting system and capabilities. Fortunately for the RAF the east coast had been the first area to be given the new PPI RDF system and the areas operatives were the most experienced. There was an opinion expressed by the O.R Teams at both Fighter Command at Bentley Priory and at the AM that these probing attacks on the night of the 5/6Th June and on the following night were in effect a ‘reconnaissance in force’ to test and establish the effectiveness of Britain’s night air defences.

    Despite the ability of the CH system to detect the attacking aircraft some miles out to sea, due to the selection of primarily coastal targets the night fighters had a very short engagement window. The PPI sets would often, because of their generally more inland location only get a contact at less than 40 miles from the coast. Thereby giving the operators less than ten minutes to establish a track and to direct a fighter onto the intruder before they reached their target. Here one of the advantages of the RDF 1.5 system became apparent, in that using its RDF 1.5 the night fighter could head out towards the attacking aircraft and be turning onto its track even as the target aircraft entered the range of the PPI RDF station. This manoeuvre took a level of skill and three dimensional awareness that few crew had stablished so early in their careers.

    For the first time in the war the night of the 5/6th of June saw some PPI stations reach saturation point as they attempted to guide as many as four separate night fighters simultaneously on to multiple intruders showing as ‘magots’ on the glowing cathode ray tubes of their PPI sets. With four operators clustered round a single twelve inch diameter PPI set trying to concentrate on their ‘magot’ and fighter, to vector the fighter into a stern chase position close enough for a firm contact proved extraordinarily difficult. And in most cases impossible. Often the plot on the twelve inch diameter screen would descend into a confusing muddle of chino graph lines and symbols. sometimes however the operators, especially when less pressed, did succeed in vectoring their client fighter onto the ‘magot’ and aerial engagements occurred all over the eastern skies throughout that short summer night.

    One particular incident on that night was studied by OR with particular interest, this happened whilst Colchester PPI was tracking no less than six intruders and trying to vector their four fighters on to four of these intruders. Into this already cluttered and confusing picture came a ‘magot’ hotly pursued by a Reaper under the control of Debden PPI which was fast approaching the limit of their range. Needless to say Colchester PPI was unable to assist quickly enough to enable a successful conclusion to that pursuit, let alone their own, much to the frustration of all concerned.

    Despite this there were some notable success. Two night Reapers from Martlesham each scored a ‘magot’ in separate interceptions, as did a Bisley from Coltishall. When the intelligence staff had completed their debriefings the success, failures and problems could be assessed and analysed. During that night a total of forty eight sorties had been flown against thirty known intruders, of the forty eight less than half had successfully been assigned an intercept. In fact twenty three fighters had been vectored, of these only six had resulted in acquisition of the target by the fighters airborne RDF system. Of these six only four resulted in engagements where guns were fired. Two of these resulted in kills overland where they could be confirmed. Another resulted in the Luftwaffe bomber plunging into the see some miles off the coast at Orefordness where it was reported by staff manning a post at the range and experimental station there. This was later confirmed by the recovery of a body and debris from the sea by a fishing boat which enabled the aircrafts type and unit to be identified. One further aircraft was claimed damaged and as a probable but this could bot be confirmed.

    One Reaper was damaged by defensive fire and had to abort it’s attack and return to base. The pilot had misjudged the rate of closing speed and had undershot his ‘magot’, presenting the bombers ventral gunner with a relatively easy target. A burst of machinegun fire had damaged the fighters port engine enabling the bomber to make good it’s escape.

    Examination of the remains of the two crashed bombers had shown how devastating the fire was from four closely grouped 20mm cannon spitting out a total of some forty rounds a second. Despite the evident problems, that were being urgently investigated by the OR teams, especially with multiple targets and fighters within the same PPI zone there was overall satisfaction with the effectiveness of the system. It was noted that weather condition over the UK at the time were advantageous to the defenders with little cloud and good starlight, still an interception rate of 20% and a kill ratio of 50% of interceptions made, resulting in 10% loss to the enemy was getting close to a viable defence. Tactically there was much to learn and the system needed a lot of refining but Sir Hugh Dowding felt some gentle satisfaction as he was briefed on the nights results the following day. On the whole the report could be summed up as ‘good but could do better’.

    The following night there were slightly fewer intruders but they were more concentrated and had more cloud cover to use. Despite this, two bombers were shot down by night fighters one of them as far inland as Bedford. This set the pattern for the night campaign until the start of the main assault some weeks later. Sporadic attacks on nights when the moon and weather conditions were advantageous with a maximum of around sixty bombers but often less. Over the course of the eight weeks or so from the end of the Dunkirk evacuation to the start of the campaign to destroy the RAF the losses inflicted on the Luftwaffe night force was estimated at around 5%, to a combination of AA and Fighters. How many other operational losses were suffered was an unknown quantity. Whilst many in the RAF Higher echelons considered a loss rate of 5% sustainable by the Luftwaffe, Sir Phillip thought that it must still be very damaging to both material and men in a sustained campaign. The consensus of opinion at the AM was that inflicting a sustained loss rate of 10% would eventual prove more than the Luftwaffe could bear.
     
    8.9 New Chicks Hatching and Guarding The Nests
  • 8.9, New chicks hatching and guarding the nests

    Despite the insipient invasion panic Sir Phillip was gratified that no less than three projects he had advocated had not been hindered in any way and in early June two of those bore palatable fruit. Under great secrecy a little aircraft was dismantled and transported from the ‘Weasel Works at Hucclecote to the airfield at Cranwell where it was reassembled under heavy guard. Early in the morning of the 3rd of June the RAF had entered the jet age as the little Gloster E.28 lifted off from the long concrete runway at Cranwell. Some had had their doubts but others were always confident that ‘Whittles Wonder’ would work. Now serious testing could commence and hopefully rapid development of a practical fighter could be pursued.

    Another red letter as far as Sir Phillip was concerned came less than a week later when the first Mosquito protype flew from De Havilland’s airfield at Hatfield. Initial reports were that it not only handled well but was every bit as fast as had been predicted. Production was to proceed as quickly as possible with the first fifty being fighter bombers and the second protype was to be completed as a PRU aircraft. The third of this hat trick of good things was the signing off of the final production design drawings of the four engine Manchester and the issuing of instructions for the construction of a protype using a modified Manchester fuselage. The reasoning behind this development was two fold. Vickers had raised concerns about the availability of the Monarch engine and Roy Chadwick had done some quick calculations that showed that Manchester derivative with four merlins and a lagers wingspan could carry the same bomb load as a Manchester twice as far at a higher cruising speed or a bigger bomb load for a shorter range. Vickers also suggested that such an aircraft could be built at a shadow factory without loss of current Manchester production.

    Both the AM and the RAF had already concluded that both the Hurricane and the Defiant would be outclassed by the newer variants and types of German fighters. Replacement designs had been commissioned and the prototypes completed to the F18/37 specification. Now the problems were of getting them into production. To lose capacity now whilst the RAF and Fighter Command was scrambling for every available fighter to rebuild numbers was unthinkable but to not get them into production would possibly cause a capability gap later that could be just as damaging. So with Austin’s shadow factory that had been building Fairey Battles now temporarily building components and sub assembles for fighters the decision was taken to commence setting up the factory for production of the Hawker Tornado. The Hawker Typhoon would have to wait until Napier had sorted out the Sabre, if and when that ever happened. The production numbers for the Tornado would be determined by the availability of the Fairey Monarch engine. Despite the expansion of the Fairey engineering works the demand for the Monarch was still rising faster than the increase in supply. Both the MAP and AM were burning the midnight oil working on solutions to this problem. Currently with both the Centaurus and the Sabre having a disturbing tendency to reducing themselves to scrap the only available aircraft engine in the 2000hp class currently available was the Monarch.

    With the successful first flight of a British jet engine thoughts turned more seriously to producing a viable fighter design. Though the Gloster E28 had been designed to include provision for armament the current consensus of opinion within the AM was that it was currently lacking both the range and power to be a practical fighter. Hence Glosters were working on no less than three new jet fighter designs, two were single engine developments of the E28 including all the lessons learnt in its construction and flight trials based on the next series of more powerful engines. The third one was a clean sheet twin engine design. In parallel W.E.W Petter at Westlands had been working on a jet engine project based on his Whirlwind and a second bomber dedicated bomber design. Unfortunately for the Whirlwind project this was not as simple a just swapping engines but required several major design changes, including an all new undercarriage system, new Fowler flaps, new inboard wing section and other detailed modifications. The final Jet version of the Whirlwind simple known Whirlwind J had a tricycle type landing gear and two jets underslung in front of the wings main spar. The one piece Fowler flap stretched from just inboard of the ailerons, with u sections under the jet pipes to complete a single structural element. The flap actuators and main guide rails were housed within the rear part of the engine nacelles under the jet engine tail pipes. All in all the end result was very neat aircraft that promised much. As part of this project Petter had done a quick sketch design for a twin merlin Whirlwind but had come to the conclusion that it would not offer anything not already available in another in service aircraft and certainly would not be as useful as two spitfires.

    Regarding Spitfire development the one thing that was already apparent and an obvious area for development was for a greater fuel capacity and longer range. This was certainly a priority for the PRU versions but the ability to increase the range/loiter time of the Spitfire as a fighter would be an operational bonus. Hence the design team at Supermarime were investigating means by which the tankage on later marks could be increased particularly with the likelihood of a Griffon engine version being required.

    Sometimes simple or obvious ideas can be overlooked and one such was the case with an earlier suggestion that every airfield whatever its function, within 11 group at least, should be given revetments at it’s dispersals to shelter fighters. The original concept suggested in the autumn of 1939 was to give the largest number of available airfields for fighter operations and it had been initially kyboshed on the grounds that it would take too much time and divert resources from more urgent defensive works. However as the fall of France became inevitable the suggestion came up that by building such revetments at diverse airfields could well help confuse the Luftwaffe as to which airfields were actually fighter bases and could also act to divert their attack from critical airfields, in a way turning them into Q sites. So as May progressed various airfields such as the No 13 EFTS at Maidenhead had sprouted revetments arounds it’s perimeter that aroused some wry comments from both instructor and pupil alike. All that levity ended on the third of July when a Dornier dived out of the clouds strafing and bombing the airfield. One airman was killed and two Tiger moths destroyed and several damaged. None of those in the revetments were damaged just those neatly lined up outside the flight instructors shed. It was noted by the AM that strait after this attack there was a clamour for more light AA guns from virtually every airfield in southern Britain. The supply of such weapons was at the time in very short supply and many expedients were resorted to, all sorts of machine guns were acquired from various sources by any means possible and fitted on make shift mounts.
     
    Informational 8.9a
  • A quick update on aircraft ITTL.
    Hurricane Mk1c/d as OTL but with constant speed propeller and armed with two 20mm cannon and 4 .303Mg, fitted with self sealing fuel tanks. Merlin using 100 octane fuel.
    Spitfire MkII as OTL but with constant speed propeller and armed with two 20mm cannon and 4 .303Mg, fitted with self sealing fuel tanks. Merlin using 100 octane fuel.
    Defiant MkI Single seat monoplane fighter, 4 x 20mm cannon, self sealing tanks and Merlin engine using 100 octane fuel.
    upload_2018-10-6_17-17-43.png
    Boulton and Paul defiant MkI, fighter Command June 1940.

    Gloster Reaper, (OTL Gloster F9/37), Twin Pelides engines, 4x 20mm cannons, 100 octane fuel in self sealing tanks.
     
    Informational 8.9b
  • Here are the weights given for the Defiants turret system:-
    Total weight of The equipped and manned turret weighed 790 lbs. Broken down as:-

    o 361lbs (164kg) for the turret itself

    o 88lb (40kg) for the four guns

    o 106lb (48kg) for the ammunition

    o 35lb (16kg) for the oxygen equipment and gunsights.

    o 200 lbs (90kg) for the gunner

    All of that would appear to be behind the COG and COL which gives some problems with taking this weight out and putting fuel in. From what I have been able to find the prototype did fly without the turret and ballasted for guns but no record of where they planned to move the fuel tanks. I think that low and behind the Pilot could be the best place.
     
    8.10 Noises Off And Other Distractions
  • 8.10 Noises off and other distractions

    Sir Phillip had never before considered how difficult it would be to curb Churchill’s enthusiasm for all things military and especially things that made a loud bang! Now that Churchill was Prime Minister and de-facto Minister of Defence he was sticking his finger into every conceivable pie including the AM and the MAP. Containing the Prime Ministers interference was becoming almost a full time job, in fact quietly Sir Phillip had arranged for an extra sectary and assistant, and old friend from Sir Phillips days on the Board of Trade, who understood the inner workings of the civil service to join his office and oversee all contact between the AM and MAP with No10. So far that simply expedient seemed to have calmed down some of the alarms and searches for answers. Whilst a document marked ‘Action This Day’ would appear all too frequently they were now dealt with without undue panic and disruption to all and sundry.

    One such dictum from No10 resulted in a large congregation of various ministry and military types at the Orefordness ranges for a demonstration of ant-invasion measures and new weaponry. On land, the War Department showed of various anti tank obstacles and the latest abominably fiery contraptions dreamt up by the Department for Petroleum Warfare. On the shore line were a collection of beach obstructions and other anti invasion measures. The navy had moored a number of barges and unseaworthy old coasters in the shallow tidal waters as targets for the RAF. The purpose was to show the effectiveness or other wise of the various proposed means of attack. One of the more panicky measures had been to order thousands of bomb racks to permit Tigermoths and other training planes to be flown by instructors to attack the enemy on the beaches in the event of an invasion. This proposal had been opposed by both Training Command and by Fighter Command as variously a waste of valuable instructors or a wanton distraction from the serious business of supplying Fighter Command with sufficient pilots. Sir Phillip was rather hoping that today demonstration of the vulnerability of the Aircraft and how ineffective their tiny 20lb bombs would be might put an end to the matter. Therefore the first attack on the targets was by a flight of training aircraft despite bombs landing both close and on the targets very little apparent damage was done. This was followed quickly by a Mixed flight of Mile Kestrels and masters armed with larger 125lb bombs. Whilst one barge was sunk by a bomb the strafing with 303 machine guns showed nothing more than bright strike marks on the ships plating.

    Following this came a flight of Four Polish Hurricane Mk1d’s (some were calling this the MkII) the entire flight concentrated on one of the larger coasters, strafed by sixteen 20mm cannon and hit by at least two of the eight 250lb bombs dropped, at last real damage was seen as the coaster slowly settled in the water. Next up were a pair of Beaufightes which swept in at low level and plastered one of the coasters with several hundred 20mm cannon shells which basically dismantled it.

    The finale of this part of the demonstration was an attack by a section of two hawker Henleys armed with the still secret 60lb rocket projectile. These two aircraft swept down in a shallow dive and let fly with their four machine guns as an aiming marker then a full salvo of all eight rockets from each aircraft aiming at a cluster of moored barges and a couple of coasters. Here was instant mayhem! The rockets were effective enough in ripping into the barges but with each Henley delivering in simple terms for, Churchill’s benefit, the near equivalent to a light cruisers broadside the sheer density of the rocket attack made up for its inherent inaccuracy.

    Having so far watched the demonstration in stony silence now the prime minister became really quite excitable and demanding to know how many squadrons of rocket armed fighters the RAF had awaiting the invasion. On being informed that there were none he promptly demanded that every available aircraft that could be armed with rockets was done so immediately. It would now fall to Sir Phillip and the AM to implement a practical program whilst assuaging Churchills more enthusiastically unrealistic demands.

    As soon as the demonstration was over Sir Phillip and the rest of the party from the AM and MAP headed the short distance to Martlesham to meet the pilots and see the aircraft used in the display. As they arrived on the flight line there appeared to be a heated argument going on by the wing of one of the two rocket firing Henleys. As Sir Phillip and his entourage walked up to the throng of people they could hear the plumiest of voices holding forth from the centre of the gathering, saying “ I am not having some jumped up Jonny Foreigner telling me we have got all wrong. Especially when we have just given Winnie a bloody good show. So I suggest you trot along now and spout you nonsense elsewhere, my good man.” The owner of this offensive manner was an immaculately turned out Wing Commander whose uniform creases where as sharp as knives and his shoes shiny enough to blind you.
    The object of this popinjay of an officer’s distained was one of the pilots from the Polish Hurricanes. Sir Phillip noticed that he had Czechoslovakia embroidered on the right shoulder of his battle dress. Turning to one of his companions Sir Philip told him to go and have a quite chat to the Czech pilot and see what all the palaver was about. Meanwhile Sir Phillip approached the Henley where with his heavily waxed moustache still twitching with suppressed anger stood the immaculate Wing Commander.
    For the next ten minutes Sir Philip was given a detailed account as to the development of the rockets and the rails from which they were fired by this officer. Having been, along with Sir Hugh Dowding the driving force behind the program to develop the rockets in the first place Sir Phillip knew more about the system than most people and the way he was being talked down to by the Wing Commander did not bode well for the mans future employment in the RAF.
    Sometime later Sir Phillips arrived at the Polish Hurricanes where his aid was still in deep conversation with the Czech pilot and his Polish colleagues. Sir Phillips Aide explained that the fracas with the Wing Commander had come about because Josef Frantisch (the Czech pilot) had had the temerity to tell the Wing Commander that the long launch rails he was so proud off and which did so much to rob an aircraft of its manoeuvrability were quite unnecessary for the accuracy of the rockets. Josef then explained again how because the rockets were being launched from an aircraft flying at several hundred miles an hour there was already an airflow over the tail fins to ensure that they flew straight and true when fired. Josef went on further to explain that what was more important to the accuracy of the rockets was to eliminate any aircraft yaw or side slip as the rockets were fired.
    The member of Sir Philips retinue who had been chatting with Josef was nonother than Archibald Montgomery Low a scientific advisor to the AM, formerly a test pilot in the Great War and an acknowledged British pioneer of rockets and control systems. Low was able to confirm that theoretically Josef was correct and some simple tests from a modified aircraft would quickly prove the case. Low also noted that the buffoon of a moustachioed popinjay masquerading as a Wing Commander had stated that the early trials were from static launching on the ground had clearly shown that without a rail to guide the rocket it had little accuracy. Sir Phillip smiled gently and commented that it was probably time that the Wing Commander was assigned to a post more suited to his unique talents.
     
    8.11 Fighting Over The Ditch And Elsewhere
  • 8.11 Fighting over the Ditch and elsewhere

    From the start of July there was an immediate change in the tempo of Luftwaffe operations. On July Fourth just before eight in the morning twenty JU 87’s had attacked Portland and it’s naval base. The Hurricane fighters of both 238 and 501 squadrons were scrambled a little late and did not engage the enemy formation until after the majority of the JU87’s had attacked and hit the auxiliary AA ship HMS Foylebank then lying at one of the admiralty buoys. Despite this no less than eight of the JU87’s were shot down as they fled back to France, for the loss of two Hurricanes and the loss of a single pilot. The surviving pilot was picked up by the Weymouth based ASR launch which then went on to pick all the surviving Luftwaffe aircrew it could find whilst searching for the last missing pilot. The search had to be curtailed when the Hurricanes ran low on fuel and as per standing orders the rescue launch did not loiter when within easy range of the enemy air bases on the Cotin peninsular.

    One of the reasons for the delay in scrambling fighters to intercept the raid on Portland was not only the relative inexperience of the controllers in 10 group HQ at Box but also the fact that this raid was accompanied by a number of distraction penetrations by other Luftwaffe aircraft to mask the main attack. One of these decoy aircraft was shot down near Bristol by a fighter from 92 Squadron based at Pembry.

    This attack confirmed that the current RDF stations could not give sufficient warning of low level formations for guaranteed interception of raids on coastal targets and as the result of the loss of the Foylebank with so many men killed, numbering some one hundred and ninety seven out of a crew of just under three hundred officers and men, one of the ships gunners would subsequently be awarded a posthumous V.C.

    A hasty enquiry held by the RAF jointly with the RN was convened later that day and one of it’s immediate recommendations was that at least one flight would be despatched daily to operate from a sectors forward airfield. This arrangement would be reviewed as the weight and axis of the Luftwaffe attacks developed.

    This was not the only example of inexperience and gaps in training to become apparent at this time. On July the eighth a section of four Spitfires from 54 squadron under the command of flying officer Desmond McMuulen was vectored onto a formation Me 110’s as it crossed the coat near Dungeness. As the Spitfires manoeuvred to attack the 110’s they were bounced by the Me 109’s which were acting as top cover for the 110’s. Two of the spitfires were shot down in the initial contact and a third was damaged in the ensuing dogfight. The two surviving spitfires managed to break of the engagement claiming a 110 and a 109 shot down with a second 109 as a probable. It was pure good fortune that both downed British pilots survived though Flying officer Coleman was wounded and would not be fit to fly in combat for several weeks. An afteraction assessment came to the conclusion that lack of experience in using the new ‘finger four’ section formation introduced since Dunkirk conjoined with targets fixation of all four pilots concentrating of their attack against the 110’s had led to the impending attack by the top cover not being spotted. This lack of vigilance especially by the second pilots in each pair was noted and a fighting instruction emphasising this was issued initially to all Squadrons in 11 Group and subsequently on direct instructions of Dowding to all Squadrons within Fighter Command.

    On July 10th Park in 11 Group instigated a new procedure instead of a flight being sent each morning to the forward airfield as recommended after the loss of HMS Foylebank on July 4th 11 group would send an entire Squadron forward. The morning started off early with the usual Luftwaffe reconnaissance flights, though today after the usual game of RDF directed cat and mouse a Spitfire from RAF Coltishall managed to engage and shoot down a Do 17. Other than this skirmish the morning was relatively quite by as the afternoon progressed the airborne activity observed by the RDF stations started to increase. The centre of activity appeared to be a westbound convoy of coasters which was at that time off Dover and hence at its closest point to the French coast. As was standard procedure 11 group had a standing patrol of eight Hurricanes, in this case from Biggin Hill over the convoy.

    RDF was still not capable of giving accurate numbers of attacking enemy aircraft but the sector controllers at both Hornchurch and Biggin Hill reacted quickly and as the large attacking formation of around twenty Do 17’s escorted by some thirty Me110’s and twenty Me 109’s approached reinforcements for the standing patrol arrived. First on the scene were 56 squadron from Northwold but forward based at Manston for the day. Within half an hour elements of a further three squadrons had joined the fray.

    In total some forty RAF fighters were engaged with the battle spreading as far west as Newhaven where a train was strafed killing the driver and injuring the fireman. Whilst one small coaster was sunk in the convoy, three RAF fighters were downed including one from 111 squadron that lost a wing colliding with a Do 17. The RAF would claim a total ten fighters and eight bombers shot down with a further four probable and several others damaged. Out of seventy Luftwaffe aircraft involved in the convoy attack this result gave a claimed kill rate of over 20% based on the RAF pilots after action reports.

    Meanwhile there was activity elsewhere, The eastern sectors of 11 group had a visitation from Luftwaffe aircraft based in Holland. Bombs were dropped on the airfield at Martlesham and the fighters sent to intercept failed to do so, with the Luftwaffe bombers making good use of the cloud cover and rainfall. No 10 Group had significant activity to counter when seventy bombers from Luftflotte 3 raided targets as far apart as Falmouth, Swansea and R.O.F. Pembry. In total these raids killed some thirty people with damage done to some shipping, railways and a power station.

    Once again the lack of experience in 10 Group coupled with the weather conditions meant that there were few interceptions but various squadrons would make claims accounting for thirteen enemy bombers whilst Six fighters were lost to all causes in 10 Group. However AA command had the satisfaction on the south coast of scoring what would probably remain the fastest kill in their history. According to the battery log the event was recorded thus;- 1312Hrs- enemy aircraft sighted at 8,000 ft. 1314Hrs-opened fire on E/A; range 7,000 yards. 13141/2 Hrs- cease fire. Enemy had disappeared. 1325hrs- enemy reported in sea.
     
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