A hearty laugh escaped his lips as he observed his second pawn being removed from the game. His opponent was a formidable one, he had to admit, and not even his cool outward stature could withstand the dry, cynical wit of the man sitting on the opposite side of the small makeshift table. Despite that, his grin felt more than justified, especially when Đuro Gruić's biting words were not the only reason for why he could hardly contain his eagerness at the coming days.
It was a real miracle Gruić even survived the horrid winter. The burly General was paraded around the numerous Partisan units that had dispersed following Operation Winter '42, and as time went on, the burdens of cold and abuse made themselves known on the old soldier's face. Once plump and adorned with thick brown chevron mustache just above his pursed lip, it was now drawn, wrinkles forming on his rough cheeks, hair dappled with shades of gray and lines cut deeply into his forehead, making the prisoner of war look three decades older than he really was. The march across Mount Igman truly changed the man, and his boisterous demeanor was soon replaced with a quieter, more defeatist-sounding one. Tito did not mind the change at all, though. All that mattered to the Marshal was that Gruić survived the entire ordeal and that he resided with him safely on Mount Cincar
[1].
All he needed now was an opportunity – well aware of the closeness between Gruić and Croatian Supreme Commander Kvaternik and the instability that is emerging from the Teutons and the Reformists being at each others' throats, he decided that a prisoner exchange would be in order. Many of his comrades were still imprisoned in Lepoglava, being unable to replicate the successes of Božidar Adžija, Otokar Keršovani and others from last summer.
Plus, he thought to himself,
it would add additional insult to injury for a nationalist such as Gruić to be exchanged for heathen communists, Tito smirked to himself inwardly. He only had to time it all perfectly. Chaos was what he desperately needed, and the situation within the Home Guard was going in that direction like clockwork.
Tito extensively planned on further destabilizing the Home Guard by undermining Supreme Commander Kvaternik (pictured holding a speech before the National Parliament)
Comrade Ranković warned Tito continuously of his men growing restless because of his inaction. Broz did not know if one of his most trusted associates hurried him for reasons of grief and vengeance, for his wife had perished merely months ago in a Gendarmerie-backed ambush on the outskirts of Zenica
[2], or his justifications laid in pure strategy, believing the moment to be just right to finally strike at the heart of the capitalist beast. Either way, his suggestions urged him to call a meeting in the cave where he was currently situated, with men he believed were most influential in respective areas of soon-to-be Yugoslavia due to their ethnic background.
Communist theorist
Milovan Đilas (representative of Montenegrins) was the first of many to appear, with painter
Moša Pijade (designated representative of Serbs west of the Drina), revolutionary
Andrija Hebrang (Croats), aforementioned
Aleksandar Ranković (Serbs east of the Drina), chief organizer of the Dalmatian guerrilla resistance
Vicko Krstulović [3] (Croats of Littoral Croatia, Governorate of Dalmatia and Province of Cattaro), Major
Mihailo Apostolski (Macedonians) and workers' rights advocate
Pašaga Mandžić (Muslims in Croatia) soon joining the two men, while Edvard Kardelj and Boris Kidrič (Slovenes) as well as priest Murat Šećeragić (Muslims in Sandžak)
[4] were unable to attend due to different circumstances. Knowing very well that the meeting about to start will take much time from the day, Tito ordered his guards to take Gruić away from the
room so his confidants could have all the secrecy for themselves. Following an exchange of pleasantries and basic information, Tito got right to the point.
TITO: Give me the report on the situation in Macedonia, Comrade Apostolski.
APOSTOLSKI: Inconvenient. Even after Šarlo's
[5] fall, there are still many loyalists left, and I fear there is not enough of us to successfully combat them.
TITO: What of Comrades Uzunovski and Koliševski?
APOSTOLSKI: Comrade Koliševski is still in captivity in
Pleven. His imprisonment is likely the reason why the Party has so much trouble catching on in Macedonia. Comrade Uzunovski attempted to organize a regional committee in order to bind the pro-Bulgarian faction into the KPJ, but it turned out to be a failure in the end.
TITO: The Bulgarians are giving you far more trouble than they're worth. Considering the reports of your military successes, I suggest you keep forming more guerrilla detachments, no matter the number of recruits, we need all the men we can get to overpower the BKP
[6] and fix Šarlo's mistakes. Macedonia shall be ours, comrades.
APOSTOLSKI: It shall, Marshall. We pledge our lead to you, and we will see to it that Macedonia becomes ours.
TITO: How are things progressing in Albania?
ĐILAS: Painfully slowly, to say the least. The movement itself is still quite fresh, and green in battle to boot, though Hoxha appears more than willing to negotiate the status of the PKSH
[7] within the KPJ, a stark contrast to Macedonia which should be taken into account. According to some of our sources, one of them distinguished himself in battle after which he executed about eighty Carabinieri that had surrendered to him.
The Red Dread [8] is what they call him.
HEBRANG: Indeed, Mehmet Shehu, I believe his name is.
ĐILAS: Correct. It is men like him that we need and should have on our side at the nearest possible opportunity.
Tito nods casually while puffing his pipe, already pondering over the possibility of integrating Albania into a post-war socialist Yugoslavia.
TITO: And Montenegro?
Đilas' breath hitches as he pulls his chair closer to the table.
ĐILAS: Dreadful.
Tito casually raises his eyebrow as he sends his Montenegrin ally a questioning gaze, his faux gentlemanly appearance never leaving his body language.
ĐILAS: Farinacci's colonization policy completely destroyed Nikšić and the surrounding countryside. All Slavs were either expelled from their ancestral homes or forced six feet under. Italians desecrate our homes, and Pavle Đurišić sees to it that all their wishes are fulfilled. His Chetnik Militia butchers the Muslims in Sandžak and persecutes anyone who they deem unworthy of whatever it is those monsters believe in. Just see what happened to Draškić--
PIJADE: Good riddance.
ĐILAS: I agree, but there was no trial. Nothing. Just a night in the cells full of beating and torture before they dropped him off a building.
MANDŽIĆ: And how do you propose we counter that?
RANKOVIĆ: The Italian police apparatus steadily increases in the nation, sucking up all potential recruits for our cause. We have got to be quick and decisive, military action should be, in my opinion, pursued as soon as possible.
APOSTOLSKI: I might have an idea.
TITO: Let us hear it, Major.
APOSTOLSKI: Last I heard, eastern Herzegovina was granted to the Republic of Ragusa. Militarily, at least?
A series of nods is all the Macedonian man needs to continue.
APOSTOLSKI: Then I propose the creation of token parties armed with little more than a
titovka and an improvised firearm. It does not even need to be functional, just something to look convincingly dangerous for Đurišić's Chetniks, and if they are the rabid dogs many describe them as, then they shall give chase after them.
Major Apostolski noticed everyone listening intently to his plan, only further giving him confidence in divulging the rest of it.
APOSTOLSKI: Once they give chase, our men will cross the border into Ragusa with the Chetniks in tow, and once the Ustaše Militia encounters our bait, a clash is bound to happen between the two forces. When it finally does happen, our
real troops shall swoop in and take care of the confusing mess. I hope there are communist cells in Ragusa that are able to support this war-game of mine.
Tito smiles inwardly at the intriguing plan.
TITO: There are a few. Kalinovik, Nevesinje, Gacko, Bileća and Ragusa are the largest ones, and they can field about three thousand soldiers in total.
KRSTULOVIĆ: Would it be enough, though?
PIJADE: Pavelić has already alienated the populace far too much, the only areas that are not nearing open revolt are the coastal areas where Croats make up the majority. It certainly is possible, and when we liberate the northern territories, Ragusa is ours for the taking.
HEBRANG: Once we are there, we could relay the message of our triumph to Comrade Stalin… Perhaps then we would finally receive recognition from him as the sole resistance group
[9] in Yugoslavia?
MANDŽIĆ: Don't you think that three thousand men, no matter how well trained, will have little to no chance of taking Dubrovnik?
RANKOVIĆ: We cannot wait any longer, we must make a move, our people are already growing doubtful of the things we stand for.
TITO: We will do it. What's necessary is necessary. Numerous false flags will be undergone all along the border, creating as much disorder as possible before our boys come in to take care of things. Is that clear?
KRSTULOVIĆ: Comrade Tito, might I suggest another insurrection, this time in Dalmatia, to start simultaneously with the one against the Pavelić regime? I believe I can muster enough troops in the area to counter Momčilo Đujić and the Dinara Army. And if we are successful enough, the Italians will be left in such a disarray that Šibenik, Zadar and the rest of the coast will be ours for the taking. Commanders Šilja and Lala can certainly give the Chetniks a bloody nose after a whole year worth of experience.
TITO: How many troops?
KRSTULOVIĆ: About three to three and a half thousand.
TITO: You have my permission. We shall plan this out in more detail tonight and tomorrow as well if need be.
All the reports he received from Italy pointed toward the increasing instability of the Farinacci regime. King Victor Emmanuel III seemed powerless to do anything, or was simply too impotent and cowardly to act against the White Duce.
Typical bourgeois…
Such cowards, Tito thought to himself. Extrajudicial killings were commonplace across both the cities and the countryside, with members of the opposition to fascist rule, regardless of their communist or non-socialist allegiances, being executed in a public show of force meant to strike fear at the hearts of the supposed enemy. Alas, the Marshal of Yugoslavia could only hope that his Italian brethren would emerge from their shadowy hiding spots and finally show the brutal dictator what it means to love one's country.
Member of the Carabinieri abusing Montenegrin civilians in Danilovgrad
MANDŽIĆ: And what of our
esteemed guest that was escorted out of the room before this meeting?
He spat the words out like venom out a snake's fangs, obviously disapproving of the old General's mere existence.
TITO: He will be taken care of accordingly. There will be better chances for us to exchange him, but I think we all understand that we have to carefully pick the right moment, otherwise all our plans go to waste.
They all nod in acceptance of their leader's opinion.
PIJADE: I do think some
drastic measures would have to be undertaken with regards to the Home Guard conflict, prisoner exchange notwithstanding.
TITO: Elaborate, Comrade Pijade.
PIJADE: Our spies within the armed forces
[10] clearly point to things going downhill, with the Old Goat
[11] too proud to stand down against his far younger and energetic opponents. I say we accelerate this process
somewhat.
Đilas observes the Jewish painter skeptically, noticing the same glint the older man had possessed once before, last year after their forces had committed massacres against the innocent populace out of fear from a fifth column striking them from behind. Vague accusations and lies, he was aware, but Pijade was one of the main instigators of Leftist errors (
leva skretanja in Serbian), a term coined by other Party members, none of whom really disapproved of Pijade's illegal conduct even if they referred to it as such.
ĐILAS: …You are not suggesting assassination, are you?
His expression was barely discernible, and the Montenegrin had no idea what exactly was going through his comrade's calculating mind.
PIJADE: Perhaps, perhaps not, but you cannot deny that it would make it all fall faster.
HEBRANG: You cannot be serious! Last time this was attempted with Drašković, the Announcement followed, and it took the Party a decade to recover afterwar--
PIJADE: And what else do you propose, then? Waiting is not an option, we already lost too much ti—
TITO: Silence!
The group of people shook in unison, their heads completely whipping around toward the Yugoslav leader, some out of shock, some out of fear.
TITO: It will be taken into consideration, but our future operations in Dalmatia and Ragusa shall take precedence.
The men around Tito submissively agree with him, not wishing to perturb the fifty-year-old any more than they already had.
TITO: Additionally, when the tide turns in our favor, we must be ready to instigate a large revolt, and I see no better way for that to happen than expanding our already existing cells in areas with significant populations that we could appease. Therefore, I am going to send each of you across Yugoslavia, to take care of the locations I have respectively assigned to each of you.
Tito steadily hands out a handful of papers to each attendee of the meeting, giving them time to observe what exactly was written for them.
TITO: Mihailo Apostolski, you have the goodwill of your own people to foster. Milovan Đilas, you shall go to Montenegro in order to assist the local resistance movements there, to create an effective front to counter the Chetnik Militia and Italian colonizers in the area. Moša Pijade, you will go to Lika, Kordun, Banija and Bosnian Frontier to recruit the Serbs that have grown discontent with the King's rule.
RANKOVIĆ: Banija?
PIJADE: Realm of the Old Goat's youngest brother. A rightful prick that one is
[12], I know, but what must be done shall be done.
TITO: I advise you to be extra careful. Furthermore, Comrade Hebrang will assemble our forces in northern Croatia and Slavonia, the Chetnik influence there has to be curbed efficiently and quickly, especially now that Mihailović is too busy kissing up to Kujundžić and the new government. Do you, perhaps, have a suggestion as to who should lead the southern push towards the Adriatic?
PIJADE: Comrade Ivković
[13], perhaps?
RANKOVIĆ: He is already far too preoccupied gathering recruits east of the Drina. He won't do.
PIJADE: Then Ivan Milutinović, surely? He has got the experience, the valor, and most important of all – since the very beginning, he advocated against cooperating with Đurišić during the First Enemy Offensive.
Hebrang squints his eyes judgmentally, knowing full well that Pijade and Milutinović were among the most vocal supporters of Leftist errors, but he decided not to interfere.
TITO: Done.
Vicko Krstulović (left) and Ivan Milutinović (right), chief adversaries of the Farinacci regime during what later came to be known as the Third and Fourth Enemy Offensives, respectively
Pijade only smiles at his former protege, more than happy with the answer he has received.
TITO: Furthermore, I task Comrade Mandžić with protecting the Muslims of Croatia from Chetnik bands. That way, we will show them that we are the only ones able to protect them from Mihailović's ravagers, and I am certain they will repay that kindness with their own weapons.
MANDŽIĆ: Your command is mine to fulfill, Marshal.
TITO: With Golubić out of the picture
[14], you have one of the most important tasks to overcome, Comrade Ranković.
The Serbian communist nods simply, his dead-set eyes never betraying emotion, ready to hear what the Marshal had to say.
TITO: We must give a decisive blow to the Chetniks. Pećanac is already wreaking havoc upon Kosovo and further destabilizing the cause of Hoxha and Shehu, and while I do not doubt the Red Dread's ruthless efficacy, we still want the Albanian communists on our side. Mihailović, on the other hand, threatens our position north of the Western Morava river, and we need him gone in order to take full control of our most important asset – Serbia itself. Take care of the matter however you wish, but spare as many of our own as you can during the process.
RANKOVIĆ: I will do as you command.
TITO: Good. Another meeting will be arranged for tomorrow, I want Comrades Krstulović and Đilas there at the break of dawn over the matter of Dalmatia and Sandžak
[15]. Is that clear?
The two men's apprehensive gazes answer his command silently.
TITO: With that in mind, I wish you all good fortune in your respective missions, and may we see a strong, unified Yugoslavia left in the wake of our fulfilled duties.
With a raised right fist in the air, all men cheer enthusiastically.
EVERYONE: Aye aye!
TITO:
Bratstvo i jedinstvo [16].
EVERYONE: Bratstvo i jedinstvo!
*****
[1] One of many locations utilized by Tito during his
Pan-Yugoslav tour of sorts during WWII, this story being no exception.
[2] Ranković's first wife. IOTL killed in an ambush in Gacko, and ITTL she isn't any more fortunate, as only the location of her death is changed due to butterflies.
[3] Not to be confused with Vojko, another Dalmatian who already made a name for himself by liberating Split from Italy in June 1941. Vicko, on the other hand, became member of Communist Youth when he was only fifteen, and before then, like many other Dalmatians and residents of Split, he supported the Kingdom of Serbia during World War I.
[4] Šećeragić only became the supporter of the People's Liberation Army following Italy's capitulation IOTL, though ITTL he joins earlier due to a more desperate Tito who is much more willing to make compromises, which was already established earlier with deals between Božidar Adžija and Hasan Zvizdić for protection of Sandžak Muslims from Chetnik repression.
[5] Bulgarophile leader of Vardar Macedonian communists who advocated against open revolt against Bulgarian occupation of Macedonia during World War II. Even after his forced resignation (that occurred as it did IOTL), his policies were still upheld by the Regional Committee of Macedonia until 1943.
[6] Acronym for the Bulgarian Communist Party (
Bâlgarska Komunisticheska Partiya).
[7] Acronym for the Communist Party of Albania (
Partia Komuniste e Shqipërisë).
[8] Apparently, he really was a cruel and serious man who regularly executed his prisoners, and one of his quotes was used by Soviet politician Anastas Mikoyan at the 22nd Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in October 1961: „Whoever disagrees with our leadership in any respect, will get spat in the face, punched on the chin, and, if necessary, get a bullet to his head.“
[9] At the time, the Allies recognized the Chetniks as the only pro-Allied guerrilla force in Yugoslavia, just like IOTL.
[10] According to some sources, the KPJ had a number of spies infiltrate the Croatian Home Guard IOTL in order for them to gain valuable intelligence. One notable example includes Džemal Bijedić, who later went on to become President of the Yugoslav Federal Executive Council (
Savezno izvršno vijeće).
[11] Derogatory term that Kvaternik's opponents use to address him (
stari jarac in Croatian).
[12] Agronomist, IOTL proclaimed Prefect of the Grand County of Krbava and Psat in 1941 due to his older brother's influence. Soon, he became known for persecuting Jews and Serbs from the area, and was likely (from my own perspective, at least) the most openly bigoted of the Kvaternik brothers.
[13] Referring to Milutin Ivković, captain of the Yugoslav national football team at the inaugural World Cup in Montevideo. IOTL he quietly cooperated with the Yugoslav Partisans, for which he had been persecuted and arrested on numerous occasions, before his final arrest by the Gestapo in May 1943 and his execution with a bullet to the back of the head the very next day. ITTL, upon finding out that one of his former teammates (
Aleksandar Tirnanić) was executed in retaliation for Operation Durmitor despite his innocence, Ivković decides to completely abandon his lucrative job as a doctor and go into hiding with other Partisans, eager to avenge the deaths of thousands of innocent people.
[14] Without a doubt one of the shadiest guys in contemporary history of the Balkans, Mustafa Golubić was one of the members of Young Bosnia (perpetrators of the 1914 Sarajevo assassination) and the Black Hand (responsible for the overthrow of the Obrenović dynasty in Serbia) as well as a Soviet agent. It is believed that Tito, doubtful of Golubić's allegiance, had one of his subordinates rat him out to the Gestapo, which resulted in his gruesome death in June 1941, same as OTL.
[15] Sandžak is considered as part of Montenegro with large administrative autonomy, and is imagined by the Party to hold the same status in the future as Vojvodina and Kosovo did within Serbia IOTL. The reason for this is because of Sandžak already being part of the Zeta Banovina between 1929 and 1941, so there is some recent historical precedent for such action.
[16] Due to those pesky butterflies flapping their colorful wings, Stjepan Filipović (guy who coined the phrase „Death to fascism, freedom to the people!“ that later became the Partisans' main motto) instead died from a gunshot wound during Operation Durmitor, never managing to utter the famous quote. ITTL, with the noticeable lack of creativity in coming up with a new rallying cry, the Partisans instead use the much less reinvigorating
Bratstvo i jedinstvo (
Brotherhood and unity).