So, the Communists are willing to go after Pavelić's little corner of subservience? It will make everyone else's job easier. Including the legitimate government.

A better option for Mr. Müller would have been to become Mlinar, though. Sounds actually Croatian.
 
So, the Communists are willing to go after Pavelić's little corner of subservience? It will make everyone else's job easier. Including the legitimate government.

A better option for Mr. Müller would have been to become Mlinar, though. Sounds actually Croatian.

Well, legitimate is a bit of a loaded term, now isn't it?:) They are, after all, two Axis-backed governments at each others' throats, kind of like that meme with two Spidermen, but if the Commies play their cards right, the Kingdom might actually have a decent shot at killing Pavelić's little land of nightmares at a later date.

True, but I suppose they did not have the willingness to throw away their roots just like that. Still, they are better off than OTL, for now...
 
Nice work @John_Smith , I did not expect a new chapter out so quickly.

So, Communists make their appearance, and they are rather ambitious and optimistic, to say the least. Gruić is still amongst the living, and if they manage to exchange him, that will bring further disorder to the Homeguard, since it is very likely that he is not going to worship the ground the Kvaternik walks on. Also, if they manage to assasinate Kvaternik, that is one of the worst things they could actually do. Not only they are removing the single largest obstacle to making the Homeguard a more competent force, but it will turn even more people against them, killing an old, widely respected man, by underhanded means, thus giving Croatia ammunition for propaganda to use against them for quite some time.


I do understand operations in Serbia and Macedonia, Montenegro and especially Eastern Bosnia, but I do have to question some other things they are planning.

Attacking into Italian held Dalmatia is very ambitious and very dangerous proposition, especially this early, with so limited forces at their disposal. I am not saying that Italians are supermen, but on the other hand they are not all entirely incompetent, serving only as a comic relief. Italian occupation/garrison forces are likely outnumbering Partisan forces, to say nothing about Italian advantages in other military equipment. Italians also have Chetnik formations at their disposal, and while those units are likely of dubious quality and performance, they still give to Italians additional men. Lastly, these units are not teleporting, and they have to go through Croatian held lands, and possibly any forces Croatia has on its borders with Italy. Now, there is no love lost between Italy and Croatia, but I do believe Croatians will be just as willing to shoot at the communists as Italians would, and no amount of communist inflitration into the ranks of Homeguard will stop that.
---------
As for Ragusan Republic, well Pavelić and his merry band of Blackshirts will have something to say about that. OTL Ustaše were amongst the best forces Croatia had when it came to combating Partisans, and while here they are much fewer in numbers, I have little reason to doubt their dedication or morale. According to your post regarding Republic of Ragusa military, they have roughly 5 thousand or so regulars, split into several battalions, with largest number of them based in Dubrovnik itself, a reinforced battalion of some 1400 men. We also must not forget that Pavelić introduced "Potpuno Vojačenje", in September of 41, which added another 6000 men (women and children too), to their availlable forces, organized in various Police and paramilitary units (Soldati/Barabanti etc.)

Ragusan Republic has also been preparing for total war for quite some time, and has been building fortifications for roughly year now, same with training and organizing its armed forces. Ragusan units also performed well during the counterpartisan operations performed last year, and I have sincere doubts that Communists will manage to pose a serious threat to Pavelić. There is also quite a bit of chance that Ragusan armed forces, while being outnumbered in local engagements, are actually both better equipped and in possesion of superior firepower, when compared to the attacking Partisan forces. They will pose a threat, do not get me wrong, but they are too few in numbers, and unlikely in possesion of heavier weapons which may give them the edge over the defending forces.
 
I suspect we're going to have a divided former Yugoslavia postwar--Serbia will be Communist and Croatia will be Western...

Wonder how this affects the Cold War going forward...

With Heydrich alive, please no The Man With The Iron Heart scenarios (it was not one of Turtledove's better books, IMO, which is saying something)...
 
Nice work @John_Smith , I did not expect a new chapter out so quickly.

So, Communists make their appearance, and they are rather ambitious and optimistic, to say the least. Gruić is still amongst the living, and if they manage to exchange him, that will bring further disorder to the Homeguard, since it is very likely that he is not going to worship the ground the Kvaternik walks on. Also, if they manage to assasinate Kvaternik, that is one of the worst things they could actually do. Not only they are removing the single largest obstacle to making the Homeguard a more competent force, but it will turn even more people against them, killing an old, widely respected man, by underhanded means, thus giving Croatia ammunition for propaganda to use against them for quite some time.


I do understand operations in Serbia and Macedonia, Montenegro and especially Eastern Bosnia, but I do have to question some other things they are planning.

Attacking into Italian held Dalmatia is very ambitious and very dangerous proposition, especially this early, with so limited forces at their disposal. I am not saying that Italians are supermen, but on the other hand they are not all entirely incompetent, serving only as a comic relief. Italian occupation/garrison forces are likely outnumbering Partisan forces, to say nothing about Italian advantages in other military equipment. Italians also have Chetnik formations at their disposal, and while those units are likely of dubious quality and performance, they still give to Italians additional men. Lastly, these units are not teleporting, and they have to go through Croatian held lands, and possibly any forces Croatia has on its borders with Italy. Now, there is no love lost between Italy and Croatia, but I do believe Croatians will be just as willing to shoot at the communists as Italians would, and no amount of communist inflitration into the ranks of Homeguard will stop that.
---------
As for Ragusan Republic, well Pavelić and his merry band of Blackshirts will have something to say about that. OTL Ustaše were amongst the best forces Croatia had when it came to combating Partisans, and while here they are much fewer in numbers, I have little reason to doubt their dedication or morale. According to your post regarding Republic of Ragusa military, they have roughly 5 thousand or so regulars, split into several battalions, with largest number of them based in Dubrovnik itself, a reinforced battalion of some 1400 men. We also must not forget that Pavelić introduced "Potpuno Vojačenje", in September of 41, which added another 6000 men (women and children too), to their availlable forces, organized in various Police and paramilitary units (Soldati/Barabanti etc.)

Ragusan Republic has also been preparing for total war for quite some time, and has been building fortifications for roughly year now, same with training and organizing its armed forces. Ragusan units also performed well during the counterpartisan operations performed last year, and I have sincere doubts that Communists will manage to pose a serious threat to Pavelić. There is also quite a bit of chance that Ragusan armed forces, while being outnumbered in local engagements, are actually both better equipped and in possesion of superior firepower, when compared to the attacking Partisan forces. They will pose a threat, do not get me wrong, but they are too few in numbers, and unlikely in possesion of heavier weapons which may give them the edge over the defending forces.

Even if Gruić retains his blind loyalty somewhat, the mere fact that Kvaternik even had the outrageous idea of giving away enemies of the state for a man already far too controversial in the Croatian public's eyes (destruction of Mostar + failure of the Second Enemy Offensive) is going to provide a lot of ammunition for the Reformists, now it all depends on when the communists are going to establish contact with the authorities so the exchange could take place. Assassinating any of the important players in the Teuton v. Reformist conflict is going to be the straw that breaks the camel's back, but again, they have to pull it off successfully first, which, if judging by OTL, they already had some experience with (1944 assassination of Vojko Krstulović by Tito Kirigin and another communist, for example), so whoever they choose better be a damn good fighter, otherwise they'll only prove to be a pawn in another one of Tito's games to destabilize the Croat government.

As a matter of fact, the Italian garrison within the Dalmatian Governorate is quite small, with Farinacci dependent on the Dinara Army to carry out war crimes in his name, deciding that his troops are far more needed in Italy proper, which has a stronger Partisan movement than IOTL simply due to Farinacci's unrepentant brutality directed not only towards ethnic minorities, but suspected political dissidents as well (will be covered in a special Italy chapter, likely in Act V). Only a small contingent of the army is there in order to help train Đujić's men, who are quite similar to Đurišić's Chetnik Militia in Montenegro (inexperienced, bloodthirsty, impulsive), so the Partisans still stand a chance, at least until Italy sends in reinforcements.
------
All your assessments are very much correct, though all that information I listed is pre-Durmitor. Post-Durmitor, the situation turns more complex. While indeed, there are a lot of people drafted with the Total Mobilization policy, it still accounts only for the Croat-majority Littoral, but with Pavelić's genocidal policies in newly acquired territories (eastern Herzegovina) against the Orthodox Christian Serbian population that represents the vast majority in the area, things are going to turn even bloodier, since the Partisans have a large pool of support to draw their troops from, and if Apostolski's idea of pitting Đurišić against Pavelić actually works, the entire Fourth Enemy Offensive would become even more complicated than it already was. The Partisans are still likely to lose (just as they were IOTL when they were much much stronger at this time), but they can still do a lot of damage to Ragusa and weaken it for a possible rematch and revenge for the Battle of Zagreb.

I suspect we're going to have a divided former Yugoslavia postwar--Serbia will be Communist and Croatia will be Western...

Wonder how this affects the Cold War going forward...

With Heydrich alive, please no The Man With The Iron Heart scenarios (it was not one of Turtledove's better books, IMO, which is saying something)...

Perhaps, but the Croats first have to establish contact with London, and the SNS (almost all of whose members have ties with British secret services) are playing hard to get still, but I'm sure they would reveal who they are once Maček and co. successfully show them that they are worthy of their full support. Churchill is already fully intrigued, so there is a lot of unused potential there.

Fret not! I've no intentions of introducing such utter impossibilities into the TL, but I still hope that I'll have Heydrich make a noticeable difference in this story as the war unfolds, since such a powerful person living is certain to cause a lot of butterflies going forward.
 
Even if Gruić retains his blind loyalty somewhat, the mere fact that Kvaternik even had the outrageous idea of giving away enemies of the state for a man already far too controversial in the Croatian public's eyes (destruction of Mostar + failure of the Second Enemy Offensive) is going to provide a lot of ammunition for the Reformists, now it all depends on when the communists are going to establish contact with the authorities so the exchange could take place. Assassinating any of the important players in the Teuton v. Reformist conflict is going to be the straw that breaks the camel's back, but again, they have to pull it off successfully first, which, if judging by OTL, they already had some experience with (1944 assassination of Vojko Krstulović by Tito Kirigin and another communist, for example), so whoever they choose better be a damn good fighter, otherwise they'll only prove to be a pawn in another one of Tito's games to destabilize the Croat government.

As a matter of fact, the Italian garrison within the Dalmatian Governorate is quite small, with Farinacci dependent on the Dinara Army to carry out war crimes in his name, deciding that his troops are far more needed in Italy proper, which has a stronger Partisan movement than IOTL simply due to Farinacci's unrepentant brutality directed not only towards ethnic minorities, but suspected political dissidents as well (will be covered in a special Italy chapter, likely in Act V). Only a small contingent of the army is there in order to help train Đujić's men, who are quite similar to Đurišić's Chetnik Militia in Montenegro (inexperienced, bloodthirsty, impulsive), so the Partisans still stand a chance, at least until Italy sends in reinforcements.
------
All your assessments are very much correct, though all that information I listed is pre-Durmitor. Post-Durmitor, the situation turns more complex. While indeed, there are a lot of people drafted with the Total Mobilization policy, it still accounts only for the Croat-majority Littoral, but with Pavelić's genocidal policies in newly acquired territories (eastern Herzegovina) against the Orthodox Christian Serbian population that represents the vast majority in the area, things are going to turn even bloodier, since the Partisans have a large pool of support to draw their troops from, and if Apostolski's idea of pitting Đurišić against Pavelić actually works, the entire Fourth Enemy Offensive would become even more complicated than it already was. The Partisans are still likely to lose (just as they were IOTL when they were much much stronger at this time), but they can still do a lot of damage to Ragusa and weaken it for a possible rematch and revenge for the Battle of Zagreb.
.

Yes, it is rather doubtful that after all he has been through, and humiliation of being captured, mostly due to the either real or percieved fault of Kvaternik, Gruić will step back in line, let alone remain blindly loyal to him. That is before getting into Gruić actions before he was captured, which may make him a persona-non-grata in the military, perhaps on both sides of the divide.

As I said before, assasination of Kvaternik is one of the worst actions Cammunists may take. Not only they give plenty of material to Croatian propaganda to work with, essentialy raising Kvaternik to a martyr status, but they risk his replacement actually being more competent then him.

As for Italian Dalmatia, it is very much up to you how strong Italian forces in the area are. There is really not much information on the size of their forces there, either OTL or ITL. As for thr local forces Partisans can gather, I must admit that I completely forgot that there is a Partisan movement in Italian held Dalmatia, so that may have substantial impact on the course of events. However, they still have to get there somehow, and even with all the problems Italians are facing both home and abroad, they can relatively easily and quickly send reinforcements to their embettled garrisons in Dalmatia if there is a need for them.

In regards to Ragusa, I generally agree that Pavelić policies are going to provide quite a few willing recruits for the Partisan cause, but there is a slight problem. Will Partisans be able to arm even a fraction of these people who come flocking to them, both for revenge and for protection? Even the most basic of defenses are going to skew the odds tremendously in the favour of the defender, and given that it has been over a year, I am rather certain that Ustaše have a bit more then dirt breastworks to hide behind. That is not getting into obvious forepower advantage Ragusa is going to have, not only having enough to arm their regulars, but presumably having enough weapons to arm militia and paramilitary formations as well. Even a couple of MGs are going to be a nasty obstacle for Partisans to overcome, and I sincerely doubt that Ragusa does not at least have mortars, of not something heavier as well.

We are not getting into training discrepancy, with Ragusa having enough time and a safe place to conduct at least basic training for its formations.
 
IV.XIII | Breaking Out of Tartaro - September 15, 1942
He who does not have freedom, dreams of it.
Silvije Strahimir Kranjčević, My Home, 1897
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The main distinctions of the Farinacci regime could find no better place to be shown to future historians and analysts than in the Governorate of Dalmatia. The policies set forth by Giuseppe Bastianini [1] proved to be a damning, but expected showcase of all the faults the totalitarian regimes bestow upon their undesirable subjects – forceful Italianization of the educational system, replacement of all South Slavic road signs with Italian exonyms and the complete banning of the usage of the Croatian language in public and in private (with indefinite imprisonment as punishment for any and all reported violations), with a quote attributed to the Governor aimed at those he deemed responsible of breaking the White Duce's law.

„Emigrate peacefully or face the consequences.“
Town squares, streets, promenades, alleys, all started bearing the name of significant Italian historical persons like Camillo Benso di Cavour, former fascists such as Michele Bianchi [2] and many important Roman generals and leaders.

Resistance was immediate. The infamous First Dalmatian Partisan Detachment was only one such reponse to the much larger symptom, and with the relative confidence garnered from the perceived successes of the so-called reforms (as Bastianini liked to put it), Farinacci recalled over eighty five percent of Regio Esercito troops under the command of Mario Roatta to Italy proper for additional security (in order to combat the burgeoning Partisan guerrilla movement in the mainland [3]). The initiative was taken up by the Dinara Army of prominent Chetnik Momčilo Đujić that had proven its very feverish dislike of the Croats in comparison to their Italian donors during the War in 1941.

The Golden Lion, hoping to foster better relations with his apprehensive father-in-law and his dearest Queen, vowed not to interfere in the affairs of the Governorate, even if it meant the slow and painful death of Croatian culture in Central Dalmatia. The Ban could not do much but watch hopelessly, especially when his own relationship with the King was less than stellar due to their headstrong attitudes that refused to give in concerning many issues plaguing Croatia's own internal matters. The only faction daring enough to assemble the discontent people in occupied Dalmatia turned out to be none other than one of Tito's finest – Vicko Krstulović and his Dalmatian branch of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. Many spies actively worked on sabotaging the Italian colonizers every step of the way and setting the stage for the strengthening of Krstulović's conviction, which bore fruit in August 1942 at a meeting on Mount Cincar, when the Marshal gave his blessing.

„Tear it all down and free our people.“
15th September turned out to be more than a momentous day, for it caught the invasive regime of the neo-Roman Empire completely off-guard, and the scenic little settlement of Pedrosi (Pridraga), not far away from the Novegradi Sea [4] (Novigradsko more) became the first village to be liberated in Krstulović's crusade, the word not quite managing to reach the Italian garrison in Novegradi (Novigrad) before a force of eight hundred communists entered the town. A short firefight had ensued, and the Dinara Army, in spite of their training by older Italian military advisors, still possessed little experience in the way of military tactics, allowing for an easy takeover once the demoralized defenders noticed the sizable army approaching. The Battle of Novegradi proved to be a noteworthy victory for the rebels headed by Pavle Pap, who strengthened his formations with desperately needed equipment like a dozen mortars and several military vehicles that provided a much needed backbone to otherwise very vulnerable troops.

The message relayed to Zara (Zadar) was of little comfort for the Italians.

Yugoslavs approaching. Large army. Help.

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Bastianini ordered a small contingent of his countrymen and six platoons of Chetniks to abandon their indiscriminate oppression of the Slavic population within the nearby countryside and go investigate the source of all the commotion. Fortunately for Pap's men, the young Perlez-born commander correctly predicted the move, sending one of his most trusted commanding officers known as Lala to meet the enemy in the small settlement of Smilce (Smilčić) in an elaborately set ambush. Needless to say, ther tactic yielded fruitful results, with the garrison troops caught completely by surprise when the loud rebels jumped out of from their hiding spots behind the large rocks.

The Italian troops put up quite a fight, but the same could not be said for the Dinara Army, elements of which ran off with their tail between their legs, some died in the hot rocks in the name of their financiers and many surrendered without much resistance. Mirko Kovačević, looking at the utterly defeated men simply grinned smugly at the amount of captured firepower before offering the men a chance at redemption, or at least the best offer they would realistically receive.

„Join us or endure a fate worse than death.“
Almost universally, the Serb majority formations joined the threatening Montenegrin, adding about five hundred men to their cause. Krstulović himself soon joined right after, crossing the border with a group of his most trustworthy confidants through some back channels within the Royal Croatian Home Guard. Now the situation really started to turn dire for the gubernatorial loyalists. Ilija Trifunović-Birčanin, commander of the Sebenico (Šibenik) detachment of Đujić's men was ordered to strengthen the defenses of the city while sending out a token number of troops to lift the Siege of Bencovazzo (Opsada Benkovca) that endured heavy fighting from the forces of Đordano Borovčić. Communication between different parts of the Governorate turned out to be surprisingly ineffective and difficult, likely the work of several saboteurs planted within loyalist ranks, resulting in the Courier [5] taking over the city before Birčanin's reinforcements could even arrive to relieve their own troops stuck in the city.

upload_2019-1-25_18-32-8.png

In little over a fortnight, the communists had a large territory in the central Governorate under their control, effectively threatening to cut off Sebenico and everything south of Lake Aurana (Vransko jezero) from the gubernatorial capital of Zara. Whilst the Italian government scrambled to find a proper solution for the burgeoning partisan movement, the South Slavs of the liberated territory (appropriately named the Novigrad Republic) went through what some historians describe as a cultural renaissance, wherein after over fifteen months of silence, the people of the region could finally relish in everything that made them who they are – Croats (first and foremost), Dalmatians and townspeople belonging to wherever they hailed from. The torchbearers of the revival were numerous, but none more so than the dissatisfied Croats from over the border, such as poet Jure Kaštelan, former gymnasium professor Anka Berus and composers Silvije Bombardelli and Ivo Tijardović [6], the last of whom personally crossed the border under a fake identity (Giovanni Coronini) before joining the cause of Vicko Krstulović, even setting the lyrics of an unknown author to music – the composition that soon started to be sung by the fighters all over the Governorate, known only as the Dalmatian March (Dalmatinska koračnica). The song itself was only one of many other poems mentioning the accolades of the communists in the area that had arisen during the time of the Rebellion in Dalmatia (Pobuna u Dalmaciji), and the apathetic inaction of the royal government in Zagreb resulted in Northern Dalmatia becoming one of the most prominent left-wing strongholds up until the modern times.

We know, we know, dear Marshal
We are protecting your sea waves
(2x)
Our hand of justice
Watches over the nation of Shoresmen
[7]
(2x)
Brotherhood and unity
Is the message of peace
(2x)
Look, people
At this bright titovka
(2x)
That the Partisan carries
To all the new victories
(2x)
Be weary, be weary
You bunch of imperialists
(2x)
The Dalmatian justice is coming
To every corner of this world!
(2x)

With Kovačević and Pap consolidating the territory under their control, little else remained but to push on towards Zaravecchia (Biograd na Moru) and Lake Aurana in order to take both and split the Governorate in half. Bastianini, aware of the utter mess his men found themselves in, implored Rome to find a solution for all his woes and have it sent to Zara as fast as humanly possible. As it turns out, in some odd twist of fate, the same General Roatta sent back to Italy in February 1942 answered the call. With four hundred men arriving to the Zara harbor on October 10, one that had welcomed them with open arms as if liberated from a foreign plague by their mere presence, the old Italian general quickly went to work. He knocked some sense into Đujić and completely subordinated Father Fire's troops to his group of arrivals, forbidding them from all reprisals not ordered directly by the Italian command (fearing that further atrocities might turn even more people toward the KPJ) as well as ordering the Navy to enter the Novegradi Sea and blockade the city's coast.

Reports were received of a Partisan advance towards Zaravecchia, forcing Roatta to march with his troops in order to meet the speedy conquerors from the northeast the very next day, in order to save about a hundred Italians and Chetniks that attempted to stand their ground near the lake. On October 11, Lake Aurana would finally see the first clash between Roatta and Borovčić, but nobody quite expected that it would be their last, not even the most ardent supporters of each side. While one faction enjoyed much revolutionary fervor that often filled in the empty spaces arising from the critical lack of heavy weaponry and vehicles, Roatta's party had everything an army needed to properly function – tanks, ammunition, heavy guns, and most important of all – absolute desire for vengeance. The result, after another two days of brutal fighting, turned out to be more than lopsided.

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For every Italian loss, there were at least five communist casualties inflicted by the reinforcements that successfully saved the beleaguered Axis forces within the area. It is said that so many rebel corpses had ended up in the body of water that the rotting stench of death could not have been washed away while Italy still ruled Dalmatia, and the common name for the location had since become known as Starry Lake (Zvizdano jezero in Chakavian dialect) by the Shoresmen due to so many titovkas bearing the red star of communism littering the surface as the repugnance of Farinacci's ideology destroyed even more homes and lives.

Of the two hundred and sixty captured communists, over fifty died along the twenty six kilometers of road on their way back to Zara from beatings and heartless executions if any of the prisoners even appeared to disobey their direct orders, but the Courier's punishment was likely the most humiliating of all. Pinned down to the hot rocks by four large Italians, while the fifth one brandished a knife more suitable for men twice his size, and before Borovčić had the chance to look up at his torturer, the tiny officer already began cutting into his forehead, screams of agony soon following. For anyone witnessing the entire ordeal, the whole sequence might've lasted the whole eternity as screams turned into whimpers before the work was finally finished. Once Borovčić had awoken with a debilitating migraine, his comrades read out his scars with disgust in their eyes – FERT [8].

Unfortunately for the prisoners of war, they were all marched through the streets of Zara in a column, getting spat on by the fired up, wholly Italian citizenry while Mario Roatta rode his horse in the front, the whole affair bearing many similarities with the celebrations of triumphs in Ancient Rome. The pro-regime newspapers (meaning all of them) composed new songs of Roatta's heroism, but the Croatian-Italian War veteran was well aware that his work had only just begun, and he was far too weary of repeating his past mistakes, most notable of which being the disastrous short-lived occupation of Zagreb in June 1941.

After shipping off the prisoners to Melada (Molat), ordering hostages be taken as a preventive measure against South Slavic families he gave his subordinates the freedom of deeming suspicious, and deporting random Croats to the Adriatic Inferno (due to these measures lasting for as long as Italian rule did, by the end of it all only ten percent of the population of Zara identified as South Slavs [9]), Roatta finally begun drafting a large plan to destroy the Novigrad Republic and stabilize the situation within the Governorate. At the same time further east, Krstulović ordered the remainder of his men to march to the Cherca (Krka) which would open an easier and faster route toward Sebenico.

The Italian decided to let them go, merely relaying bits and pieces of strategy (fearing the possibility of his messages being intercepted) to Trifunović-Birčanin that should be undertaken whilst he thoroughly planned on how to defeat the Partisans. Novegradi was still blockaded, and the nearby Carabinieri managed to hold a well-defined line between the Governorate and the free territories. Another battle had ensued while Roatta was discussing his intentions with Đujić and the rest of his trusted cadre, and soon it grew apparent that if the Dinara Army fails to follow its (decidedly) imprecise orders, Sebenico would be ripe for the taking.

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The Red horde was well on its way despite certain, and Roatta knew he had to act. He sent out a message to Rome that was acknowledged and fulfilled almost immediately, and two hundred fresh troops under the command of Giovanni Esposito [10] arrived to the port of Capocesto (Primošten) with the help of Regia Marina to connect with the paranoid Chetniks and Carabinieri of Sebenico, in order to strike from the southeast while the Generale swooped in from the west. Codenamed Operation Tartarus (Operazione Tartaro in Italian, Operacija Tartar in Croatian), as its name might imply, intended to completely destroy any semblances of resistance within Dalmatia and to put Farinacci's plan of converting the area into an ethnically homogeneous area along the Third Shore [11] into motion. Even if the simultaneous rebellion in Ragusa had made his forehead shine from the sweat of discomfort more times than he liked to admit, Roatta had to focus completely on ridding the lands from Krstulović's filth. Without hesitation, it was decided that the gubernatorial forces would pursue the policy that later came to be known as Total Ruthlessness. [12]
  • kill every non-Italian speaker on soon-to-be liberated land, regardless of them being armed or not.
  • all male persons in non-occupied areas fifteen years or older to be sent to correctional facilities and camps across the nation.
  • all houses even remotely suspicious to be destroyed completely until there is nothing left but ashes.
On October 31, first incursions began into rebel territory from the southeast, with the Dinara Army showing its eagerness in sending their enemies to the newly erected concentration camp on Busi (Biševo) Island. The first battle that came near Cacagno (Kakanj) would certainly not be the last, as by the end of the rebellion in late November, there would be four Battles of the Dirt Roads (Bitke na Zemljanim cestama), three of which were won outright by the combined forces of Roatta and Esposito while one ended in a tactical victory with only minor setbacks for the Axis cause.

From the west, though, Roatta entered with only half his forces (all exclusively Italian, with him deeming Đujić too unreliable at this point in time and commanding him to stay put in Zara), the thought of the incredulously low amounts of equipment possessed by the enemy at Starry Lake still fresh in his mind. With only three hundred men, a rain of gunfire soon befell him as his legion ducked for cover close to the small Croat-majority village of Scabergne (Škabrnja) on All Saints' Day. For two whole days neither side seemed to prevail, until it grew apparent that the overqualified Italians' casualties seemed so inconsequential in comparison to Partisans' own, resulting in the need of Lala's men to retreat north towards Novegradi to make their stand. Roatta, enraged at the utter disobedience of the Yugoslavs, decided on a measure that would make his name live in infamy on the east coast of the Adriatic Sea for as long as the tortured souls and their descendants lived on.

The men inside the villages of Nadino (Nadin) and Scabergne that did not retreat with the communists were all rounded up, and whilst most were deported to Zara and later Melada, few were chosen to stay back with women and children, ranging from merely six months to seventy five years of age, according to some sources. Then the Carabinieri randomly chose from the male population, lead those unfortunate enough to end up being pointed at with accusatory Italian index fingers in front of a large pile of rocks and promptly executing them one by one in gruesome ways, and without a single bullet fired. It is even said that as the screams echoed throughout the Mediterranean village, Roatta himself attended the proceedings, only nodding in approval at the things he was observing with quiet support in his incinerated eyes.

From then on, the merciless generale became known as the White Bear (Bili medvjed in Chakavian dialect), because as long as Farinacci remained in charge, Roatta would continue to act like a faithful extended hand of the fascists in Rome, and the reign of terror between the end of the Third Enemy Offensive (Treća neprijateljska ofenziva) and the abolition of the Governorate would form something that was never before seen on the Croatian-populated coast. Instead of Babaroga [13] and various other boogeymen to keep the children from misbehaving, the Shoresmen, in hushed whispers, ever since then spoke of a large, sinister White Bear with gnashing bloody fangs that would sweep the kids away if they disobeyed their elders.

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The next major engagement came from the southern sector, within one of the most symbolically important locations within the Novigrad Republic. Jutting from atop a hill just above Ostrovizza del Gologuòs (Ostrovica) was the famous Ostrovica Fortress, a medieval ashlar fortification of tremendous strategic that had once controlled the important trade routes going from north to south (between Siscia and Salona during the Roman Empire) and east to west (between Zadar and Knin during medieval times), but in modern times, the castle still remained among the most valuable remains of the famous Šubić noble family who had shaped medieval Croatia with their influence and wealth, and the Partisans widely celebrated the retaking of the fortress seeing as they deemed themselves the liberators of the oppressed peoples of Dalmatia.

Ilija Trifunović-Birčanin planned to encircle the Reds under Vicko Krstulović, who already intended to retreat after the disaster at Scabergne and Roatta's rapid advance to the capital of the uncrecognized republic. Esposito managed to drill his troops hard enough to successfully make them faster, managing to catch Krstulović by surprise from the north, forcing his withdrawal to the historic village with heavy losses, but instead of finding safe refuge, Birčanin smashed right through the communist secretary's lines, demoralizing the remainder of Tito's men who promptly deserted the battlefield (ones that evaded being riddled with bullets, that is), leaving the unfortunate Krstulović to bear the brunt of what was to come, and indeed, the last message Tito had received only a day before retribution showed a much more somber image of the situation than it was only a few weeks earlier.

„These fouls beasts have left such footprints that not even the harshest winds of justice would be able to wipe them from pages of history, such folly too, for I have failed to protect this ground that I have cherished my whole life.“

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The Battle for Historical Legacy (Bitka za povijesnu ostavštinu) was an utter defeat for the communists – Vicko Krstulović was lying dead on a pile of unidentifiable bodies, likely from his own pistol rather than the enemy's, and one fourth of available manpower the rebels had at their disposal was completely destroyed, leaving Pavle Pap and Mirko Kovačević to gather whatever men were left in Novegradi and await Roatta's arrival by sufficiently preparing the troops for what was about to come.

The remains of the hilltop castle were covered with dynamite that was detonated a day after the battle, leading to the complete disappearance of the historic site from the map, a move that was deemed a cultural atrocity by the Croatian public in the Kingdom. The key to the city of Zadar would, from then on, become among the most notable buildings destroyed by totalitarian regimes and a frequent textbook example of such. One hundred and forty two prisoners of war were executed just after they had witnessed the incredibly large explosion that some say rang even within the confines of Zara.

Roatta then linked up with Esposito at the abandoned town of Bencovazzo while Birčanin was left behind to take care of the possible remaining guerrillas in the retaken areas. The once-sprawling bastion of South Slavic culture was reduced to nothing, peasants were slaughtered indiscriminately by everyone who arrived to those territories and all monuments celebrating Croatian history were torn down and repurposed for brand new, Italian ones that later came to replace them. The White Bear shook hands with Esposito and immediately headed north to bring the rebellion down once and for all. Seemingly, the inhabitants of the entire territory vanished into nothing, and Regio Esercito encountered absolutely zero resistance all the way to the Novegradi Sea.

The small port city, though, despite enduring a month-long blockade from the sea, had about fifteen hundred defenders ready to perish for the enigmatic man known as Tito and everything he stood for. With outdated equipment and almost nonexistent heavy artillery, Pap and Kovačević knew well that street combat and fighting for each and every house were the only options that were there to choose. Without any contact with the high command likely hiding somewhere in the Bosnian highlands, a desperate defense of the city was set up in a way that would allow as many civilians as possible to run away from what they thought would become just a pile of ash once it is finally taken.

The tactic certainly found its success during the first fourteen days of the siege, but once Roatta noticed the steady stream of refugees being led down a small rocky path on the eastern end of the town. Regio Esercito's late reaction allowed Kovačević to convince Pap to desert the battle with the rest of the civilians, telling him that as a member of the Central Committee of the KPJ, Pap would be a likely successor to Krstulović as leader of the Dalmatian branch of the KPJ. It took a lot of convincing, but just half a day before the discovery of the secret pathway, Pap left the ruins of Novegradi with a frown on his face having been denied an honorable death he desired, but nonetheless he crossed the border over the Zermagna (Zrmanja) into Croatia, and left for the mountains in the east under a veil of anonimity.

Once the last chance at running away was violently cut off, with about twenty unfortunate old people, women and children shot and thrown into a ditch just a few kilometers before salvation, Kovačević knew that it was only a matter of time before all of his comrades are going to be torn apart by the vicious beast sitting behind, watching the brutal battle from the safety of his tent. With a dozen of his advisors and trusted friends, he found a wooden cottage in the northwestern part of the town, close to a small pine forest that seemed as good as any to make his last stand. After a fierce firefight, an OTO Mod. 42 incendiary grenade was thrown into the house, killing everyone within it and setting the pine foundation on fire.

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With the battle thought over, the Italians had only themselves to observe and bring conclusions to. With just over a thousand casualties, Mario Roatta knew that he had to stay in Zara and bring order to the weak and ineffective troops that had festered in Dalmatia since his departure. Esposito was recalled to his old position in the Lubiana Province, whilst Birčanin returned to Sebenico where he would die of a sudden heart attack on New Years' Eve 1942 [14] and Đujić remained in Zara, acting as Roatta's errand boy (in the words of Draža Mihailović in one of his letters to Miroslav Trifunović in early 1943).

Without any protectors to guard them, the Croatian population of the Governorate had nowhere to run, and were subjected to repression of never before seen levels. Such was the case, that a short utterance had been coined during those troubled times. Bad or negative things that are destined to happen at one point or the other became known as a „short stroll along Molat“ (kratka šetnja Molatom), no doubt referencing one of the most horrific death camps run by the Axis during the entirety of World War II and the fact that over half a million people had to witness the innumerable crimes against humanity committed in the large facility.

South Slavic culture as it was crumbled completely within Italian-occupied Dalmatia. All Croatian works of art, from paintings to books and sculptures were completely banned or destroyed upon discovery, and only works of Italian artists were promoted, thorough Italianization becoming a norm set in stone that would take years to finally wipe away if it were to be liberated again.

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The legacy left behind by Farinacci would remain a long lasting one, even to this day. The nightmares and terrors from the days of suffering would root themselves into the consciousness of the people unfortunate enough to call the Littoral their home, a trauma not even the waves of history will be able to wipe away cleanly. Such is the tale of totalitarian states – a tale of woes, suffering, needless cruelty and blind following leading off a ravine into the bottomless pit of what once could have been called humanity.

*****
[1] Just like IOTL, this hardliner is Governor of Dalmatia and enforces the policies of forceful Italianization in all matters of public and private life, as well as advising the resentful Croats to emigrate, but ITTL he feels even more at home with Farinacci who enables him much more than Mussolini ever did, leading to the total extinction of the Croatian Jews in territories occupied by Italy.
[2] Among the most influential fascists until his untimely death from tuberculosis in 1930 as well as the most prominent leader of the so-called leftist syndicalist wing within the National Fascist Party.
[3] Due to Farinacci's indiscriminate killings of political opponents both real and imagined, the resentment within the general Italian population is much larger than it was with Mussolini of OTL.
[4] Much more a bay than a sea, despite what its name might lead you to believe.
[5] Commander of the 1st Split Partisan Detachment IOTL, while ITTL he joins his fellow illegals in the Governorate in order to bring down the fascist regime in the area.
[6] Among the most famous Croatian composers of all time, with works such as Little Floramye (Mala Floramye), Marshal Marmont's Order (Zapovijed maršala Marmonta) and The Split Aquarelle (Spli'ski akvarel). IOTL joined the antifascists to counter Italy's pretensions on his own home town of Split, but ITTL, unhappy with the completely stoic policy of the royal government toward his own people's (Shoresmen's) suffering, he heads the cultural revival led by the resistance movement during the Rebellion in Dalmatia.
[7] Due to the general instability of the times, regional identities have begun to slowly develop across Croatia, with Croats and Serbs of Littoral Croatia being referred to as the Shoresmen (Primorci).
[8] Motto of the Kingdom of Italy. Nobody is quite sure what the acronym stands for, though, and several theories have been put forward, such as:
  • Foedere et Religione Tenemur (Latin: We are bound by treaty and by religion)
  • Fortitudo Eius Rhodum Tenuit (Latin: His strength conquered Rhodes or By his bravery he held [or occupied] Rhodes), referring to the victory of Amadeus V, Count of Savoy (1249–1323) over the Saracens at the 1315 siege of Rhodes
  • Fortitudo Eius Rempublicam Tenet (Latin: His bravery [or strength] preserves [or defends] the state)
  • Fides Est Regni Tutela (Latin: Faith is the protector of [our] Kingdom)
  • Latin word Fert (third-person singular present active indicative of ferre), meaning [he/she/it] suffers/bears, possibly referring to Jesus bearing the sins of the world)
[9] IOTL, at this time, Zara had about 70% Italian population, while the rest identified as Croats. ITTL, with a genocidal Farinacci at the helm, much of OTL's South Slavic population is either suffering in Molat or is already six feet under.
[10] Commander of the 57th Infantry Division Lombardia, stationed in Pola (Pula) just like OTL.
[11] An Italian propaganda term denoting the Balkan coast of the Adriatic (from Dalmatia to Albania) meant for colonization in the future. The First Shore is the coast of Italy proper on the Adriatic, the Second along the Tyrrhenian Sea, while the Fourth Shore is Libya.
[12] Roatta had done the exact same things IOTL, as a matter of fact, even commanding the construction of the Rab concentration camp, ITTL butterflied into the Biševo concentration camp that would claim circa ten thousand victims, who died from abuse, outright executions or various ilnesses during Italy's stranglehold over the area.
[13] A supernatural being from South Slavic folklore (localized version of Baba Yaga, essentially) in the form of a deformed woman wielding a pestle whilst flying in a mortar.
[14] Had been in poor health for quite some time before his death on February 3, 1943 IOTL. With the additional stresses of having to lead men into fierce battle ITTL, he dies a little earlier.

Infobox stuff: All Italian generals (aside from Roatta and Esposito) are completely fictional, since there is not much information about the Italian troops in Dalmatia of OTL. The Chetniks, on the other hand, are all real (as are the Partisans), and found by utilizing the technique described in Chapter II.I. All place names are Italian exonyms of South Slavic names with the exception of the Novigrad Republic (makes sense, considering the Croat-majority communists led it).
 
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IV.XIV | Storms of Foreboding - September 23, 1942
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Eduard Kasparides – Dubrovnik by Moonlight (1915)
With Operation Durmitor finally over, Farinacci's pet project named the Republic of Ragusa was finally able to reap the rewards of all the blood spilled in the black mountains of the east. Because of the satisfactory performance of Ragusan troops on the battlefield (Rafael Boban and Francetić's Savages in particular), Roberto Farinacci decided to hand over Eastern Herzegovina to the fascist republic as a show of good faith restored after the violent change of power in Italy during summer 1941. While symbolic administrative Montenegrin control remained over the area (shown in many maps of the Governorate of Montenegro from that period) but the Ustaše regime exerted all control over the area that really mattered. The mountainous region occupied by the Ustaše Militia upon the signing of the Pavelić-Mazzolini Agreement [1] soon proved to be a hotbed for dissatisfaction and paranoia with the appointment of Erih Lisak as Governor of the Great County [2] of Eastern Herzegovina (Upravitelj Velike župe Istočna Hercegovina) and Mijo Babić as Governor of the Great County of Kosača [3]. The two influential Ustaše, together with Pavelić, who styled himself as Regent of the Republic (Namjesnik Republike) and Governor of the Great County of Dubrava (Upravitelj Velike župe Dubrava) [4], formed a style of leadership known as the Triarchy (Trojka), where both of them answered directly to the Regent, but otherwise enjoyed so much autonomy and influence in their respective administrative units that they could be considered equal to Pavelić.

The Serb-majority conquered territory, due to the widespread destruction sustained during Operation Durmitor, was unable to form a coherent response to the genocidal policy that was enforced soon after by the government in Dubrovnik, and the Triarchy came to be derogatorily referred to as the Rotten Gentlemen (Trula gospoda) for their calmly delivered speeches filled to the brim with otherwise fiery and chauvinistic rhetoric that became commonplace for the people unfortunate enough to call themselves residents of the Republic during World War II. Lisak, an influential ras and one of the most trustworthy men in the Regent's eyes, set up his headquarters in Trebinje, maintaining close relations with the Littoral despite the struggles that had to be overcome throughout the new administrative unit, while on the other hand Babić, nicknamed Giovanni during his stay in Italy, seated himself in Gacko whereupon a large marble statue of Pavelić was erected to honor the legacy of Croatia's savior, but that would remain the only celebratory song to ring out from the throats of savages, crooks and monsters as work immediately began on assimilation, displacement and killing of undesirable elements of the country.

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The Rotten Gentlemen, from left to right:
  • Erih Lisak, Governor of the Great County of Eastern Herzegovina, formerly in charge of healthcare at the Ustaše training camp in Vischetto, Italy
  • Ante Pavelić, Regent of the Republic and Governor of the Great County of Dubrava, Father of the Nation (nickname used by the most fanatical of his supporters)
  • Mijo vitez Babić, Governor of the Great County of Kosača, assassin of pro-dictatorship journalist Toni Schlegel in 1929, former commander of the Ustaše training camp in Bovegno, Italy
Random massacres almost became an everyday occurrence, as the Soldati [5] cared little for evidence as they rounded up peasants and civilians alike from Gacko, Kalinovik, Nevesinje and other towns that housed suspicious individuals in the words of Ante Pavelić.

„The nettle stings to the touch, so it our duty to our sacred nation to see it burned down to its root.“
The founder of the UHRO, together with Coregent (Domjesnik; position of a designated successor that in reality held no power and was further weakened by the symbolic Council of Coregents) Narcis Jeszensky, declared to follow Farinacci's commands to the best of their ability, but Total Mobilization lost its steam the further it strayed from the coast, as Orthodox Christian Croats (Serbs who accepted the new status quo and the following pardon issued to them regarding their ethnic impurity) deserted their posts en masse upon hearing the xenophobic oratory of the local yes-men appointed by the regime.

The diplomatic relations with the Kingdom of Croatia were utterly frozen in place, with the highly militarized border serving as a deterrent for people from both sides attempting to cross into the other nation. This type of situation resulted in Ragusa's dependence on trade from its only land neighbor to the southeast – Montenegro. Even then, with the desperate position Ragusa found itself in, the leaders of both puppet states could rarely see eye to eye. Governor Pirzio Biroli still saw the Ragusans as no better than the rebellious Serbs and Montenegrins he helped destroy during Operation Durmitor, while Pavelić did not agree with the arming and funding of the Chetnik Militia across the Governorate.

Nevertheless, some trade still occurred (mostly upon Farinacci's forceful insistence), but Ragusa still needed to pursue the policy of Autarky (dubbed Samodostatnost by the historical sources of the time) – with direct funds from Rome, Pavelić ordered the planting and subsequent harvestation of numerous citruses and wheat on the fields along the Littoral and the expansion of fisheries to accommodate the ever-growing fertility rate of the Republic. Most of those plans were fruitful, but again, the further those ideas ventured from the Croat-majority coast, the less success they had, as nonstop sabotages put all semblances of economic progress to a grinding halt (especially in Babić's Kosača, where martial law seemingly stopped the passage of time and a general uneasy malaise swept over the Great County). The airfield in Gruda just south of Dubrovnik was expanded greatly so the formation of the Ragusan Air Force (ZDR – Zrakoplovstvo Dubrovačke Republike) could finally begin in earnest. With forty planes, most of which were quite outdated, but nevertheless valuable to Pavelić and his plans for the rest of Croatia under the yoke of Berlin.

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The airfield in Gruda before expansion, early 1942
As for political prisoners and captured dissidents, the notorious Maks Luburić [6], one of Pavelić's most violent supporters, was chosen to oversee the construction of an internment camp on Daksa a few kilometers northwest of Dubrovnik. Upon its completion in March 1942, the unreasonably large facility caught the ire of the religious leadership in the nation, resulting in Minister of Justice and Religion Josip Marija Carević and Minister of Education Hijacint Bošković handing in their resignations to their respective posts after seeing the mistreatment of innocent people at the hands of Luburić and his men. The two were far from being the only notable dissenters within the republic, as Mayor of Dubrovnik Niko Koprivica [7] and commanding officer of the 5th Active Battalion (Slano) Tomislav Sertić [8] soon came at odds with the hateful regime. There was not much they were able to do, as Koprivica's secret attempts at a healthy and harmless reunification with Maček's nation found little, if any success when faced with insurmountable odds such as the fanatical support of the state-run media and the people themselves.

Italian culture left a huge mark on the region during Pavelić's tenure. Instead of the cruelty perpetrated in Dalmatia, the Regent openly embraced Italy's cultural hegemony, with the adoption of the Italian lira as the official currency, notable works of Italian authors being translated and published, Bonda's Theater [9] being transformed into a sprawling multi-purpose cinema and subsequently renamed to the Dubrovnik House of Culture (DDK – Dubrovački dom kulture, or Dedeka for short) to showcase the newest works of Italian filmmakers such as Rossellini's A Pilot Returns, Menardi's Luisa Sanfelice, Alessandrini's Giarabub and many others, but specific focus was also put on the works of Croatian artists as well (overwhelmingly from the First Republic of Ragusa, to be more precise). January 8, the date of famed Baroque playwright Ivan Gundulić's birth was declared a national holiday with a rather unsuitable name of Liberty Day (Dan slobode), whilst poets such as Dinko Ranjina, Hanibal Lucić, Džore Držić and Vladislav Menčetić had their works frequently orated to large crowds assembling on Stradun. Musical works of art were also among the most popular, with composers like Ivan Mane Jarnović, Antun and Luka Sorkočević as well as Elena Pucić-Sorkočević having their works lauded by their countrymen centuries after their passing. One of Luka Sorkočević's compositions (Symphony No. 7 in G Major) became so overused, in fact, that it became the focal point of an inadvertent outcome that had arisen from Pavelić's own oversized focus on promoting notable Ragusans of the past – that of the Ragusan national identity. The symphony, commonly referred to as the Hymn of Dubrovnik (Himna dubrovačka) by the city's residents became synonymous with the rallying cry of the ill-fated Ragusans, most of whom had to live through the disastrous latter half of World War II and whose identity started to diverge ever so slightly from its mother country as one tragedy slowly but surely replaced the other.

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Dedeka, the cultural hot spot of the totalitarian republic
The most extreme elements of the UHRO, as an additional measure of striking fear into the hearts of the many enemies that littered their line of vision, suggested building a large museum that would house the confiscated belongings of undesirables executed or otherwise left homeless throughout the Republic's existence. Needless to say, the Regent approved, and the Museum of the Illustrious Past (Muzej slavne prošlosti) was finally opened in Srebreno (six kilometers southeast of Dubrovnik) in early July 1942, and in the beginning the sizable complex showcased about four hundred different objects ranging from rings, expensive coats and even golden teeth all the while large photos depicting real (but also staged) victories of the Ustaše against Tito's Partisans during Operation Durmitor with large walls of propaganda-filled text right beneath many of them. At its peak, the museum displayed about nine hundred different artifacts (a term used by Luburić) belonging to the Serbs and the Jews (whose community had completely disappeared from the Ragusan Republic in August 1942 according to several contemporary sources) and other people that had either died in Daksa or in Sazan, all in the most heartless ways imaginable.

Law-bending words were not the only Pavelić's forte, as the Croatian fascist enjoyed a lot of his time writing [10] once more, frequently getting lost in thought and abandoning his work at every chance encounter with inspiration, scribbling down the proper words and phrases that perfectly encapsulated the plot and the characters of his work. Coregent Jeszensky frequently noted the Regent dozing off at random as he hoped to explain whatever plans he wished to put forth for the leader to consider, leading to it becoming a running joke that sometimes managed to alleviate the agonizingly tense atmosphere that was a recurring theme at all meetings of the Pavelić Cabinet. The UHRO head's neglect of things regarding his restless subjects was finally put to rest on September 2, 1942 when his novel was officially published to wide critical acclaim (in Ragusa, that is), with purported twenty thousand copies sold (about ninety five percent in the Republic, the remaining five in Italy) during the fascist state's lifespan.

The Fields of Skin (Kožna polja) centered around the life of a young alienated peasant living in the mountainous Far North, where crops were scarce, fields barren and life more than challenging for the people living in the small village. Tales of a time before, a supposed age of fertility, heat of the sun and safety in the wilderness around the small settlement were a frequent occurrence in every hut, though they were suppressed by the storm-eyed overlords, men apparently in charge of the village for over eight centuries, creatures of such disconnect with the harsh realities of the people they were duty-bound to protect that they feasted on such colorful fruits of manifold tastes that mere mortals were unable to even get a grasp on. Songs of freedom and restored glory were sung in hushed tones to small children before bedtime, carrying the legacy of a golden age not felt by the last twenty generations of exploited men of the impervious hamlet.

Hard work never paid off, for only every seventh seed was permitted to be served on the wooden plates once it actually bloomed, while everything else had to be given away to the detached brutes at the top. Davor (protagonist), fed on the lullabies speaking of a lasting, joyful peace coursing through his ancestors' veins, declares his opposition to the brutal policies of the sharp-featured autocrats and takes matters into his own hands.

Almost unknowingly, Pavelić's relatively unimpressive novel would turn out to be prophetic in many ways, as history would later show, wherein David indeed proves that the frightening Goliath could be beaten even if the world mentions defeat as a foregone conclusion unable to be influenced by anybody.

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The Fields of Skin front cover (2003 reissue) [11]
While Pavelić's literary successes were celebrated within the Rector's Palace, his hastened decision of creating the state-backed Croatian Orthodox Church (Hrvatska pravoslavna crkva) only added fuel to the fire with regards to the nation's Serbian population, many of whom abandoned any prospects of reconciliation with the Regent's government. The stage was set for someone to take up the reins and lead the oppressed peoples to freedom. As it turned out, Tito wisely decided to throw in his lot with the denizens of Eastern Herzegovina, sending his envoy Ivan Milutinović (nicknamed Milutin) to watch over the preparations for the uprising. On September 23, the Ragusan flag waving over the small northern town of Kalinovik was lowered, promptly stomped and put to the torch, marking the birth of the Garrison Republic (Garnizonska republika), named as such for the small settlement's history as a military outpost during Austria-Hungary.

The Ragusans struggled to respond as all areas north of Gacko soon came under the control of the Yugoslav Partisans because of the population's overwhelming hatred of the Ustaše. Milutin's Rebellion (Milutinova buna; named after its initiator who personally burned the flag in Kalinovik before taking the town) became a real issue, in spite of the rebels' heavy losses against a professionally trained force of fanatics. Some notable engagements of the Rebellion include were Gacko (Bitka za Gacko), Rainy Field (Bitka na Kišnom polju), three Battles on the Glades (Bitke na Proplancima) and Maglić (Bitka za Maglić), all of which included a force of poorly trained and armed Serbs and Yugoslavs fighting for their lives against the Ustaše who were more than willing to add a new dozen slit throats to their personal records. Not helping matters at all was the incursion of the Chetnik Militia from the east onto what was considered rightful Ragusan territory, leading to several instances of friendly fire that was exploited by decoy Partisans who jumped out of hiding to successfully defeat the bemused Axis units.

Pirzio Biroli was fuming, and a calm, measured response had to wait until November 4 when the Governor, the Regent and the Voivode of Durmitor (Vojvoda durmitorski) Pavle Đurišić finally reached an agreement, joined forces and launched Operation Equites (sometimes translated directly to Operation Horsemen, but the Latin variant is more commonly used as it is believed the codename referred to the wealthy social class that once formed the cavalry of the Roman Empire). The Fourth Enemy Offensive took less than a month to extinguish the flames of revolution but Milutinović, despite the obvious military defeat of his republic still claimed a moral victory as Farinacci overturned the whole Pavelić-Mazzolini Agreement in January just as the fortunes of the Axis war machine froze over in the inhospitable terrain of the east, leading to the restoration of the Governor's control in Eastern Herzegovina with mildly adjusted borders (up to the Trebišnjica river, seeing as the area was thoroughly ethnically cleansed by the time of the eve of the Battle of Stalingrad). Needless to say, the communists' plan worked, for the westernmost area of Pirzio Biroli's domain will harbor leftist thought all the way through the Second World War, only complicating the situation further as things finally began to unravel in the Balkans.

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Darkness was looming over Dubrovnik, one that not even a thousand fires could shine a light on, but when the drums of war start echoing in the distance, do you answer the call? Or do you run, as far away from the tragedies that oh-so inevitably chase after you, or do you stand your ground and prepare for the thousand cuts of the blades of hardship, not knowing whether or not you will survive yet another harrowing encounter with the unsure hands of fate?

*****
[1] After his resignation as Governor of Montenegro, Mazzolini is appointed Deputy Minister of the Interior, who signs the agreement with Pavelić about the hand-over of Eastern Herzegovina.
[2] The name of the largest administrative division in the Independent State of Croatia of OTL.
[3] A great county named after the Bosnian medieval noble family, whose coat of arms you can see here.
[4] IOTL's Ustaše Croatia, there was a Great County of the same name, most likely taken as inspiration from Ivan Gundulić's magnum opus – Hymn to Freedom, or it could simply be an archaic Croatian term for grove, who knows.
[5] To back up the Ustaše Militia, there is also the National Gendarmerie (DO – Državno oružništvo), affectionately called Soldati by many Ragusan citizens (old term used for locals who chose military as their profession). Commanded by Eugen Dido Kvaternik (Slavko Kvaternik's estranged son), the unit in reality functions as the paramilitary wing of his Ustaše Supervisory Service (UNS – Ustaška nadzorna služba).
[6] God damn, does this guy make losing all pretenses of impartiality and objectivity easy… Credited with the founding of Jasenovac IOTL. When anyone thinks of a typical member of the Ustaše, Luburić is the most likely face pictured in the eyes of many, as his acts of terror resulted in tens of thousands of people perishing in the most horrid of ways. In fact, Luburić is so shamelessly putrid that there is even a photo of him holding the decapitated head of Pavle Đurišić floating around the Internet. Don't look it up, for your own sake.
[7] Lawyer, member of the Dubrovnik branch of the HSS. Was Mayor of Dubrovnik IOTL for twelve days before getting executed in the notorious 1944 Daksa executions by the Yugoslav Partisans on the charges of collaboration with the enemy. ITTL Pavelić chooses Koprivica to be mayor himself, circumventing the whole election-by-the-city-council thingy because he frankly does not care for such things, and he needed someone respectable to keep his regime afloat in the capital.
[8] Not really a dissident in the conventional sense of vocal opposition, but more in the sense of saving innocent people from retribution, if this Obzor article is to be believed.
[9] Bondin teatar was used as the name of the Marin Držić Theater in Dubrovnik from 1865 to 1944 as a way of honoring Luko Bonda, the main financial backer of its construction.
[10] IOTL Pavelić wrote a single political novel (in 1936) titled The Pretty Blonde (Lijepa plavojka). ITTL he writes the aforementioned The Fields of Skin, another novel with a few fantasy elements, but with an obvious underlying political message.
[11] All credit for the original picture goes to Silas Manhood.
 
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Excellent work. Things are really reaching their boiling point, and atrocities are really starting to pile up, but then again this is Balkans in WW2, so that is something that is to be expected. I must commend you, because you are not shying away from more gruesome actions that happened, and you do strive for realistic approach, or at least trying to considering that this Alternate History.

You do make a very good point that just because a better man is in control of Croatia, it does not mean all is sunshine and rainbows, either in Croatia or elsewhere. It shows how one man cannot hope to change things for the better, no matter how good of a person he is, or how noble his intentions are.

Some may accuse you of writing this TL as too dark or too pessimistic, but I do think that it is important to show that nobody came out of that war with clean hands. Then again I am Croatian too, and pessimism is something we are generally born with, so that may have influenced my worldview somewhat.

As for happenings in TL, this does not bode well for anyone concerned. Croatian population is being persecuted, if not outright exterminated, but blame is not going to be solely atributed to the Italians, though they are going to carry the greatest share of it. Survivors will also going to reserve some of the hatred for Partisans, but I think especially for the Croatia, for sitting dumb, fat and happy across the border, as their countrymen are being exterminated.

In Ragusa as well, impact of Partisan raid are going to be felt long after it has ended. Loss of land is something that is going to hurt, and if Pavelić was not paranoid before, he certainly is going to be now, and Republic of Ragusa may change in ways nobody could have thought. We may see a true Fortress State appear, something along the lines of North Korea, with propaganda and paranoia to match (resources and time allowing OFC.). Massive fortification efforts, turning any and all approaches to the city into killing grounds, total militarization of society, from youngest to the oldest, siege mentality included, while extermination of Serbs and Jews is going to go into an overdrive.

As for Dalmatia, Italians better hope that Croatians never get their hands on them, since I am quite certain that they will have very little mercy for any Italian, no matter were they involved in persecution or not. "Fojbe" of OTL are going to seem like a cut finger, if Homeguard ever marches in and their officers or political leaders lose control of them or even condone it. It is an incredible tragedy when one really thinks about it, centuries of peaceful coexistance between two people, with so much shared cultural heritage, wiped out in an instant due to fascist idiots, hell bent on creating a ethnicaly "pure" state, wiping out the "inferiors".

But, Croatia and its leaders are also going to have a lot of blame going their way. Sitting just over the border, while their people are being massacred, will not win them any love from the Dalmatians. King will also going to get hit with this, not only for his inaction, but also due to the circumstances of him becoming a king of Croatia. He is after all a son-in-law to the Italian King, married to his daughter, whose army is butchering their countrymen, and he does nothing to at least try to stop it. Maček is also not going to come out of this smelling of roses either, since people will see him as able to act, and yet he has done nothing, neither protesting nor sending in the army to put a stop to this.

Homeguard is going to be treated similary, with quite a few questions raised, with some of them being very uncomfortable to answer. The same Homeguard who fought so valiantly against Italians last summer, massively outnumbered and outgunned, where defeat seemed almost certain, yet managed to prevail against so great odds and secure the newly acquired statehood, and what now? They simply stand there as one of the historic Croatian regions is being de-Croatized in rivers of blood, not lifting a finger,but armed bands roam the country seemingly at will, with no one to stop them. The vaunted Kvaternik seems incapable of stopping a few rag-tag robbers, which have not only made a mockery of his attempts to do so during Zima 42, but in doing so they have managed to capture one of the heroes of Dalmatian War, Gruić and extract most of their army as well.

Pot is truly reaching a boiling point, and this seems to be the moment where people are going to wake up and realize that something is very wrong. "Car je Gol" moment if you will, where illusions are starting to fade, and something has to be done, unless they want their country to be sent screaming into the void.

Excellent writing, and I am only sorry that I cannot express myself better, to better show just how much I like this TL.
 

It irks me too, but it is something everyone must cover (in my opinion, at least) when talking about the Balkans of that period, because IOTL literally every side had their own skeletons in their closet and the PoD I chose, while seemingly positive on the surface, still resulted in some people triumphing, while others suffered even more than in our world. I think that's the most realistic way of doing it, even if I really dislike having to write about so many massacres here and war crimes there, but at the very least there will be a considerable break from those, as the chapters that follow are much more politicking+intrigues than iron+blood.

Oh certainly, I suffer from that same pessimism and Balkan mentality that seems so ingrained in our culture, wherever exactly it may be, and it is pretty much evident from the timeline and my writing process itself, since in the last chapter I struggled to come up with a positive thing to say about the entire Ragusan regime (granted, there really isn't much to praise there but still, being objective is imperative for my story in my opinion), and The Fields of Skin was literally a last-second addition that came as a suddenly as it was written down.

There certainly will be an excess of resentment coming from Dalmatia, but I think the Partisans still got out of that situation looking like winners the most. After thirteen months of cultural silence and fierce repression, the Partisans finally appeared and reawakened the South Slavic culture in Dalmatia that was slowly dying out, even those two months won't be forgotten as easily, and when the population there is seemingly left to its own devices by its supposed mother country that merely looked on in disinterest as innocent people of all ages got rounded up in concentration camps and shot by Roatta's men, you can bet that the Partisans have left a lasting impact on the area, and whatever country take shape post-War, you can rest assured that the region will either prove to be a major burden or among the most faithul strongholds with little-to-no chance for anything in the middle of those two extremes.

As for Ragusa, you can be certain that as crapsack as it looks right now, it will only get worse in the next Ragusa-centric update, and I've thrown a nice hint as to what might become the straw that breaks the camel's back with Pavelić's quote in the second portion of the latest chapter. After that, people of the entire Balkan peninsula will make sure to regret the days of the Ragusan Republic and everything it stood for, committed and left for future generations to struggle with.

If anything even remotely similar to the Armistice of Cassibile happens, you can be sure that Dalmatia will see even more innocent blood spilled, and the culture of the area will shift into directions that would otherwise never have occurred IOTL, and I sincerely hope I will be able to portray that in a nice, believable and detailed manner.

As always, thank you for your detailed opinions, discussions and PMs that help me in forming the basis of a future military-centric mega-chapter, it means a lot!
 
IV.XV | Sticks and Stones, Part IV - September 29, 1942
„I cannot believe this…“

With an unsteady shuffle of his feet, his second-in-command only nodded uncomfortably, though his face betrayed no emotion, as if still processing the shock of the recent events.

„Neither can I, Your Excellency. This might just be the most foolish mistake the King has so far committed.“

Vladko Maček just shakes his head slightly, knowing full well that Pribićević's short platitudes will not bring a solution to the problem, nor will they make coping with it any easier, so he just elects to ignore its shallow effects as soon as he can.

„I mean, I understand giving him those kitschy titles, even overly expensive axes to a certain extent… But actually ennobling the man?! With Victor Emmanuel's written permission? That is just too much for me to stomach!“

„I understand, Your Excellency, but you and I both know very well that the King is a man who chooses his opportunities carefully, there is sure to be a clear reason for such a major move--“

„Or it could simply be another stage of preparation for finally ousting me from power.“

He uttered those words before he could even think them through, and when he finally took note of what he actually said, his eyes widened in shock while Pribićević stared pointedly at him, as if he tried to telepathically get an explanation for this paranoid outburst from the shorter man.

„My apologies, Adam. It is just this stress getting to me… Everything is fine, I would just prefer if we tried to solve this mess of a situation at the earliest possible opportunity.“

„We shall, soon enough. Are you certain we've got the full backing of your cabinet? I can vouch for my people, but I am unsure of the Muslims and some elements of your own party, people such as [Stjepan] Hefer [1] enjoy great influence with some unsavory people within the National Parliament, and I've heard word of his alleged socializing with the pravaši [2] late into the night.“

This piqued Maček's interest.

„How sure are you of that?“

„Quite. Received reports of his conduct once or twice a fortnight since early March, though I held off on revealing it to you because of the rumors' uncertainty, but I think half a year of steady evidence is more than enough to throw a surefire accusation at the man.“

The Ban's head was spinning. He thought of Hefer as a trustworthy man, a man he could count on, which is why he was part of the Provisional Government in the first place. It seems as if some men's allegiances laid on shakier and shakier ground as the initial feelings of victory finally grew numb, a sullen fact hanging over his head more and more as he grew older.

„Would you give me those papers after this? I need to comb over them to make my final judgment.“

„Of course, Your Excellency.“

„What of Đuka, though?

Pribićević's scowl answered more than fittingly what his exact thoughts were on the matter.

„His drinking habits have worsened considerably. It seems as though each time I see him, he is cradling a new bottle of booze, and do not even let me mention the stench…“

Pribićević was not exaggerating at all, and it looked as if Maček was not the only Croatian leader suffering from the burdens of his duties, but he certainly seemed the one who carried them best. Kemfelja's descent into alcoholism was a painful one, as Maček and Čanić had to see one of their most useful allies wither away and begin to struggle trying to form coherent sentences at many meetings as the foul liquids started to evaporate from his skin.

„But his value is too large to simply have him replaced, I do not believe doing so would be a smart move at all, especially with the recent developments with Kvaternik and the King.“

A curse escaped Maček's mouth in a tiny whisper, signifying his tense frustration, letting Pribićević know that he should try and relieve the tension by cracking a joke, even if it was a poorly conceptualized one.

„The coat of arms, though… What a damn mess.“

A nervous laugh echoed from the older man's throat, easily finding agreement with Adam Pribićević's sentiments.

„I am really not sure what that Old Goat was thinking when he presented it to the world…“

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The coat of arms of the House of Kvaternik (words below the white goat: Deus et libertas in Latin; God and Liberty in English; Bog i sloboda in Croatian)
Kvaternik ventured through the large halls of his new home, observing the expansive space with an astonished glint in his light brown eyes, making their color change to a lighter shade, almost resembling orange. Thanks to the King's boundless generosity (and deep pockets no less), Kvaternik was gifted the castle of Ozalj from the Brethren of the Croatian Dragon [3] and complete jurisdiction over the town of the same name, courtesy of the Golden Lion whose only response at the Supreme Commander's wishes for justification was a large smile on his face, telling him in a jovial tone.

„A modest gift for a man whose unwavering sense of duty not only provides national security, but also the safety of the royal family.“

The King placed his sugarcoated words well, as Kvaternik's gaze softened immediately upon picturing the faces of Crown Prince Mauricije Zvonimir, Princes Henrik Vilim and Oto Adolf as well as little Princess Elizabeta enjoying their sunny day with their dear parents. The image soon turned to dust as it was replaced by the bleak walls of the castle's interior that once housed the most powerful Croatian noble families plotting against the Austrian crown centuries before [4].

Lots of work to be done here.

Luckily, with some hindsight, his own wife will return soon to him [5] with information about the cost of the repairs he so correctly predicted would be needed for the sizable building. It seems as though the reforms, such as the toughening up of his troops in anti-guerrilla combat situations he intended to introduce into the Home Guard in the coming months would have to wait a while more.

Unfortunately for his tired, vulnerable mind, though, this thought process pulled him right back into melancholy and sadness as he remembered his son. His only son. His Eugen who would've been his heir had it not been for that wretch Pavelić poisoning his mind [6] and taking him away from him forever. Perhaps in blood they are still the same, but regarding anything else they are as good as strangers to each other. His heart shrunk agonizingly as the burden of fate slowly pressed it into an uncomfortable stranglehold, memories of earlier, simpler days returning to him one by one.

With the responsibilities of leading the country and sorting out the mess within his own armed forces, he seldom found time to contemplate personal matters, but with the day off he received from the King, it seemed like quite a struggle even attempting to emerge from that particular sinkhole. Petar Milutin would be the one to inherit his new lands and holdings, and while the two were not close since childhood, the eldest Kvaternik brother knew that the feeling of discomfort of a father who had lost his son would persist all the way until his death, whenever that may be.

Strangled cries began to emanate from the lonely halls of the barren building.

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Ozalj Castle, the Kvaternik family's headquarters

In the King's own temporary residence, much rejoicing was to be had. The reward may have appeared excessive, since a castle and a hereditary lordship over a town of about four and a half thousand residents seemed too sumptuous for a mere military officer, but Philipp knew far better than that, for finally pacifying the unruly elements of the Home Guard under Čanić was of utmost priority, since a king without a faithful army can be considered no king at all. Now, though, none of those things mattered to the Italian king's son-in-law, as he observed his lovely wife with adoration in his eyes. He walked over to her, not wishing to disturb the Queen, seeing as she was deeply concerned with a pile of papers found on the large living room table, signing most of them away with her elegant signature. The screech of one of the chairs' legs pulling along the hardwood floor broke her out of her reverie, a warm smile appearing on her face as she took in her husband's finely clothed appearance.

„Love… I did not see you there.“

„I know, I did not mean to bother you.“

„It is fine, really, those are just some contracts about our funds going to the orphanages in Una-Krajina and Vrbas Counties.“

Queen Mafalda, similarly to her German husband, worked tirelessly on building the image of the royal family, though it hardly seemed to be her only priority, as many of her actions (such as helping poor common people across the Kingdom) showed a purely altruistic motive behind them. While the King's line of work involved making many allies and enemies alike, Victor Emmanuel III's daughter's carefree and approachable attitude created a nigh universally beloved figure in her new nation, and many little girls began to be taught to behave just like Queen Mafalda, and many women across the country looked up to her as an empowering symbol of female strength and elegance. [7]

Her numerous visits to orphanages, schools and playgrounds were appreciated and respected by all sides of the political spectrum, already building a lasting legacy based on humanitarian work in less than a year of Philipp's reign. Even in modern times, older people look fondly on that period of history, where blood and iron flooded the vast area of the Balkans all the while the Golden Lioness cared for and protected her people who suffered under the unforgiving hardships of war.

„I am sure they can wait a little while more.“

„How are Moritz's lessons progressing?“

„Marvelously! I could not have asked for a finer son. He will make a great ruler one day.“

„He looks just like you, talks just like you, acts just like you…“

He chuckles good-naturedly, a charming smile that had smitten her all those years ago forming once more on his cleanly shaven face.

„Is that a bad thing now?“

She smiles back at her significant other as he moves to kiss her. She lets him while lowering her pen gently to the table, head already dizzy from Philipp's lips making contact with her smooth cheek.

The King, enamored by his own successes and accomplishments over the summer, put all thoughts of ongoing issues to rest, instead committing himself to what he lovingly considered to be creating the crown jewel of his reign, the most concrete foundation of his dynasty that would come to last for a thousand years. Little Elisabeth and quiet Otto did need a companion to play with after all

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Mafalda, Queen of Croatia and Lady of Bosnia, one of the least divisive figures of wartime Croatia, c. 1942
The streets of Mostar, even a year after the horrors of the Italian siege of the city, resembled a ghost town, many alleyways and promenades still in ruins, even after the well-funded concerted efforts of the government aimed at restoring the settlement to its former glory. Bogdan Majetić walked along the Neretva, taking in his surroundings as he thought of a clear objective in his mind. Vokić, one of his former colleagues from the Home Guard, a man still living through the punishment of being forcibly relocated to the Town of Fallen Heroes (Grad palih heroja) by Kvaternik after one too many vocal disagreements with the General Staff during the Croatian armed forces' adventures in Romania. The freshness of the Herzegovinian river enveloped his skin, comfortable tingles running beneath the fabric of his inconspicuous civilian shirt.

Upon observing the people in passing, he could not help but notice the old women in all-black guiding children by holding their shaky hands, tragedy cut deep into the somberness of their faces. Now Majetić understood the symbolism of the color, his shoulders immediately tensing up in saddened acknowledgment of his countrymen's suffering. Fortunately for him, the large tavern appeared in front of him, and he made his way inside before the winds of sorrow could knock all air out of his lungs.

All kinds of typical civilian smells hit his nostrils in rapid succession – cigarette smoke, pleasant local food and an overabundance of alcoholic beverages. Most people were gathered around a band of musicians where a young woman beautifully sung one of those songs that touches the warmest parts of one's soul, just tempting you to throw at least a couple glasses at the nearest wall. The forty-six-year-old smiles slightly as the familiar lyrics gently soothe his eardrums and the accordion, accompanied by a choir of tipsy voices start reminding him of his youth. Despite the wondrous atmosphere, he was still on a mission, one whose goal he could not afford to postpone, and he nigh forcefully pulls his gaze away from the rowdy crowd, eyes darting around the establishment seeking out the other officer. Majetić approaches the bar, lowers a Gradaščević note on it before ordering a glass of spritzer and approaching the far-off separate booth where Vokić was seated.

The young Hero of Velebit was still in his field-grey uniform [8], enjoying what he assumed was a glass of water, if his stellar reputation was anything to go by.

„Officer.“

Vokić looks up at him expectantly before giving him a warm smile as part of his response, a cheerful glint in his eyes.

„Civilian.“

„Let's get straight to the point, Ante, since you've likely heard the news by now. Time is of essence here.“

„You must be fun to have around. Nevertheless…“

He retrieves a single paper from the briefcase Majetić did not even notice on the empty seat adjacent to Vokić's own.

Majetić picks up the paper in his hand and immediately frowns as he notices what exactly the ink is forming. It appeared to be a document written in Serbian Cyrillic, speaking in much detail about the movements of the 5th Serbian Patriotic Guard around the Kraljevo Oblast in Commissioner Serbia. Shift exchanges, working hours, numbers of active troops stationed in each city, everything was there

The Bjelovar native's shock could not be more obvious, and his comrade easily picks up on it, answering his silent inquiry in a heartbeat.

„You would not believe me once I say it, but Emilija Draškić, Panta's wife found me at the end of August and told me everything that's happened. This paper you're holding in your hand is only a tidbit of everything that she has brought us.“

„Us?“

„Čanić, Maček, you and me, just to name a few. Read the bottom of the paper.“

During the process, as his eyes widen in realization and the waitress delivers his drink, Vokić's face suddenly became the polar opposite of what it was merely moments before, no doubt also considering the ramifications of the documents delivered to him by pure chance.

„This…“

„…Is our chance, indeed. Now, I've no reason to doubt the woman, she did walk over five hundred kilometers, no doubt heard of her husband's humiliating demise and likely had to evade whatever gangs of rapists and thugs still roamed the mountains.“

„I agree, but this information… How could we possibly exploit a supposed meeting of Kosta Pećanac and Kvaternik scheduled for November? Pećanac isn't the one ordering entire villages to be slaughtered in the Drina Borderlands nor is he the one who is particularly espousing anti-Croat sentiment in his own troops. He simply has nothing to do with us.“

„I am not as green as I once was [9], and this is just the kind of opportunity we can use against the Old Goat, I assure you. People already know of the Dinara Army in Dalmatia, Đurišić's Militia in Montenegro, Pećanac's own Legals, Mihailović's Army of the Fatherland or whatever they even call it. Now, the one our own newspapers regularly write about is Čića, but that does not matter in the end, there is already so many of those damn Chetniks that even people specialized in keeping track of them all have trouble listing them in detail.“

„So you propose false flagging as a means to an end?“

„More or less, and if I recall correctly Minister Farolfi controls the overwhelming majority of the media. If we give him the papers that incriminate Kvaternik's reputation, he'll easily spin the tale into a bundle of anti-Kvaternik think pieces. Just imagine the faces of all those shallow people who only skim over the headlines getting flabbergasted at titles such as Precious Supreme Commander caught in bed with Chetnik chief and other similarly worded bombshells. That would provide the perfect time for us to strike and finally take him down.

„What if the Gestapo or, god forbid, the KOZD [10] find out about this? They may well use our own weapon against us that way.“

„Do not worry, if the King's crooks already knew, I'd be a dead man. Besides, I always have at least three men I know I can trust with me, and I hide the documents every night in a safe that requires both a lock and a password to open.“

„And where would those three be now?“

Vokić redirects his pointed gaze from Majetić over to the crowd, where, among the cheery men and women, stood three men whose careers could easily be discovered by the grey poljanka [11] hats they clutched tightly in their hand as they swayed from one side to the other at the immediately recognizable tune. No doubt, they already had enough drinks to successfully forget their duty as they ogled the beauty of the female singers assembled between them.

„I guess I should find better men to trust, though these days even finding types like those is a miracle.“

„It wouldn't hurt to try. For now, we should lay low with this, wait for all the hubbub over our beloved Goat to finally pass. Nothing earlier, unless our hand is forced. Is that clear?“

„Of course.“

He drinks the contents of his glass in a single gulp before shaking hands with Vokić and leaving the lively interior of the establishment, nostalgic musical notes still accompanying him even after his departure from the Town of Heroes.

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*****
[1] Lawyer hailing from Čepin. Member of the right-wing faction of the HSS during the interwar period. Proclaimed Great Prefect of the Great County of Baranja following the proclamation of the Independent State of Croatia IOTL, and was even proclaimed Pavelić's successor in 1959 by the Poglavnik himself, though the latter was never able to sign the document due to his worsening health.
[2] Nickname used for members of the HSP IOTL, and the HOSP ITTL, equivalent to the Dems for the American Democratic Party and the GOP for the Republicans.
[3] Bratstvo hrvatskoga zmaja is a Croatian cultural society established in 1905 which is credited with successfully returning the bones of Petar Zrinski and Fran Krsto Frankopan to Croatia in 1919. The Brethren bought the Ozalj Castle in 1928 from the Thurm und Thaxis family in order to save it from falling into ruin, and the King later buys it from them fourteen years later.
[4] Reference to the Magnate conspiracy of 1671 that intended to tear down the absolutist regime of the Habsburg dynasty in order to achieve independence for Croatia and Hungary, mainly as a consequence of the incredibly unfavorable Peace of Vasvár that uselessly annulled all successes made against the Ottoman Empire during the 1660s. Needless to say, it failed miserably, and many consider its outcome as the death of original Croatian nobility, as the Zrinskis and the Frankopans soon went extinct by the beginning of the 18th century.
[5] Olga, Kvaternik's wife and daughter of Josip Frank (influential Jewish pravaš during Austria-Hungary) committed suicide in 1941 out of shame for seeing her husband and only son serving a regime that aims to destroy not only her own people, but other minorities as well. ITTL, with relatively more sane leaders of Croatia, she is in a much better place and joins her husband's side in their grief about Eugen.
[6] Even IOTL Kvaternik is believed to have said, in one of his conversations with Glaise von Horstenau, that „Eugen is Pavelić's son, in the spiritual sense, at least“. ITTL, with over a year apart, Kvaternik's belief only strengthens, and he begins to despise Pavelić because of it.
[7] IOTL Mafalda was working against the war effort, leading to her being despised by the Nazi higher-ups. In Hitler's words, she was the blackest carrion in the Italian royal house, while Goebbels was even more impolite, instead calling her the biggest asshole in the entire Italian royal house. ITTL, while her husband very much wants to be on top of all things military and politics-related, Mafalda still prefers helping the distressed commoners, not wanting to entangle herself with the politicking and warmongering that was commonplace even IOTL in the area.
[8] The official color of the Royal Croatian Home Guard uniforms, inspired by the Wehrmacht uniforms of the same time period as well as a symbolic showcase of just how much Croatia is trying to emulate Germany.
[9] From what few sources there are about Vokić, he really does seem like a naive man. Even when conspiring to overthrow Pavelić during the Lorković-Vokić plot of OTL, he still revealed every little detail of the would-be coup to the Poglavnik, which later resulted in his arrest, imprisonment and execution in Lepoglava once Pavelić got cold feet about the whole idea. ITTL, beginning in a much lower position due to him just abandoning the Ustaše on the onset of the Croatian-Italian War, he is forced to grow out of his naivety much faster as he takes the side of the Reformists who are fighting an uphill battle from the very beginning against Kvaternik and his Teutons.
[10] Acronym for the Royal Department of National Defense (Kraljevski odjel za zaštitu države), a UNS-type organization that serves as a secret service working directly for the Golden Lion, though many of its members have infiltrated the organization on Maček's behalf as part of the ongoing political feud between the two of them.
[11] Original name used for the caps that are part of the KHD uniforms. Visually, they are nigh identical to the feldkappe of the former K.u.K. Army.
 
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Zagan

Donor
I like Queen Mafalda very much and she seems even more agreeable in TTL. I hope she will survive the war.

In OTL she died a stupid death, killed in an American bombardment. Hopefully Croatia will be spared that kind of destruction.
 
I like Queen Mafalda very much and she seems even more agreeable in TTL. I hope she will survive the war.

In OTL she died a stupid death, killed in an American bombardment. Hopefully Croatia will be spared that kind of destruction.

I agree with your sentiments, she easily grew to be among my favorite characters that I wrote about since I began this story. It's just so refreshing to see someone simply being a kind human being in the midst of the largest and most horrid tragedy that has ever befallen the world.

You can rest assured that her fate will be much different that IOTL, she is simply too good of a character to die in such a sad, unsatisfactory manner.:) As for the latter half of the second paragraph, I wouldn't hold out much hope for that, simply due to the fact that war is eagerly expecting Croat men whether Croatia turns against the Axis or it chooses to fight by Hitler's side until the very end, in the end it really matters little if the bombs destroying Croatian soil turn out to be American, French, Soviet, Yugoslav or German, though each one of them would create a different situation regarding the general mentality of Croatian people post-war.
 
Nice chapter @John_Smith.

So, various developments are going on, and all major players in Croatia get their share of the spotlight this time.

Maček is really not happy with King further honoring Kvaternik, especially since the Italian king actually gave permission for it, putting Croatia into a subservent position to Italy. It is also shown rather well, the amount of pressure Maček and some of his subordinates are under, fearing that King, Kvaternik or HOSP are planning to remove them from power, either by themselves, or all together.

Kvaternik on the other hand, I would say is at the height of his power, still widely respected, his previous actions have not yet caught up with him, and he is for all intents and purposes untouchable. He not only has the support of the King, but also (presumably) of the wider masses, as well as of the German leadership. He has just become a noble, with a castle and land, but situation with his son may end up becoming something that could break him. You really have a way with words, and one can not help but feel sympathetic towards Kvaternik here, with estranged son who has turned his back on both him and his country, to follow a fascist charlatan. But Kvaternik, even considering all his flaws is not a bad person, and at the very least his wife would not commit suicide because of their son.

I also liked the look into personal lives of Croatian royalty, and I do hope that Mafalda manages to live through the war.

But what really made me interested is Vokić planning something nefarious. He is somewhat more jaded, much more then he ever was IOTL, and is keeping his mouth shut, relying only on the ones closest to him. Trying to sufficiently embarass Kvaternik to remove him from power seems to be the idea, and to get Homeguard moving in the right direction. Now, what will happen if they catch Kvaternik, that is the question. They could always decide that Kvaternik is more useful dead then alive and if they portray him as a martyr he would become a rather powerful propaganda material. Would Vokić be up to it I am really not certain, but on the other hand nobody who could rise to a position of NDH minister of armed forces, is going to be lacking ruthlesness.

Excellent work, of the type we have come to expect.
 
The story would change the overall outcome of the war or just the fate of Croatia and the Balkans?

Changes have already happened due to the different actions taken by Croatian leadership. For example in Italy, leadership has changed, with Mussolini replaced by Farinacci, substantial amount of unrest or even outright insurgency in parts of Italy. There are going to be deviations in North African Campaign, since substantial part of Axis troops were Italian, so we could perhaps see greater Allied successes much earlier then IOTL.

Eastern front could also see some changes, but I am rather cautious about that. There is slightly larger Croatian involvement, in regards to the Air and Land contigents sent to fight alongside Germans. In actual numbers there is an additional bomber wing (OTL it was 1 fighter and 1 bomber wing) with Croatian Aerial Legion, and ground forces will also be somewhat larger. OTL only Croatian unit to fight on the Eastern Front was the 369th (reinforced) infantry regiment, and here it makes its reappearance, though renamed 501st, but I do believe it is still attached to the 100th Light Infantry Division as in OTL. There is also Latin Legion, roughly a divisional sized formation, mixed Romanian-Croatian unit, 12 thousand strong, that is going to Stalingrad to take part in the fighting there.

There is no Croatian Naval Detachment on the Black Sea, since Croatia did keep some sort of naval presence on the Adriatic, but their impact is hard to quantify. They did take part in sinking of several Soviet submarines, and did numerous patrols, mostly mknesweeping ones. They also protected/took part in fishing operations on the Black Sea, providing "many tons of fish",,which fed both the civilians in the occupied areas, as well as Axis soldiers.

Good sense of fashion.

Not so much a fashion sense, but I would say more of a statement. Homeguard bases much of its traditions on the Homeguard from the WW1, uniforms are just one of those things that would bring them closer to that. Of course, do expect some changes, they are not living in vacuum, and if the leadership of the Homeguard changes which is very likely, younger men who could come after them will try and make some changes. I mean tradition is all well and good, but I do doubt that Reformists would enjoy to be related to A-H military that much, since it suffered some quite devastating defeats, and was heavily reliant on Germany.
 
Not so much a fashion sense, but I would say more of a statement. Homeguard bases much of its traditions on the Homeguard from the WW1, uniforms are just one of those things that would bring them closer to that. Of course, do expect some changes, they are not living in vacuum, and if the leadership of the Homeguard changes which is very likely, younger men who could come after them will try and make some changes. I mean tradition is all well and good, but I do doubt that Reformists would enjoy to be related to A-H military that much, since it suffered some quite devastating defeats, and was heavily reliant on Germany.
Still asthetic
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