The Promise of a Clean Regime | An Independent State of Croatia TL

[Triune Kingdom]

Nice work.

So Serbia is a mess, to an even greater degree then OTL it seems, and that is going to have some rather interesting effects on both Croatia and especially the Partisans. On the other hand Partisan movement seems to be composed of much greater number of Serbs then IOTL, which will hamper them a lot, especially in non-Serbian areas. Also, having Serbs being the majority will certainly make them appear to others as another attempt at Serbian domination of their South Slavic neighbors, only this time dressed in an even more despicable communist veneer, claims to federalism and "brotherhood and unity" aside.

Also, Partisans are going to be bent over repeatedly TTL, with Croatia a bit more competent and Germans having greater forces at their disposal in some areas, OTL would seem almost like cakewalk.

Great work, keep it up.

 

[John_Smith]

Nice work.

So Serbia is a mess, to an even greater degree then OTL it seems, and that is going to have some rather interesting effects on both Croatia and especially the Partisans. On the other hand Partisan movement seems to be composed of much greater number of Serbs then IOTL, which will hamper them a lot, especially in non-Serbian areas. Also, having Serbs being the majority will certainly make them appear to others as another attempt at Serbian domination of their South Slavic neighbors, only this time dressed in an even more despicable communist veneer, claims to federalism and "brotherhood and unity" aside.

Also, Partisans are going to be bent over repeatedly TTL, with Croatia a bit more competent and Germans having greater forces at their disposal in some areas, OTL would seem almost like cakewalk.

Great work, keep it up.

Indeed, the Partisans' decision to focus their efforts on Serbia instead of Croatia as the did IOTL really messed up the internal stability of the rump state. As for the Partisans' credibility, there is still Tito to consider. A cunning opportunist such as him could always find a way out of sticky situations (provided that he survives ITTL), and he could easily offer greater autonomy for places such as Bosnia, Sandžak and Vojvodina to strengthen his position in those areas, as well as moving away from the revanchist narrative of the Chetniks/Yugoslav government in exile by promising fairness to Croatia in a future federation.

That they are, certainly, which explains why they went underground so quickly ITTL, though they are plotting something to shake things up, as is to be expected of Tito and his comrades.

 

[Triune Kingdom]

snip.

True, greater amount of chaos in Serbia would allow Partisans much opportunity to cause havoc, and establish themselves firmy in the minds of Serbian people that they are actually fighting for liberation, and that they are the only go-to option if one wishes to resist. Problem is that they are in Serbia, and will draw much of their recruits from there, which will be slightly problematic when they go somewhere else, and try to present themselves as liberators of all the South Slavs and that they are fighting for unified Yugoslavia. For many people that would be the point where they slam the doors in their face, or try and contact the government to tell them that Commie bandits are around. And of course, if Partisans try and take things such as food or try to conscript people by force, that will just make it more certain that next time people will not hesitate in calling in the Homeguard/Germans/whoever.

As for Tito promising autonomy, well that is all he is doing, and promises have been broken repeatedly before the war. And if Partisans are not holding those areas, and if he does not have sufficient forces to both hold and defend them from inevetable counterattack by others, these promises will mean very little.

To add to these problems Partisans will face Croatia whose armed forces are not hampered by infighting (at least not to the levels of OTL), which have much better morale, and which are not starved of men and equipment to feed Vojnica and its ever growing appetite. Not that Croatian Homeguard is reigning supreme, far from that, but its prospects are much better then IOTL, and improvement and reform are ineventable, which will make Homeguard a much more dangerous and much more capable force. And of course, do not forget that competent Croatia will allow for greater amount of German occupational troops to be released for service elsewhere, that various shades of Serbian and Chetnik militias do not like Communists very much, and Italians are also going to be more then happy to skin them if they manage to get their hands on them. Partisans are in for some very rough time, and Tito, for all his charisma and leadership skills will have very little chance of changing that.

 

[John_Smith]

Anton Korošec was to the Slovene people what Vladko Maček was to the Croats – a beloved figure who unified his nation in the fight against the authoritarian regime in Belgrade, whose illustrious background dates all the way back to the beginning of the 20th century: reading out the May Declaration [1] in the Austrian Reichsrat in 1917, Presidency of the short-lived National Council of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, opposition to the Vidovdan Constitution [2], drawing up the Slovenian Declaration [3], his forced exile (similarly to Maček's imprisonment in Srijemska Mitrovica) to Hvar, mediation in the creation of the Cvetković-Maček agreement, among other things, only served to prove the similarities between the two elder caretakers of their own people. However, there were key differences that clearly distinguish one from the other, such as Korošec's priesthood (and affinity for clericalism, something he infused rather well into the SLS [4]), serving in distinct contrast to Maček's (and HSS' overall) anticlerical position. Korošec was also no stranger to antisemitism and rapproachment with Nazi Germany, as his position as Education Minister in the Cvetković-Maček government ensured that two antisemitic laws were introduced to Yugoslavia in October 1940.

Unfortunately for the people of Slovenia, Korošec's death at age 68 in December 1940 surprised everyone, though the Slovene People's Party suffered the most from the shocking news coming from Belgrade, with the party falling apart and ending up completely disunited when faced with the uncertainty of the exact path its policy should follow after the death of the influential priest. This most likely resulted in numerous fragmented groups that made up the Liberation Front (OF), the pro-Axis collaborationist groups (gathered around people like Leon Rupnik and Gregorij Rožman) and some royalist collectives (Blue Guard), each of whom vied for power in the occupied Drava Banovina after the fall of Yugoslavia.

Anton Korošec, Vladko Maček of Slovenia
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The last of the groups mentioned above, though, was ejected from Slovene lands in early 1942 as a result of Roberto Farinacci's unforgiving policy aimed at all forms of aversion to Italian rule in the occupied Slavic-populated territories. After a brief period of silence, the group of eleven Slovene Chetniks emerged again in Zagreb, coming as a bolt from the blue that turned out to be a more than welcome development that allowed the King and the Ban to finally set aside their differences upon noticing the opportunity that the newly arrived Slovenes presented.

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Vladko Maček, whose father was a Slovene from Celje, looked on the ragtag group of individuals with a sense of brotherly sympathy, having readily accepted Hitler's offers (read: demands) of relocating Slovenes from the occupied territories of Yugoslavia to Croatia [5]. Many of the refugees were given housing in Hrvatsko Zagorje (majority of them being resettled to Krapina in the far northwest), close to the border with the German Reich, with a portion of the state funds designated for this occasion specifically. It is said that by mid-1942 there were around forty five thousand people of Slovene descent living in Croatia [6], and judging by the political developments that had occurred within their own ethnic group during 1942, they were there to stay, for the time being, at the very least.

Full view of Krapina, nicknamed Little Ljubljana due to its large Slovene population during the war (1930s photo)
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King Filip, on the other hand, while reluctant at first, quickly took notice of the hardened and rough exterior of the eleven exiles, and had an epiphany. After a few meetings with Slavko Kvaternik in late April 1942, he began to see Novak's group as the core of what could, in the future, become his loyal Praetorian Guard, faithfully protecting the safety of his future dynasty for many years to come. With the construction of his castle on Sljeme well under way and his continuous attempts at fostering closer relations with Karl Novak and his allies, he allowed himself to indulge in such fantasies, and he was set on making his wishes come true in the coming months.

While Filip drew up his own plans for utilizing the military prowess of the eleven men, Vladko Maček had already decided to put his own ideas into action. Working closely with the only non-military survivor of the months-long expedition, priest Ivan Lavrih, the duo formed the SNS (Slovenian National Council – Slovenski nacionalni svet), an institution whose sole goals are the promotion of Slovenian national and cultural identity in the fields of art, science, spiritual creativity, economy and public life, as well as care for social development of the Slovene nation, to quote Lavrih's proclamation over the radio on May 3, 1942. The Council (whose headquarters were in Krapina) itself comprised of seven members, six of whom were survivors of the Rihemberk siege:

• Ivan Lavrih – Catholic priest, chosen as first President of the SNS in hopes of emulating Korošec's past successes, quiet and unassuming man whose main concern is the safety and cultural well-being of his countrymen who had to escape persecution by the Germans and Italians

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• Franc Heinrihar – reserve Major, member of the DOS (royalist intelligence service serving King Peter II in Slovenia), financier and donor of the Slovene Chetniks, manufacturer from Škofja Loka
• Josip Dežman – KJV Lieutenant Colonel, commander of the Chetniks from Novo Mesto (close to the border with Croatia)
• Karl Novak – KJV Colonel, commander-in-chief of the destroyed Blue Guard with dubious connections to Chetnik commander Draža Mihailović and other Yugoslav secret services in general
• Anton Šinkar – Catholic priest, youngest member of the Council (twenty six at the time of the SNS' establishment), member of the Central National Committee of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (CNK) [7]
• Leon Štukelj – famous Olympic gymnast and athlete (having won 3 gold, 1 silver and 2 bronze medals in 3 Games), rumored to maintain contacts with the British Special Operations Executive
• Vladimir Vauhnik – only councilor not to have witnessed the destruction of the Slovene Chetniks (having been a member of the Royal Croatian Home Guard at the time), rumored to have informed the Yugoslav government of the nation's impending invasion four days before it had occurred, though the fruits of his information-collecting labor fell on deaf ears

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The Council had also received a flag as per the demands of Maček and Lavrih. The flag's colors were inspired by the first Slovenian flag that was flown in Ljubljana on April 7, 1848 during the height of the Spring of Nations. White, blue and red are Pan-Slavic colors as defined by the Prague Slavic Congress of 1848, but are also speculated to have come from the medieval coat of arms of the Duchy of Carniola. In the middle, though, stood a symbol for the Sun. Golden in its color, adorned by twelve wavy legs of identical length, its origin has, since its inception, been speculated on by analysts and non-analysts alike. Some say that the Sun's legs are meant to symbolize the swastika, others even assume that it was inspired by the SS-appropriated Black Sun (Schwarze Sonne) worshipped today by the fringe occultist Neo-Nazis, and others mention that the Sun was taken as one of many motifs from France Prešeren's [8] seminal work A Wreath of Sonnets (Sonetni venec), most notably the stanza in which Prešeren combines his fierce, albeit unrequited love for a woman he knows he can never have with the thoughts of a subjugated homeland in chains:

"I shed my tears to loneliness confined:
Hence all these songs which from my love arise;
They come from where no man can sunshine find."
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Of course, with so many theories floating around, none of which were ever addressed by the councilors during their lifetimes, extensive debates are still being held between pro-unionists, anti-unionists and everyone in-between who still care about the issue.

The Council, during Lavrih's presidency, focused intensely on maintaining the peaceful coexistence of the refugees' culture with the culture of their protectors, promoting Slovenian art, music and literature in numerous festivals and parades held throughout Zagorje and Zagreb. Special focus was given to promoting the works of France Prešeren, Ivan Cankar, Simon and Davorin Jenko (whose composition Naprej, zastava slave [lit. Forward, Flag of Glory] began to be used as the Council's anthem) and especially Stanko Vraz, whose brilliant interweaving of both Romantic and Renaissance motifs as well as his contribution to the Croatian national revival (despite his Slovene origins) provided a perfect opportunity to promote Slovenian-Croatian fraternity and camaraderie (despite history showing otherwise [9]), and soon many exhibitions sporting his face and poems took place throughout Croatia, as showed in a 1951 survey taken in northern Croatia, where about ninety one percent of those surveyed (ranging from mayors and city councilors all the way to regular mailmen and farmers; 1241 people altogether) could tell who Stanko Vraz was and list at least two of his works, as well as quoting verses or specific parts of them.

An old man and a woman wearing traditional Slovene folk costumes from their former homes in Polhov Gradec (photo taken in Krapina, mid-to-late 1942)
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Slovene language began to be taught in schools attended by a large number of Slovenes (mostly in Zagorje and Zagreb), masses were allowed to be held in Slovene, and Minister Vladimir Nazor (with Vladko Maček's full support) openly encouraged Slovene residents to begin writing their own works, also funding excursions for students, pupils and everyone who was interested throughout Zagorje to seek inspiration, leading to the formation of two distinct Croatian literary movements: Peasant Idealism (Seljački idealizam; marked with poignant and inspirational pictures of the Croatian countryside, filled with simple archetypal characters like selfless peasants, poor but kindly singers or greedy and unpleasant politicians and corporatists from the cities with the central idea of safeguarding the old way of living against the encroachment of people who wanted to ruin it) and Fraternism (Fraternizam; its off-shoot, mostly focused on groups of characters of Croatian and Slovene origins working together for a common cause in the backdrop of the idyllic images of the countryside and various landscapes of Croatia and Slovenia). The influence of Nazor and Maček on the culture of the region could still be felt even after their deaths, with the former movement culminating during the 1950s as a response to the ever-increasing heavy-handed approach of the government toward its people.

Photo from Krešo Golik's 1954 feature film Naši dani (lit. Our Days), where peasants from surrounding rival villages decide to help the displaced young man Dejo whose home and fields of wheat were just taken over by Gavan, industrialist and main antagonist of the movie
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Unfortunately, not everything went as smoothly as Lavrih had hoped it would. The decision to bar the President's executive powers with the democratic process ensured that the councilors more often than not had the upper hand in all decision-making. The invitations of the populace and subsequent formation of Slovene-speaking regiments of the Royal Croatian Home Guard only days after the SNS' origination ended up with over six thousand and two hundred volunteers, much to the shock of everybody involved. Instead of three regiments (each with about two thousand and fifty members) being formed, with Maček's influence, Kvaternik had decided on establishing special units of the Royal Croatian Home Guard that would serve as the equivalent of what the Home Guard was to the Hungarian Honvéd during Austria-Hungary, and thus, the Slovene Detachments of the Royal Croatian Home Guard (SOKHD – Slovenski odredi Kraljevskog hrvatskog domobranstva) were formed on May 19, 1942. The special army section of the KHD was allowed to hold its military training in Slovene, to have its units take on Slovenian names as well as have a special academy be built soon to accommodate the ever-growing new Home Guard formation (which would happen in November 1942 in Vrankovec, about 8 kilometers southeast of Krapina). Soon, the unit (under the command of Karl Novak, Vladimir Vauhnik and later Ivan Prezelj who had been allowed to leave the POW camp in Italy in late August 1942) would begin receiving handy funds from Filip who hoped to get the SOKHD on his side, quickly becoming among the best equipped formations within the Royal Croatian Home Guard. The special army section would also soon start calling itself Maister's Sons (Maistrovi sinovi; after Rudolf Maister who led the liberation of Slovenia from Austrian rule in 1918 and 1919), while the Croatian media also used the Sun Legion (Sončna legija in Slovenian, Sunčeva legija in Croatian) to name the unit.

As expected, all members of the SNS (aside from Lavrih) became part of the SOKHD, leading to a conflict of interests where Lavrih wanted more attention paid to the proper education and cultural reawakening of his forty five thousand constituents, he found himself getting increasingly outvoted by everyone else, something even his veto powers could not prevent, which led to a slow and arduous process of integrating the SOKHD as the paramilitary wing of the SNS, the process that culminated on the Rudolf Maister Day (November 23, 1942) [10] when Lavrih was forced by the councilors to resign his position as President of the Slovenian National Council and distance himself from the Council in general (with his vacant seat taken by Prezelj), leading to the pursuit of a heavily militaristic policy by the so-called Sun Council (Sončni svet in Slovenian, Sunčevo vijeće in Croatian) following the great upheaval within the armed forces of the Kingdom in the final months of the year.

With the significant change in policy also came the realization by Maček and King Filip of just how important the Slovenes are going to be to them if they manage to win over their sympathies to their side, and true to their respective gut feelings, the decisions of Novak, Vauhnik and the rest of the SNS/SOKHD would prove to be the deciding factors in the crucial matter of the Kingdom's life or death.

*****
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[1] A programmatic statement by the members of the Yugoslav Club in the Reichsrat that sought a trialistic form of government in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, with South Slavs having a kingdom under the Crown of Zvonimir for themselves. Considered by many as the first stepping stone toward the evolution of Yugoslav unionism (with everyone advocating the unification of South Slavs with Serbia after the Declaration's failure).
[2] Named after the Feast of St. Vitus (Vidovdan) when the Constitutional Assembly of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes approved the constitution in spite of the opposition's boycott of the vote.
[3] Published shortly after the Zagreb Points, the program wants the Slovene people (then found in territories held by Yugoslavia, Italy, Hungary and Austria) to be united into a single political entity and for the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes to find a peaceful, democratic resolution to the question of statehood within the Kingdom.
[4] Slovene People's Party (Slovenska ljudska stranka), the strongest political party of Slovenia (equivalent to the HSS in Croatia) adopted clericalism and Christian democracy as its bases due to Korošec.
[5] Indeed, there were documents between Pavelić and Hitler specifically about this IOTL, where Hitler would deport Slovenes from occupied Slovenia to Croatia, and Pavelić would remove Serbs from Croatia to Nedić's Serbia. ITTL Hitler still wants to deport Slovenes, and he does so, and Maček accepts Hitler's demands, not wanting to anger the Führer.
[6] According to historian Hrvoje Matković, there were about 37 thousand Slovenes living in the NDH, but ITTL there is still repression by the Farinacci regime which results in more refugees pouring over the border from the Lubiana Province into Croatia, thus boosting the number up to 45 thousand.
[7] Not sure if the guy was actually part of the CNK, since in the book I used to gather information about him, the organization in question is Centralni četnički odred (lit. Central Chetnik Detachment), not Centralni nacionalni komitet (lit. Central National Committee), and with no citation listed in the book, I cannot verify it since information about Šinkar and the odred is very scarce-to-nonexistent on the Internet.
[8] Romantic Slovene poet credited with leading the Slovenian national revival during the Spring of Nations in 1848, and for his work in reviving Slovenian culture he is considered as ubiquitous as the air for Slovene culture and identity today, with his Zdravljica being used as the anthem of the Republic of Slovenia since 1991.
[9] Because of Vraz's distinct personality and his wish to focus only on the poems and his tragic love for the woman he could never have (one of many similarities between him and the famed Renaissance poet Francesco Petrarca), he soon came at odds with both France Prešeren (who denounced him as a traitor for the Slovene people for distancing himself from the movement, despite being a Slovene) and Ljudevit Gaj (one of the most influential Croatian revivalists, the man who created the Croatian alphabet as we know it today) because of Gaj's wishes to unify all South Slavs under the banner of the Greater Illyria, and Vraz wanting no part in it.
[10] Actual real-life state holiday in Slovenia since 2005, symbolizing the anniversary of Rudolf Maister and his four thousand soldiers seizing control of Maribor and Lower Styria in 1918. ITTL it was voted on by the Council, and predictably, militarists won the vote and Lavrih's suggestion of December 2 (France Prešeren's birthday) being the work-free cultural holiday for the Slovene people was canned in favor of Maister's accomplishment.

 

[Triune Kingdom]

Interesting developments indeed. Croatia gains a decent number of people, and Homeguard gains in strength. While I am a bit worried about what future holds for Croatia, gain of those people would at least be beneficial economics wise.

It is also nice to see developments in places other then Croatia, and how they impact Croatia, in various positive or negative ways.

I very much liked the powerplays enacted by all the major players in Croatian politics, from Vladko Maček to King Filip, and considering that conflict is brewing in the higher echelons of the Homeguard, it would seem that 1942 is going to be interesting year.

Great work as always, and I hope to see more soon.

 

[John_Smith]

Interesting developments indeed. Croatia gains a decent number of people, and Homeguard gains in strength. While I am a bit worried about what future holds for Croatia, gain of those people would at least be beneficial economics wise.

It is also nice to see developments in places other then Croatia, and how they impact Croatia, in various positive or negative ways.

I very much liked the powerplays enacted by all the major players in Croatian politics, from Vladko Maček to King Filip, and considering that conflict is brewing in the higher echelons of the Homeguard, it would seem that 1942 is going to be interesting year.

Great work as always, and I hope to see more soon.

As is the case with everything during the Second World War, these developments are a double-edged sword indeed. While the economy might gain a good boost of potential, there is now a new (and most important of all - influential) player in town, one that has a lot of power that could easily either make or break a person willing to cross them (be it Filip or Maček), and when that new power bloc comprises of a highly militaristic Council of seven pro-Karađorđević royalists, you better make sure to sweeten any and all deals you attempt to make with them as much as possible.

There will be many more to come in the future, most importantly regarding, but not limited to the Yugoslav government in exile as well as Churchill's and FDR's view of the events in the Balkans.

This is only the beginning. The King and the Ban are two very different people with wildly differing views, and when both of them are granted with identical powers, conflict is bound to come, and I can safely say this war for the executive powers within the Kingdom will not end well. At all. 1942 is only a taste of what is to come later on in the war, and as the web of connections, conflict and backroom deals gets more complex as the time goes on, it is only a matter of time before it all boils to the surface and the whole situation becomes an even greater, bloodier mess than it already is.

 

[John_Smith]

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The news that had arrived from Bucharest on Orthodox Pentecost Monday, during the warm spring morning that graced the country on the twenty fifth day of May took the wider population by surprise. The newspaper publications in both Croatia and Romania did mention the trip Vladko Maček, King Filip and Juraj Krnjević had taken to the Romanian heartland only a day before the formation of Maister's Sons, leaving the Kingdom under the guiding hand of Viceban Pribićević, though no one was certain what the exact justification for the rather hastened planning was. Rumors spread throughout the Croatian cabinet of ministers as well as the wider public in both countries, due to the rather vague information that the newspapers spread to every corner of both kingdoms.

In the end, though, the reaction was positive, if excluding the long periods of apprehension and sheer surprise that were clearly shown on many people's faces when taking in the articles informing them of the new developments that had occurred in Bucharest. Many covers were decorated with four squares, each occupied by King Filip of Croatia, King Michael I of Romania, Ban Vladko Maček and Conducător Ion Antonescu, respectively while above them stood two large banners, one with red and white checkers emblazoned in a golden frame, the other a classic French-styled tricolor, both all too familiar with the vast majority of readers.

While pictures really are worth a thousand words, the words that were boldly written above the numerous photos and images of men and the flags they swore fealty to rang out even louder than anything else: Croatian-Romanian Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation signed in Bucharest!

At first, no one was quite sure what to make of the proclamation of the Latin League (Latinska liga in Croatian, Liga Latină in Romanian), as the Treaty later became inexplicably referred to, but later articles that were published in the months of summer 1942 quickly, and in much detail, described not only the financial necessity of such a treaty for both Croatia and for Romania, but also all other important issues that both countries had to settle.

All four men had their own reasons for signing the treaty. King Filip, who was King Mihai's first cousin, had hoped that Michael would produce heirs soon, in order for Croatian crown prince Mauricije Zvonimir [1] to marry into the Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen family, further strengthening what he hoped would turn out to be a pro-German community of European nations guarding the Reich's southern frontier that, in his eyes, only began with Croatia and Romania, but would, at a later date, encompass others in the area. Michael was apprehensive to the idea at first, only reluctantly acceding to Filip's wishes, but a stroke of luck on the Croatian king's behalf presented itself in June 1942 when Michael, during his stroll through Vukovar for another meeting of the Latin League, accidentally encountered Josefine, older sister of Johann Jakob, member of the House of Eltz [2] and owner of several estates in Croatia, who was there to visit her brother in his Vukovar manor. The two quickly struck up a conversation, becoming friends and later lovers over the summer of 1942. These events, fortunately for Filip, despite the outrage that a marriage between a king and a woman of low birth (with Josefine's brother only holding the title of Count) entailed, still went into effect, thanks in no small part to Antonescu who helped suppress the dissent by urging Michael to take a break from court and to focus on his new family while the Prime Minister of Romania (i.e. himself) took over completely. Following the large wedding ceremony held in Bucharest on November 29, the Golden Wedding, named as such due to the coats of arms of both houses consisting of heavy amounts of yellow color, would rather soon bear fruit and later become celebrated as an idealized event by Romanian monarchists, especially during their reemergence in the 1990s.

Promotional photo of Michael I, King of Romania, widely publicized after the document's signing
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Additionally, Filip offered Michael and Antonescu help with improving the fighting spirit as well as skill of the volunteers that were continually being sent to the Eastern Front, wishing to improve Croatian-Romanian standing within the eyes of the Nazis, especially after the recent successes at Demyansk, Sevastopol and the 2nd Kharkov. The Landgrave of Hesse-Kassel also proposed help if a coup or a rebellion were to take place against the central government in Romania by stationing Croatian troops throughout the nation, remembering full well the chaos that engulfed Regatul României in January 1941 during the Legionnaires' rebellion [3]. This caused Antonescu's ears to perk up in recognition of the many benefits that Filip's offer presented, leaving the Romanian leader with nothing else to do but say yes to the proposition.

King Michael (left) and Conducător Antonescu (right) observe a joint Croatian-Romanian training session, June 1942
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Vladko Maček, on the other hand, did not try to approach Michael, believing the young man's relation to Filip to be too much of a burden for any meaningful talks to begin. Thus, while speaking privately with Antonescu (in spite of seeing the man as nothing even remotely close to sympathetic because of his brutality against minorities), away from the watchful eyes of Filip and Krnjević, and after receiving support from Plenipotentiary General von Horstenau (though his vague wording allowed Maček some space to manipulate their meaning):

„Yes, I shall support your decision of working closely with other German allies to guard your respective territories against all infringements to your nationhood. The German Reich needs strong allies…“
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Now, with German support behind his back (Horstenau, at least; Kasche was apprehensive to the idea, fearful of Croatia and Romania turning their backs on Germany if an opportunity arises), in whispers, Maček offered that both members of the newly founded Latin League apply pressure onto Farinacci's Italy if the new Duce tries regaining what he lost in the Marburg Treaty, and more specifically Horthy's Hungary in order to relieve critical areas where Hungarians committed numerous atrocities against non-Hungarian ethnic majorities (Međimurje, Bačka, Baranja and Prekmurje for Croatia [4], Transylvania for Romania) and hopefully regain the territory. Slovakia, though considered [5], was not invited into the alliance, with both sides fearing that the rather obvious encirclement of Hungary would result in Germany intervening and causing more unrest in their nations. Antonescu wholeheartedly agreed, shaking Maček's hand as the old Croat rejoiced at the thought of properly punishing Horthy, who broke his promise from one year ago and constantly kept ignoring Maček's pleas of stopping the carnage in areas occupied by Hungary. All these listed offers between Maček and Antonescu were never shown on the document for obvious reasons, making the document that created the Latin League yet another prime example of secret treaties that Woodrow Wilson vehemently advocated against during the final days of the Great War.

Unfortunately, both the King and the Ban who held separate conversations with Antonescu sought the same promise from the Marshal.

„Promise me that you will assist me if things go south in Croatia, if he tries anything…“

„…I promise.“

„Promise me that you will assist me when that wrinkly buffoon inevitably stabs me in the back…“

„…I promise.“

And as one broken promise plans to be accordingly punished in the near future, others are already going to be unavoidably broken by words holding too much weight, a burden that is sure to become larger on a deceitful person's back, maybe even more on an honest one's. But what is worse? A truthful revelation, open for everyone to behold, judge and possibly punish, that restricts the man who promises it to holding it forever fearing the weight of what has left his mouth, or is it a pledge heard only by the person it is directed toward, freed of the possibility of ostracization by the wider society, available to be broken at any possible moment?

Supreme Commander Slavko Kvaternik enjoying a slice of cozonac [6], accompanied by other Croatian and Romanian dignitaries
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Older generals who were in Romania, led by Kvaternik and joined by men like Josip Lemešić, Rudolf Lukanc, Milan Emil Uzelac and a few others soon came at odds with some of their younger subordinates, chief among them being Matija Čanić, who was joined by Franjo Šimić, Bogdan Majetić and Ante Vokić, just to name a few, who grew tired of the inflexible command structure and absolute disregard of the worrying results of Durmitor and Winter '42 and were quite worried of the eight thousand or so Partisans who just vanished out of thin air in February 1942.

Noted for their rigidity and unforgiving attitude toward anyone not openly aligned to their way of thinking, the old guard came to be derogatorily referred to as the Teutons (Teutonci) by younger, energetic officers of lower rank who increasingly started demanding reforms. The main causes for this naming decision are multiple: the Germanophile attitudes of Supreme Commander Kvaternik, approving or obvious ignorance of the many war crimes committed in southeastern Croatia during Winter '42, affinity toward the old-fashioned way of conducting war (in no small part due to their extensive retirements that prevented them from studying modern warfare in more detail) and open callbacks to Austria-Hungary in many of their speeches, just to name a few.

The other side began calling themselves the Reformists (Reformisti), and as time went on, they started advocating for just a single goal, spurred by the countless mistakes committed by the high command: forcing the higher-ups within the armed forces into retirement so that their ideas of significantly improving the Home Guard's response to guerrilla warfare, simplifying and creating overall faster units that could counter any threat that arises, either in Croatia, the Soviet Union, or in Romania, could start taking effect. However, all their attempts at making their wishes come true were stopped by the frowning older generals, something even Minister Kemfelja (who openly sympathized with Čanić and the rest) was still unable to counter. The climax of the Romanian episode of the Home Guard's civil war ensued in early July 1942 when Kvaternik forcibly removed Ante Vokić from his camp in Iași and moved his post to Mostar, Vokić's hometown in order to distance him from his cohorts, only contributing to the further breakdown within the KHD's ranks as the Romanian officers looked on the commotion with mixed feelings.

By the end of the year, additional twelve thousand troops would be sent to the East as part of the combined Latin Legion (cca. six thousand Croats and six thousand Romanians), all of whom spoke German as their language of preference (though, in reality, von Horstenau demanded it) as an easier way of communication, and would participate in what would become the bloodiest battle in human history where they would certainly prove their mettle – Stalingrad...

Major General Matija Čanić, leading Reformist, inspecting the mixed Croatian-Romanian company of men
​

Around early May, just after the formation of the Slovenian National Council in Krapina, Maček was finally informed of Gruić's capture by Kemfelja, who stayed up for nights on end contemplating whether he should bother the Ban with such information or not, his sensible side (fortunately for the Reformists) winning in the end.

That was when Kemfelja first saw Vladko Maček angry. Always a meek, quiet man, the voice of reason within any group of people, now stood gripping his glass of water in his right hand, a year of mounting pressure, broken promises, important secrets kept from him, pain and disappearing lack of ability to cope with the war that tore everything around him to shreds, finally causing the man's right hand to form into a fist as the glass crumbled completely in his tightened palm, shards flying into his wrinkly skin and drawing a pool of crimson blood onto the clean Slavonian oak desk.

„How dare you, Đuka?!“

*pieces of glass are thrown at the wall, cracking into even more pieces*

„I-I…“

*an arduous period of silence*

„Don't you ever keep secrets away from me… Ever! I cannot believe you covered for him for so long! What were you thinking?!“

„I-I'm sorry, Your Excellency… I thought it would be for the best if we did not strain you even more with this information, I thought we could get rid of this issue on our own…“

„Well, now you see that you cannot! We have eight thousand Reds parading around the countryside for months and because of what? Because Kvaternik and his merry band of misfits could not hold the damn line?!“

*another beat of long silence, Maček runs his hand through his short silver hair, forgetting about the red stains that he didn't wipe away from his fist*

„This cannot go on forever. Kvaternik has to go. You have my support, but I am warning you. Do not even think about keeping information from me ever again, do you hear me?“

„I do, Your Excellency.“

*****
​

[1] Croatized version of Philipp's real-life son's name. Zvonimir was added in order to make Philipp's dynasty appear more Croatian and to ensure the wider population's support for the future king when the time comes.
[2] A notable German noble family of Rhenish origin with close ties to the Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia since 1736 when Philipp Karl von Eltz, Prince-elector and archbishop from Mainz, acquired the Lordship of Vukovar.
[3] Revolt of the Iron Guard paramilitaries after their privileges were cut off by Antonescu. Defeated after two days and over 125 Jews and 30 soldiers killed, resulting in the banning of the Iron Guard and many of its members being imprisoned.
[4] Baranja belongs to the economic sphere of Osijek (located on the Drava river) and was originally part of the Banovina of Croatia; Maček believes Međimurje historically belongs to Croatia more than it does to Hungary; Bačka's status was supposed to be negotiated on by the Serbs and the Croats after the Cvetković-Maček agreement but World War II ruined any attempts at further talks; Prekmurje, while not populated with Croats, still comprises a Slovene majority, and since Maček wants the SNS on his side (not to mention that some of the Slovenes also participated in the training in Romania, but were not sent to Russia), he included Prekmurje in the backroom deal with Antonescu.
[5] Indeed, IOTL all three nations formed an intra-Axis alliance, with Croatian and Slovak naval and aerial units operating amicably on Romanian soil, prompting the Hungarians to raid across the Romanian border and having Hitler force Antonescu and Horthy to agree to the irrevocability of the Second Vienna Award. ITTL, with a shrewder Croatian politician at the helm instead of Pavelić, the Latin League consists of only two members, for now, at least.
[6] Traditional Romanian and Bulgarian sweet bread, usually prepared for every major holiday (including Pentecost) in Romania and Moldova. Here's a recipe for it if you're feeling extra adventurous.

 

[Triune Kingdom]

Great work, last chapter was quite a suprise to be honest, with Romania and Croatia cooperating to such a degree. I was not aware that this happened IOTL as well, but you learn something new every day.

So, Latin League is created, but putting aside political and military aspects aside for the moment, what are financial and economic advantages for both countries? Romania can provide oil, and while the huge amount went to Germans, something may yet go to Croatia, if only in miniscule amounts. As for what Croatia can provide to Romania, I am really unsure about. Maybe ores or iron/steel produced by its ironworks, timber, or perhaps its armys "expertise" and experience, such as it is, to train up Romanian army?

Hungary is not going to be happy though, with these two countries banding closer together, both of which have had parts of its territory taken by Hungarians. It also does not help that Hungarians are actively persicuting and ethnicly cleansing these areas of Croatian and Romanian population.

Conflict within the Homeguard is coming to the boil though, both sides have formed up, and I do like the nickname of "Teutonci" for the traditionalists. I was rather suprised that Maček was kept unaware of Gruić being captured, and that may be the straw that breaks the camels back, along with Vokić being sent back to Mostar as it seems that he was popular and influential enough for Kvaternik to sideline him. But hopefully Vokić and other Reformists are going to be successful, and with support from Maček manage to reform Homeguard into a more capable and flexible force, capable of conducting counter-insurgency operations with a greater degree of success. Kvaternik may yet find himself promoted "up and away", in an effort to lessen his influence on the military, bjt I do wonder what would that position be, after all he is the "Vrhovnik", the man at the very top, and I do not know what would be the next step.

What came as the largest suprise was the formation of the Latin Legion, the mixed formation of Romanians and Croatians sent to fight alongside Germans. I really did not see that coming, but I do think we could possibly see some amount of changes in the East due to their appereance, especially due to their size, and possibly in regards to their destination.

Excellent work, TL does keep moving in directions I do not expect, and it is a real joy to read through. Keep up the good work.

 

[John_Smith]

​

Not so far from the Nazi-occupied coasts of Normandy and Belgium, yet safely removed from the carnal machinations of Germany and its puppet regimes, the fierce people of the British Isles still endured daily pains due to the sporadic bombings conducted by the Luftwaffe across all their major cities, but their fighting spirit was stronger than ever before. Winston Churchill, a character with such a life full of misadventures and adventures alike, successfully reinvigorated a nation on the bring of defeat, in spite of promises of only blood, sweat and tears, but the utterly amazing display of confidence and unwavering loyalty to the defense of his people inspired many, not just from Britain, but the rest of the world as well. Many exiled leaders of the fallen countries soon took refuge in London, the King's capital, hopeful of assembling enough finances and support from their diasporas in order to destroy the Reich and take back what is rightfully theirs, whenever that opportunity might arise.

The Yugoslav government in exile, headed by Army General Dušan Simović, made its way to the capital of the British Empire in June 1941, but instead of finding itself greeted with open arms by Churchill and his cabinet, any good will generated by his pro-Allied March coup d'etat quickly evaporated as Simović's painful lack of political finesse made itself shown. Distrust of political experts, trying to use his popularity garnered during the putsch to designate specific cabinet spots to people he likes and complete lack of contact with the Yugoslav mainland during the summer of 1941 were only a few of the most glaring issues that the exiled government suffered from while under Simović's authoritarian boot, as was pointed out numerous times by Foreign Affairs Minister Momčilo Ninčić [1].

Additionally, many officers who have emigrated to London following the April War openly aligned themselves with Simović and the Slovene ministers such as Miha Krek and Franc Snoj (who were promised territorial compensation at the expense of Croatia in a hypothetical federalized Kingdom that would arise after the defeat of the Nazis), only creating more disunity between Simović's officers and other politicians. Interestingly (or not), not a single Croat was member of Simović's government while in London, but even then, Simović still flip-flopped on the issue of punishing the Croats for their betrayal, frequently changing his views from open dialogue all the way to dismembering the Croatian lands to what were once oblasts of Zagreb and Primorje-Krajina.

These developments, helped in no small part by the frequent British complaints of the cabinet's disunity and petty infighting as well as the Cairo Affair [2] resulted in King Peter II demanding Simović's resignation, and he received what he wanted on January 11, 1942.

Dušan Simović, 1st Prime Minister of the Government of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in Exile
​

Deemed as too indecisive, Simović was now out of the picture, and Slobodan Jovanović [3] was chosen as his replacement. Despite his advanced age (72 at the time of his appointment), Jovanović's hard-line approach toward anti-Croat revanchism and federalism seemed quite promising with regards to the stabilization of the divided cabinet. The former President of the Serbian Cultural Club (1937 to 1941) and public opponent of the Cvetković-Maček Agreement openly declared his unwavering support of Draža Mihailović and his Chetnik Detachments of the Royal Yugoslav Army, renaming the Ministry of the Army and Navy and naming Mihailović the next Minister of War (Ministar rata) and commander-in-chief of the Yugoslav Army in the Fatherland (Jugoslovenska vojska u otadžbini), seeing him as the best possible solution for the position due to the distance between the Balkans and London and lack of Mihailović's ability to influence the internal power plays within the Jovanović government.

Slobodan Jovanović, hardliner and 2nd Prime Minister of the exiled government
​

Now, with the Yugoslavs (Serbs and Slovenes, really) licking their wounds after much reorganization and with a stronger head of government, they could finally focus their efforts on creating a sensible policy aimed at foreign affairs and post-war plans that Simović paid little-to-no attention to. The Cairo Affair was resolved peacefully by appointing the dissatisfied army officers to the British Armed Forces. The communication with Mihailović, though strained and effectively dead since his disappearance in December 1941, was again revived in late March 1942 when contact emerged between Mihailović, Petar Baćović and the Western Allies in London. Though the Yugoslavs always had to communicate with Mihailović when the Brits were around, Jovanović still managed to accomplish a great number of things, some of which are:

• advising Mihailović to work in the shadows against the Axis instead of going into open battle, fearful of a new round of reprisals such as the ones in late 1941
• recruiting people willing to put up a fight against the Kingdom of Croatia in areas with large Serb populations (Bosnian Frontier around Banja Luka, eastern Bosnia)
  
• legitimizing (albeit very uneasily) the ZBOR as a viable anti-fascist force that would work in tandem with the Chetniks (after Uncle Draža vouched for Ljotić's men) and have some semblance of influence in the post-war Karađorđević Kingdom
• the British saying they would send supplies and military equipment to the troubled monarchist guerrillas by the end of 1942
  
• entering into contact with Colonel Vauhnik and the SNS, though communication on that front for much of 1942 was rather lackluster, to say the least

For the ministers in London, news of these achievements were taken as an idealistic sign of things getting back on track, though in practice the complete opposite argument could easily be made, as would be shown in the latter half of 1942. The issue of administrative divisions in the post-war nation was also obvious to many, with Jovanović firmly believing that the trialistic make-up that was proposed on the eve of World War II was not a viable option anymore, especially after Maček and the HSS turned their backs on the putschist government after declaring their support for it at first.

Jovanović soon drew up the map and had his Deputy Prime Minister Miha Krek read it aloud to everyone present, and everyone seemingly agreed with the rather extremely scribbled lines on what was once a clean map of the Yugoslav Kingdom. There would be three banovinas created. The Slovene Banovina (Slovenačka banovina) would consist of the former Drava Banovina as well as Croat-populated Međimurje and Rijeka on the Adriatic Sea (including surrounding kotars connecting the city to Slovenia proper), the Serb Banovina (Srpska banovina) would have united the Danube, Vrbas, Drina, Morava, Zeta and Vardar Banovinas into a single unit as well as eastern Slavonia, Bosnian Posavina, Herzegovina and southern Dalmatia that used to be part of the Banovina of Croatia. The Croat Banovina (Hrvatska banovina) would be a rump state of what it once was, being restricted to parts of Gorski Kotar, Lika, Croatia proper and most of Slavonia, effectively sandwiched between the pro-Karađorđević Slovenes and Serbs as punishment for the crimes that they had committed against the crown during the war. The Dalmatian Banovina (Dalmatinska banovina) would be a semi-autonomous unit stretching from the isle of Pag all the way to Brač, with its seat in Knin, set to be under the direct control of Belgrade with the goal of repopulating the area with Serbs seeking better places for living and to secure the important Split harbor. Each of the three units was promised:

• legislative, judicial and administrative autonomy
• complete jurisdiction over agriculture, industry, trade, forestry, mining, construction, social politics and national health, judiciary, education and internal affairs
  
• the Ban of each Banovina would be personally appointed by the King himself in order to best accommodate themselves to the challenges presented for their respective unit as well as the nation at large

Jovanović's proposal – official Yugoslav war policy from March 1942 to late 1943​

As the remnants of the Royal Yugoslav Army fought with the British in the Middle East, the Prime Minister of the Albion, the defiant Lion himself, a towering figure that stood up to the foul beast when no one else in the world had his back, now found himself in a less than desirable position. The Germans, while stopped at Moscow, still wreaked havoc across Russia, hoping to encircle the Communist forces in Leningrad and steamroll them in the direction of the Caucasus in order to gain control of the Baku oilfields, the same oilfields he had almost bombed two years ago… However, none of those thoughts plagued his mind at this particular moment. Winston Churchill's greatest concern, at that moment, as he carefully pricked the neat white paper with his pencil that he held in his hands and observing what was written on it, was just finishing his business in peace as he sat on a large ceramic toilet seat in his chambers, though he found himself unable to as he kept hearing ceaseless footsteps of his servants who hurriedly cleaned his room. With a defeated sigh, he underlined two words with his wooden pencil several times, showing his frustration at the sparse information presented to the Bulldog.

Yugoslav recruits in Iran, June 1942
​

Until the three sudden knocks on the door almost knock him off-balance and make him drop his pencil and paper. His eyes quickly darted toward the door, expecting any justification for this abrupt and rather unwise behavior that will only make the man crankier.

„Your Excellency! Your Excellency! Mr. Yovanovich seeks your assistance…“

*for crying out loud, it is merely nine in the morn…*

*Churchill's silence and deadpan glare are aimed at the opening of the small lock located on the door, his stoic anger sends a clear sign to the offending servant that the answer was not good enough*

„Something about Army General Mi-- Mikh--Mikhaelov--…“

"Tell him I can only deal with one shit at a time.“

Feeling increasingly frustrated, Churchill tied his bathrobe together, flushed the half-empty toilet while his eyes never left the paper, and subsequently left the restroom, praising the Lord for not having to deal with the ignominious servant. He picked up one of the cigars found on his messy desk and lit it up with a matchstick from his pocket. As he needily puffed the gaseous poison, he yelled out loud to no one in particular as he took a seat on his bed.

„Where's Johnnie?!“

*silence, though Churchill is certain someone had heard it*

In a flash, another maid entered the bedroom, a small lass no older than the Gallipolli landings, holding a clean glass in one hand whilst juggling two unopened bottles, one of Johnnie Walker and the other of usual club soda. She hurriedly put the glass on his bedside table, carefully opened the Scotch and poured a little bit inside, just enough to cover the bottom of the nicely shaped cup, and then dousing the whole thing with carbonated water, filling it almost to the brim.

Churchill smiled inadvertently at the sight and the mere thought of enjoying his first drink of the day. He looked at the young woman appreciatively as he greedily picked up the cup into his right hand.

„Thank you, lassie.“

The woman, still not used to her employer's bouts of sudden optimism that were indeed as rare as hen's teeth, only smiled uneasily, bowed and quickly left the room, not wishing to disturb the Prime Minister any more than she already did.

He took a look at the papers again before sighing and releasing shocking amounts of smoke from his iron lungs. Vladko Maček… What an enigma that little man is. He still had no contact with him, yet he admired him in a way. Standing up for his nation when it mattered most, and if he so suddenly switched sides as Jovanović and others cited he did, then he could certainly pull the old switcheroo once more, Churchill thought to himself. Only news he kept hearing from Peter's Yugoslavia is how the Commies are getting their asses handed to them by the Croats, and yet no news of Mihailović…

If the Reds are so willing to stand up against the Axis, then where were the Chetniks? He did not like the reports he constantly received from Draškić's Serbia. The Partisans are apparently wreaking havoc there day in, day out, and it seems like no one can really nip them in the bud effectively. It seems as if old Winnie will face a difficult predicament in the coming future. With the HSS firmly controlling the northeastern Adriatic and Communists dominating Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia and Albania, Yugoslavia looked less viable with each new report he received on his desk.

He only knew one thing, though. I have to get ahold of that little basket of cunning trickery, he mused to himself, and he was dead-set on achieving just that. And as he slowly connected the dots over his morning watered-down whiskey, he had a sudden epiphany.

The Balkan landings shall happen.

*****
​

[1] Politician and professor of Economy. Studied at Sorbonne. President of the League of Nations from 1926 to 1927. Supports Mihailović's movement much like OTL.
[2] Upon taking command from retired General Borivoje Mirković, Lieutenant Colonel Miodrag Lozić was met with open revolt by the pro-Mirković military officers who openly disobeyed him. Happened much like OTL and got resolved in the same way.
[3] According to an anecdote (that I am unable to verify, but still sounds quite interesting in my opinion), he is the first man ever to be called Slobodan (lit. Free), while his sister was named Pravda (lit. Justice) by their father Vladimir who was inspired by John Stuart Mill's eponymous work On Liberty.

 

[Triune Kingdom]

Well, that is suprising turn of events.

Yugoslav government-in-exile certainly has grand plans, but considering how little influence they have in the Allied camp when compared to the rest of the exiled governments.

Draža and his merry band of unshaved misfits seem to be going the OTL route, and are likely to soon be allied to the Axis in all but name.

Lastly, the landing in the Balkans is somewhat only Churchill would think about, he was obsessed with the "soft underbelly" IOTL, and here with Croatia in play, and possibly willing to switch sides, of course he would be all for it.

Great work as always, enjoyed it a lot.
Keep up tho good work.

 

[John_Smith]

Well, that is suprising turn of events.

Yugoslav government-in-exile certainly has grand plans, but considering how little influence they have in the Allied camp when compared to the rest of the exiled governments.

Draža and his merry band of unshaved misfits seem to be going the OTL route, and are likely to soon be allied to the Axis in all but name.

Lastly, the landing in the Balkans is somewhat only Churchill would think about, he was obsessed with the "soft underbelly" IOTL, and here with Croatia in play, and possibly willing to switch sides, of course he would be all for it.

Great work as always, enjoyed it a lot.
Keep up tho good work.

Being ambitious is a great thing to be, but not at all when you have no power nor influence to see your goals be put into practice. Jovanović is definitely facing an uphill battle at this point in time, especially due to having to constantly be supervised by the British while contacting Mihailović in Yugoslavia, but he is a savvy political figure, for certain, so he may still be able to use a few aces up his sleeve.

And he is in an even worse position than IOTL due to the splintering of various Chetnik groups as well as Pećanac enjoying the full support of the Draškić government, and without a foothold in Slovenia and Croatia (mostly, there is still the SNS to consider, who are keeping many things to themselves so their real leanings are hard to pinpoint) it hardly seems like it'll get any better for him.

He will have to be quite stubborn with FDR and especially Stalin if anything good is going to come out of his rather clear decision, but Churchill was quite a man, so seeing him strike out on his own (if nothing else succeeds) is still a possibility, though his idea of what to do in the Balkans is getting ever clearer with each day and attempted contact with the Croat government.

 

[Triune Kingdom]

snip.

True, Yugoslavs may find themselves with even less influence then OTL, and greater British oversight will mean that the British government is much more informed about the Chetnik actions. With much lesser numbers and spread of the Chetnik movement, and with perhaps knowledge of Chetnik atrocities and their cooperation with the Axis coming to light much sooner, British may yet give up on them much sooner then OTL.

As for Churchill, the man was practicaly a definition of stubborn, and considering that Chetniks are no where near the size and influence they had OTL, Yugoslav partisans are communist and therefore a last choice for cooperation, Croatia does seem like only option for a possible alliance, if they are willing to switch sides of course. I do think that Churchill is itching for a contact to be established with the Croatian leadership, with Croatia and its ports serving as a possible foothold for a strike on the "Soft Underbelly", and I do think Churchill is even now thinking about postwar borders, and how to strengthen the British influence and prestige in Eastern Europe postwar.

How can that contact be established, I am unsure, it is not like they can send a submarine, which will surface in Split, pop open the hatches and say hello. Maybe they could do some sort of discrete insertion, sending a couple of people at night, with instructions to surrender themselves to the first Croatian authority and hope for the best? But that is rather unlikely, because that shows what they are planning, and would make Germans pay much more attention to the area, and would make Germans become much more controlling towards Croatian Goverment.

 

[Changundramon]

How is the submarine war going for Germany? Will it even become weak enough for a switch to happen?

 

[Triune Kingdom]

How is the submarine war going for Germany? Will it even become weak enough for a switch to happen?

Battle of the Atlantic should be as OTL, since I do not see any reason why would a different Croatia would change that. More changes should be happening in the East and the Balkans however, with more capable Croatian military freeing up at least some German units for use elsewhere, and we must not forget about Romanian-Croatian Legion sent to the Southern Front.

EDIT: Though, maybe we could see some effects on the Black Sea occuring ITTL, since there seems to be no Croatian Naval Legion sent there, as Croatian Navy does exist in the Adriatic. Croatian units in the Black Sea spent most of their time patrolling, mine hunting and making sure that the fishing fleet does its job feeding the troops and population of the area they were stationed in (I do not have concrete number on the amount of fish caught, all the sources just mention thousands of tons), and they did take part in sinking three Soviet submarines, and damaged additional two.

 

[John_Smith]

Today marks the 1 year anniversary of The Promise of a Clean Regime! Time sure flies by, doesn't it. I'd like to thank everyone for their continuous support since this little unassuming story initially began, it really means a lot and I hope I will give you all a proper middle and an end to this story that will be worth the wait.

Unfortunately I do not have the next chapter of the story ready to commemorate this event, but it is in the works, so rest assured, it is coming soon, and it will provide some more sense into how others perceive the events in Croatia, as well as new things that will come in the farther future.

Until then, if you have any questions or inquiries about the plot or the characters or anything else, feel free to ask away, and I'll try to reply as soon as possible!

 

[Triune Kingdom]

snip

Congratulations on 1 year anniversary of your TL. A year of real time has passed yet in TL, Croatia has yet to celebrate one year anniversary of its existance, but it was a very eventful year nevertheless. Shame that there are not more people commenting upon the TL, but I do look forward to you continuing this story and especially seeing non-Croatian PoVs.

As for the questions, I had hoped that someone other then me will step up and ask some questions, because my posts are likely rivaling your in number, if not outnumbering them. Well, if nobody is wiling...

1. How many nations have recognized Croatia up to this point, were there some offscreen recognitions?

2. What German units are on the territory of Croatia, and how do their numbers compare to the OTL?

3. Latin League, there were mentions that beside military, there was a economic cooperation as well, but could we see some more details on it?

4. Are we going to see more nations joining the Latin League? You did mention that OTL Slovakia did cooperate with Romania and Croatia, though nothing on the scale of LL was formed.

5. In regards to military formations, will we see any nicknames being given to them? I am not saying that every regiment should have a nickname, but brigades could very well recieve them. We must also consider a much greater German influence, and that may lead to Croatia naming their units similar to what SS did.

Keep up the good work.

 

[John_Smith]

Congratulations on 1 year anniversary of your TL. A year of real time has passed yet in TL, Croatia has yet to celebrate one year anniversary of its existance, but it was a very eventful year nevertheless. Shame that there are not more people commenting upon the TL, but I do look forward to you continuing this story and especially seeing non-Croatian PoVs.

As for the questions, I had hoped that someone other then me will step up and ask some questions, because my posts are likely rivaling your in number, if not outnumbering them. Well, if nobody is wiling...

1. How many nations have recognized Croatia up to this point, were there some offscreen recognitions?

2. What German units are on the territory of Croatia, and how do their numbers compare to the OTL?

3. Latin League, there were mentions that beside military, there was a economic cooperation as well, but could we see some more details on it?

4. Are we going to see more nations joining the Latin League? You did mention that OTL Slovakia did cooperate with Romania and Croatia, though nothing on the scale of LL was formed.

5. In regards to military formations, will we see any nicknames being given to them? I am not saying that every regiment should have a nickname, but brigades could very well recieve them. We must also consider a much greater German influence, and that may lead to Croatia naming their units similar to what SS did.

Keep up the good work.

Thank you very much! All in due time, I am sure that when this timeline expands in its scope (since this is a pretty niche area of WWII still) more people will become interested in the far-reaching consequences that this TL's PoD will bring forward.

1. 19 so far (as of June 11, 1942; not counting consulates):

• Hungary
• Slovakia
• Germany
• Italy
• Bulgaria
• Romania
• Japan
• Spain
• Finland
• puppetized China
• Denmark
• Manchukuo
• Thailand
• Vichy France
• USSR
• Mongolia
• Chile
• Paraguay
• Argentina

2. Quite similar ones, if not identical as in OTL, though they are dispersed over a larger territory because of the Italian occupation zone not existing, so while it may seem bad, it really isn't as much as it was in reality, and the number of troops also makes sense considering how about eight thousand rebels just vanished out of thin air, so their number seems quite appropriate with that knowledge.

3. Yes, there will be a chapter where those things will be brought up in more detail, for certain. Croatia has quite a few different sectors that would profit a lot from some extra influx of money, and the Friendship Treaty with Romania provided that perfectly.

4. There is a possibility, definitely. When observing the political situation of June 1942, Bulgaria seems like the most likely third member state (since Slovakia could be quite a suspicious move against Hungary, while Hungary itself is one of many reasons why the treaty even came to existence, serving as a deterrent for Horthy's expansionist plans and ideas), talks are still slow, though, so not much is likely to change on that front in '42, it seems, since Maček is focusing more on internal politics and trying to help Čanić and co. against the King and Kvaternik while hoping that Churchill and the WAllies somehow get into contact with him.

5. Without a doubt, yes. Maister's Sons (one such example already mentioned in previous chapters) are already planning such a thing secretly, but first they have to make a judgment call - should the King know, or should the Ban know? Once they decide, and finally side with one of them, their plan may finally start coming to fruition and their desired unit will be formed, but all will be revealed quite soon. As for other, vanilla Home Guard units, they will also receive their nicknames, all depending on where they are from, what their religion and ethnicity is, and so on, and so forth, but rest assured, many will get their just nicknames once they prove themselves in battle, and there will be plenty of those in Croatia's future.

 

[Triune Kingdom]

snip.

Thank you for your answer.

1. That is much more then I would have guessed, and it does help Croatia to be formally recognized by so many nations, both Axis, Comitern as well as Neutrals. Neutral nations are the most important I would say, with Argentina, Paraguay and Chile being the most important, because they are truly neutral. Maybe contact could be established with the Allies through them, presuming there is actually Croatian diplomatic personnel in place?

2. Well, they do have more ground to cover, but Homeguard is stronger (in performance at least), and Partisans are weaker, so their job would be somewhat easier then OTL I dare to presume. Maybe the region will be less of a bleeding sore, so in the grand scheme of things, less men and equipment is needed to be sent there, thus benefiting some other area, if only in small percentages.

3. I am no expert on the state of Croatian economy in this time period, so I will leave that in your expert hands.

4. That does sounds interesting, and would not antagonize Hungary, not as much as inclusion of Slovakia in LL would. On the Other hand, it could make Germans a bit more nervous, with these 3 nations forming a block of their own, and whose defection to the Allies would technicaly be a death blow. Romania provides oil, while Bulgaria and Croatia could cut off the German and Italian forces in Greece, which is something the Germans would be very hard pressed to withstand, especially as the tide turns. I will be waiting eagerly.

5. I did completely forget about the Maister's Sons, but on the other hand they are not well known. As for the rest of the units, I was thinking that greater Germanic influence would leave its mark, especially the influence of the SS to whom King did have some connection to. The way the SS units were named for example, the grand sounding names, such as Das Reich, Wiking, Prinz Eugen. So, for Croatia something along the lines of names of historical figures, Ban Jelačić or Nikola Šubić Zrinski are obvious choices, with other, more grandstanding names also in use. Handžar is also an possibility, especially for majority Muslim unit, followed by Mehmed Paša Sokolović perhaps. Lastly, names of mythological units could also be used, Vukodlak is a good fit, and Vukojarac is also good sounding one and considering how these beings are seen in Slavic mythology, there would be a intimidation factor of sorts, if minor one at least.

 

[John_Smith]

The Wolf's Lair appeared even grander than he had expected. Members of the RSD [1] overlooked the cadre of dignitaries as they casually walked through the colossal complex that was the Wolfsschanze, their careful eyes observing every movement that Slavko Kvaternik, Supreme Commander of the Royal Croatian Home Guard, made as he tightly clutched his ceremonial axe in his left hand, greatly resembling a weary, battle-hardened soldier apprehensively approaching his leading commander, the man he had heard only accolades and praises of, giving him daily reminders of his leader's judicious conduct against their enemies. As the Chief of the Croatian General Staff looked into the Führer's eyes, he noted two wildly differing expressions. While Hitler's friendly smile maintained a posture of amiable, easy-going outward appearance, he could only read stiffness, an ice-cold stare from his blue orbs reaching right into his soul in a calculated attempt to make a judgment of Kvaternik's character. The older man felt shivers travelling up his spine as he felt the air freeze around him due to the German's sheer presence, as if the Sun itself suddenly gave out and lost its shine and warmth on the first anniversary of Barbarossa.

​

„Mein Führer.“

„Herr Kvaternik.“

His grip was light, in stark contrast to what he had expected after observing his tensed-up shouldiers, somewhat easing Kvaternik's befuddled thoughts.

„Shall we?“

With a simple nod, Kvaternik beckoned the delegation to take a casual stroll through the East Prussian military fortification.

„I must say that I have looked forward to finally meeting you.“ [2]

„How so, Mein Führer?“

With a simple chuckle, the Austrian-born man said.

„Fighting Mussolini with little-to-no resources to a standstill, and in a fortnight no less. Sending young men with no arms or means to protect your heart to stop the tanks with their bare hands, thus only proving my doubts of Mussolini and those lazy Mediterranean fools. What's not to like?“

„You humble me, truly. We could not have done it without our love for the Homeland, and I do believe our Gothic blood has proven more than useful in that regard.“

„That it did. It truly is a shame to witness the Slavs poisoning your culture and diluting it with pointless barbarity, but I am of firm belief that you will find your righteous path again after the war is won.“

„How are things progressing in the East, if I may be given permission to know of such intelligence?“

„Indeed you may. By this time next year, we should already have Europe from Spanish Galicia to the Urals under our firm control. Stalingrad seems to be the largest obstacle in our path at this moment, since oil is highly sought-after, and most of it lies in the Caucasus, beyond that wretched Judeo-Bolshevik's city, and if I heard correctly, you shall be sending generous reinforcements to help our cause.“

„You are correct in that assessment, Mein Führer. About twelve thousand Croatians and Romanians are training specifically for that task as we speak.“

„Excellent, more than excellent, in fact. I have heard some bits and pieces of your budding alliance with the Kingdom of Romania, is that true?“

„It is.“

„I understand the reasoning behind it, I truly do. However, I cannot help but develop a sense of… wariness in your loyalty to the Reich, especially as you began creating the formidable political bloc to the Aryan southeast… I hope it will not escalate enough for Germany to take some drastic measures against this…“

„Mein Führer, whilst not a politician myself, I could care less about those things, frankly, I assure you that the alliance is of a strictly financial and military character, His Majesty confirmed so himself. As far as I am aware, Romanian funds will be diverted into fully expanding the oil refinery in Sisak [3], in order for the Kingdom to meet the wishes of the Reich, while our boys will be stationed throughout Romania in order to help the Conducător maintain peace in his nation and vice versa.“

Hitler simply nodded in affirmation of Kvaternik's words.

„You do seem to put a lot of faith in your King's words and promises, Herr Kvaternik.“

„I am aware of that, but I do believe the Golden Lion [4] has his people's best interests in mind, and his providence truly is far-reaching. With his help, I am certain we will be able to cleanse the Royal Croatian Home Guard of all the people wishing to do harm to the Croatian nation.“

The German Chancellor could not help but chuckle at the Croatian King's perceived, most likely intentional nickname. Such purposeless pomposity… he thought to himself, but the Supreme Commander's last sentence piqued Hitler's interest.

„Is that so? What seems to be the issue?“

„Our fight against the Communists yielded pained results, I am afraid to admit, all throughout the winter, but despite us solving many of those problems, a handful of officers rose up to disobey me and my respected colleagues. This all came to the forefront while training in Romania, when some directly left the camp upon hearing my orders.“

Careful lies, careful wording.

Surprisingly enough, the Nazi did not seemed all that surprised by Kvaternik's words, as if ready to brush them off like they were merely particles of dust on his coat pocket.

„Why didn't you get rid of them?“

„Too great a risk. Their popularity, while lacking in ranking, certainly provides for in numbers. They have all the lower-ranking officers and Home Guardsmen behind them, and with each new day, their influence grows ever stronger.“

„You must act swiftly, Herr Kvaternik, and with cunning precision, like a bullet to the head. Once their feeble minds finally catch up to you, they will finally understand who they tried to overthrow, and they will bend the knee, I am sure of it. The anthropoids inhabit all societies, but it is our Germanic right to root them out and purify the existing structure before they get to see it crumble, it is either that, or they will do everything in their power to knock us down again, just like they had over two decades ago.“

„I agree, but I'm worried about the Ban, too. It appears he looks on them favorably.“

„So? He's merely assistant to the King, after all. King Filip has all the power in his hands, and his hands on your shoulders, so you should be safe in that regard.“

Hitler suddenly looks away from Kvaternik over to one of his guards, and the young man, with sincere devotion in his eyes as he gazes into Hitler's own, nods very briefly, giving the Austrian dictator a sign to inform his Croatian subordinate.

„The Stellvertretender Reichsprotektor should be here any minute now, then we may discuss the terms of introducing autochthonous SS units into the Croatian nation. It will be a lengthy process, but I believe that the King would find it in his best interest to meet me personally…“

At the mere mention of the man's title, Kvaternik froze in his step, shock evident in his eyes as his thoughts completely wiped away the avalanche of information he kept receiving in German. His heartbeat resembled a mortar pounding away at the enemy's positions frantically and without much surgical precision expected of such artillery pieces. Well aware of the man's fearsome nature, Kvaternik's hopes of making a decent first impression were getting less and less likely as seconds ticked away in his rapidly accelerating mind. Hoping to divert his attention to Hitler's previous words, he thought of the decaying situation within his own forces, but could not come up with that many poignant solutions that could alleviate the burdens the Kingdom is feeling.

With much doubt, the old Croat general contemplated the whole exchange apprehensively. Act swiftly… In order to do that, a good opportunity must arise for him to make his move, but he felt that now was not the right time. He would have to inquire the King about what to do, he was, after all, one of his few allies in the den of wolves that had begun to form in Banski dvori. One thing he knew for certain – no matter who wins this crucial fight, by the end of the year, the Royal Croatian Home Guard will enter a new era.

​

Meanwhile, in the sun-bathed confines of Croatia's capital city, the sweat-laden forehead of Major General Matija Čanić shone brightly in the hot afternoon light. He looked to his side, observing the massive frame of Đuka Kemfelja as he downed his gemišt [5] in a single gulp. Despite the Armed Forces Minister buying a round of refreshing alcoholic drinks to the men accompanying him, the forty-one-year-old declined instantly, citing that he does not indulge in such delights of life while on duty. As the large man enjoyed himself to another drink, the third participant of the conversation, Vladko Maček, continued his speech while absentmindedly fiddling with his glasses on the side where his once working eye stood.

„We are fighting an uphill battle, gentlemen. While he has an audience with Hitler, we are sitting here like lame ducks, helpless to do anything productive with regards to the developments in the army.“

„What of Colonel Novak? The Slovenian National Council could give us the support we desperately need in this situation and perhaps even turn the tables in our favor.“

Kemfelja looks up at Čanić incredulously, before slurring his next sentence.

„Novak?! That man emotes like a brick wall, I can never decipher what he is planning to do next, much less thinking of what to say.“

„Then what exactly do you suggest, Minister? We have nobody to turn to. It is quite clear that the King does not stand us, and worst of all – he has powerful friends whom Kvaternik is getting closer and closer to as the Major General and his men continue standing up against him.“

Another shot, this time of whiskey, and as the petrol-tasting poison sears his throat, before he gets a chance to speak, Vladko Maček warns him, noticing his colleague's increasing consumption of alcohol in the past several weeks. Must be the stress of this unforgiving job and all the recent goings-on, Maček thought to himself as words left his mouth.

„Đuka, this must be your nineteenth drink already, please take it easy.

As his lips depart the glass with a look of intense shame on his face, Kemfelja looks away momentarily, mumbling out a saddened reply.

„I-I shall, Your Excellency.“

Čanić decides to speak up again, noticing the conversation might come to an abrupt end.

„If my knowledge serves me correctly, you are of Slovene descent, Your Excellency…“

A nod is all Čanić needs to continue.

„Perhaps you might approach [Ivan] Lavrih from that particular angle… Again, my abilities in the field of politics leave much to be desired. Politika je kurva [6], as many of you would gladly say but refrain from doing so, and what better man to take care of those matters than the one with almost four decades of experience.“

Maček seemed unsure of the proposal.

„Lavrih's word means nothing without the Council's approval, and unfortunately, all of them aside from the President himself are military officers, all holding important positions within the Home Guard. I, myself do not possess the military knowledge necessary to be able to get closer to any of the councilors.“

Čanić interjected quickly.

„Your Excellency, I may be able to ease the pressure off your back in that regard. For all your faults I shall fill in the gaps and help you, while you may help me get my point across to the Slovenes in our lands.“

Maček thought of the plan for a brief moment, absentmindedly tapping his untouched glass before looking up at the tensed-up army officer and offering him his right hand.

„We have reached an agreement, Major General.“

During this process, Đuka Kemfelja sat to the side, looking far off into the distance whilst focusing on nothing in particular, only noticing Matija Čanić shaking hands with his Ban from the corner of his eye. Guilt washed over him as he believed he did not contribute to any new positive developments during the meeting. In actuality, he still thought of the early months of 1942 and all the secrets he kept from His Excellency, and despite doing so with the best intentions in mind, it still caused major delay in the Reformists' reaction against Kvaternik's old coots that only destabilized the entire situation even more.

Perhaps I should resign from my position, he mused to himself as the other two men still chatted over the details of their hopeful plan. It has the possibility to set a dangerous precedent, seeing as not a single member of the Maček Government has resigned their position up to that point. Maybe it would be for the best that someone more capable takes the reins, but he decided he would give the idea more thought, but after all this ethanol evaporates from his dizzy mind.

*****
​

[1] Reichssicherheitsdienst (lit. Reich Security Service). SS security force tasked with protecting Hitler's life (one example being in the Wolfsschanze), though it later provided protection for other high-ranking Nazis as well.
[2] IOTL Kvaternik met Hitler at the end of July 1941, though ITTL Hitler postpones his meetings with any Croatian higher-ups until this point due to the chaos of the Croatian-Italian War as well as the Marburg Treaty that followed.
[3] Oil refinery whose history began in 1923 with the establishment of an oil storage by Royal Dutch Shell. In 1928 it was extended and the first refinery system was built, while processing of raw oil began in 1940. IOTL it was heavily damaged during the Second World War, however ITTL, with less overall destruction and more finances thanks to a more stable internal situation as well as King Filip's wealth and specific relationship with some of his constituents (more on that soon), it is decided that the refinery would be expanded even more in order to bolster the German war machine with some Romanian financial help (hurrah Latin League!).
[4] A bit of an ego trip, but the King uses it as a projection of force and power onto his subjects as well as his political opponents. Got the idea for this specific nickname by finding out about the House Order of the Golden Lion handed out by Filip's own royal house.
[5] From German gemischt (to mix). In continental Croatia, it denotes a drink made by combining dry white wine and mineral water in differing ratios, while in coastal areas of the country a mix of white (or red, depending on taste) wine with regular water is called bevanda. If neither of those are your thing, there is always the Serbian variant called špricer (spritzer) that is made from combining exclusively white wine with soda water that is poured from those cool high-pressure bottles.
[6] (Lit. Politics is a whore.). A cynical saying often used in the Balkans to convey the frustration felt when witnessing the political failures and pettiness of the region's politicians.

 

[Triune Kingdom]

Nice to see Kvaternik and Hitler meeting, but Kvaternik complaining about Homeguard being divided, as well as political troubles, will not end well. And to make matters worse, the SS is going to interfere, with what I am assuming are plans to raise a Croatian SS unit.

On the other hand, Maček and Co. seem to be scrambling for allies, trying to counteract Kvaternik, and it seems that they are relatively unsuccesful, at least for now. It is all shaping up to be a disaster of epic proportions, a disaster Croatia can not afford, especially considering that Italians and Pavelić would be more then happy to exploit any weakness, and that there are still Četnik and Partisan units roaming around the country. This infighting helps no one except Communists, and Homeguard has to reform and this split has to be healed as soon as possible, unless the entire organization becomes permanently crippled and divided, unable to perform its duties.

Well, at least there were some good things mentioned, with Sisak Refinery being expanded with Romanian aid, which will help, if only as to appease Germany. Meeting between Kvaternik and Hitler may result in further German-Croatian military cooperation, especially in regards to Croatians being trained in Germany, and perhaps some material aid as well, due to the Croat performance against Italy and being "Goths", thus more worthy.

King Filip does seem to like big gestures and grandiose names, with nickname such as "Golden Lion" and what not, but it does add a depth to the story. It is also a convinient way to explain why Croatian military formations are/will be named in such a grandiose manner.

But I do wonder what is going on with Partisans, ot seems they have been quiet for too long, and what has happened to Gruić?

Great work as always, and I hope that we will see some of the economic centred chapters soon, if only to get a somewhat less bleak perspective then what is offered by both foreign and internal politics, as well as poor military performance.