The Promise of a Clean Regime | An Independent State of Croatia TL

[General Ripper]

I think Kulmerovi dvori are still in possesion of Kulmer family, and I really do not see them nationalizing it forcibly, just to give it to him.

As for the name, I still think it sounds a bit too desperate to have a foreign king take a name of old Croatian kings. Like he is trying too hard to legitimize himself in the eyes of the people. By taking his name, and using a Croatian variant of it, he portrays himself as more respectful towards his adoptive country, more willing to back them, over any foreign interest. It also presents turning a new page in a way, by not drawing on ancient, mythological figures, but being willing to stand on his own merits, at least IMHO.

No need to nationalise them, the state can simply buy them, I doubt that they would refuse, it's a honor for them too.

About naming, well that didn't prevent the Norwegians in 1905 to give their King their domestic name- Haakon V. And I think that Maček would try to remove any possible sight of having a king imposed by Germans, so a Croatian name and very narrow list of prerogatives for King.

 

[Triune Kingdom]

snip.

You are correct, they could have bought them, but considering that it would be a temporary residence, until a proper palace is built, it would seem like a wasteful thing to do.

As for the name, it is not that big of a deal in the end, and while Tomislav or Krešimir would perhaps be more traditional, using a name Filip, especially the Croatian version of it, should work rather well. Considering the king is trying to learn Croatian, and is seen and heard speaking it by the people, that should also help with his image, perhaps much more then if he used the more traditional Croatian name.


Putting the issue of name aside for now, I presume that the next chapter is going to be concentrating on the Communist/Partisan resistance ITTL, if we continue having the detailed descriptions of various factions involved, in each chapter. It is going to be very interesting to see how they are doing, especially without enjoying large amounts of support in Bosnia and Croatia, and with being confronted by much larger forces then they were IOTL. Their morale is going to suffer, casualties are going to be higher, and the population is much less likely to receive them as liberators then in IOTL.

 

[John_Smith]

In the name of freedom and national independence, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia wholeheartedly invites all patriotic peoples to unite in the fight against the common enemy – Fascist occupiers and domestic traitors alike... let us do so that our land becomes a tomb for its occupiers, and not a mere base for their military escapades!
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– Josip Broz, June 22, 1941
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The Red Dawn

The story of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia has always, from its inception, remained that of turbulence and ceaseless struggle, both within and outside its revolutionary ranks. Founded in April 1919 following the unification of all social democratic parties within the newly-formed Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The congress in which this event occurred, though, quickly became infamous for the heterogeneity of the participants' views on the revolution and reformation of the movement itself but such issues still did not deter the members to announce the formation of the Socialist Labor Party of Yugoslavia (of Communists) (Socijalistička radnička partija Jugoslavije (komunista)). Headed by Filip Filipović, Živko Topalović and Vladimir Ćopić, the organization immediately became part of the Comintern. The party supported a unitarian Yugoslav state merging the different tribes into one nation as the best basis of class struggle, and as such vehemently opposed federalism.

It was to be expected that the Laborists would pledge their support to the Soviet Union and Kun's short-lived Soviet Republic in Hungary, showcasing their backing of the Communist movements by instigating many strikes and demonstrations against employers and state authority, and as the popularity of the movement increased tremendously, many arguments about the party's agenda started springing up, leading to a split between the Centrists and the Revolutionaries. The former stressed that the Kingdom in its current state was too underdeveloped industrially for a successful revolution to happen, and advocated fighting for their cause by legal means. They were opposed by the Revolutionaries, who believed that the necessary prerequisites for social upheaval were already set in stone and who were supportive of a more centralized party.

This ideological conflict was ended during the 2nd Party Congress held in June 1920 in Vukovar, where Filipović's Revolutionaries prevailed. Following the party being renamed to the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ – Komunistička partija Jugoslavije), all Centrist leaders and sympathizers were expelled from the party, but even the split did not prevent the KPJ from making a name for itself during the 1920 elections to the Constitutional Assembly, where they received twelve percent of the vote and 58 of 419 seats.

The Yugoslav government, growing more anxious with each new success the Communists achieved, received an important boost of confidence following the fall of Communist Hungary and decided on cracking down on left-wing activism within the Kingdom. At the end of December 1920 the government issued the Announcement (Obznana), prohibiting all Communist and left-wing activities until the new constitution was adopted. This only prompted certain Communists to react even harsher against the perceived government-backed injustice by founding the terrorist group called the Red Justice (Crvena pravda) that soon rose to prominence with its failed assassination attempt on Regent Alexander I and a successful one on Internal Affairs Minister Milorad Drašković in July 1921, prompting further backlash from their detractors. The public-wide condemnation was exactly what the government needed to finally put a stop to the burgeoning Red movement as the Assembly passed the Law of Protection of Public Security and Order in the State (Zakon o zaštiti javne bezbednosti i poretka u državi), officially banning the KPJ and all Communist activity, restrictions that would not be lifted until the Kingdom's demise in April 1941. All Communists and left-leaning intellectuals were forced to abandon their teachings and go underground in order to evade capture by the authorities.

The Obznana decree proclaiming the ban of the KPJ in 1920
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Notes from the Underground

Following the passing of the anti-Communist Law into effect, the Party retreated into the shadows, deciding on quietly following orders from Moscow while focusing on soul-searching. This allowed the Communists to fluctuate in their official beliefs numerous times over the course of the Roaring Twenties, from defining Slovenia, Croatia, Vojvodina, Montenegro and Macedonia as non-Serb territories that should become independent following the social revolution to adopting the Comintern's theory of Social fascism which regarded social democracy as a form of Fascism, but not all things were quiet. Government persecution of leftists continued, and after a disorganized failure of a revolt against King Alexander's dictatorship following the assassination of Stjepan Radić, many influential Communists were killed, from Young Communist League secretaries Janko Mišić and Mijo Oreški during the bloody Samobor Standoff in July 1929 to Đuro Đaković who attempted to cross the border into Austria.

Milan Gorkić, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the KPJ (1932-1937) who led the reformation of the party, resulting in its resurgence
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Following the deaths of some of its most important members, the leadership of the Party under decided that reconstruction from the ground up would be the best solution to unify the Communists against the Yugoslav government. In June 1935, the party took the definitive stance of supporting a strong federal Yugoslavia, albeit with each nation's right to self-determination under the slogan „Weak Serbia – Strong Yugoslavia“, Social Fascism was abandoned in favor of an anti-royalist popular front with Social Democrats, and despite thousands of arrests happening, seemingly nothing would be able to stop the resurgence of leftists back onto the political scene in the midst of Stojadinović's growing Fascist tendencies and Maček's unsuccessful fight for the oppressed people under Belgrade. However, the Comintern had wholly different plans for its Southeastern European branch...

It Purges From Within

The campaign of political repression the size of which the world had never witnessed before was initiated by Stalin in the Soviet Union in 1936 in order to curb the growing influence of what he described as counter-revolutionaries and enemies of the people in order to consolidate his authority within the Communist Party. Many high-profile officials and intellectuals became targets during the height of the Party's internal cleansing, some of them being Mikhail Tukhachevsky, Aleksandr Yegorov, Lev Kamenev and Mikhail Bukharin. The Soviet Red Army fared no better in the following years, becoming a crippled shadow of its former self after many of its most capable officers were tortured and executed in most horrid of ways in merzlota-laden killing fields and gulags of Siberia.

Stalin, affectionately nicknamed Uncle Joe by the Western Allies during the Second World War, was anything but a warmhearted fatherly figure
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The utter destruction of the old order within Mother Russia did not fail to leave its effect on the remainder of the world, though. Gorkić, being mentored by Bukharin, was among those whose existence was wiped off the face of the planet with a bullet to the back of the head, and he was quickly joined by Filipović, Sima Marković and Jovan Mališić.

The power vacuum left in the wake of the mass executions was quickly taken advantage of by Josip Broz, more commonly known by his pseudonyms Valter and Tito, who managed to win the sympathies and support of the Comintern who soon propped him up as Gorkić's successor.

Josip Broz, 1928 mugshot
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(Just Like) Starting Over

With the party in shambles after Stalin's purges, Tito was given authorization to reform the party in meaningful ways. With the Comintern and Georgi Dimitrov [1] having his back, Broz succeeded in removing the centers of factionalism within the establishment while also lessening the financial problems the party suffered from. Following the highly controversial Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact that disturbed many on the left, Broz wisely declined to respond on the matter, instead focusing solely on issues within Yugoslavia, increasing the KPJ's independence in its relationship with the Comintern.

With the war looming on the horizon, Yugoslav Communists adopted the Comintern's characterization of war being an imperialistic venture, but at the same time insisted on the right of a nation to defend itself against foreign aggression, and with those things in mind, during the 5th State Conference held in October 1940 in Zagreb, the Communist leader stressed two tasks: the defense of Yugoslav independence and the mobilization of the masses in the struggle to solve the most acute and internal national problems. One more interesting thing to note is the fact that the conference also espoused self-determination and cultural autonomy for all citizens of Yugoslavia, including smaller ethnic minorities such as the Albanians, Romanians, Germans and Hungarians.

Long Live the Resistance

The fall of Yugoslavia, a long awaited event in the eyes of many Communists, did not surprise anyone within the KPJ. While the Axis kicked down the Royal Yugoslav Army, a war committee was established in the largest Croatian city in preparation for the conflict that the higher-ups were expecting ever since Hitler started strongmanning the nations of Central Europe in the later years of the 1930s.

The subsequent build-up and preparation for people's uprising was quickly cut short by the Croatian-Italian War in early June, a sequence of events that greatly surprised Tito, who was unable to prevent some of his colleagues in Dalmatia from siding with the Croats, as was best shown by the takeover of Split where his people, sympathizing with the general population, assisted them in driving the Italian garrison out of the Dalmatian city. But even the unexpected friendship of convenience between left-wingers and the Croatian government did not deter him from declaring the commencement of hostilities when the opportunity presented itself. As it were, the best kind of opportunity appeared on June 22 with the German invasion of the Soviet Union, and in a quickly assembled conference, Tito made a stirring speech condemning the Fascists and his countrymen who betrayed them by siding with Hitler and Farinacci, and he demanded (after receiving orders from the Comintern) that attacks be carried out throughout the former Yugoslavia in support of the people's revolution.

His wishes came true during July, when spontaneous uprisings and raids of armories throughout Montenegro that later escalated into full-on civil war were soon joined by bombings and damaging of railroads in Croatia and assaults in Serbia. But while these attacks came to be viewed sympathetically by the populace in Serbia, Montenegro and to a certain extent Slovenia, the plight of revolution fell on deaf ears in Croatia, Bosnia and Macedonia.

Land Hugging the Adriatic

Tito understood that he would have significant trouble trying to find people willing to go against the quite popular government in Croatia when seemingly everyone is backing it, but as it always seemed, Josip Broz had a solution for this particular issue too.

After settling in Užice on July 28, Broz tried and successfully established contact with Vicko Krstulović, Secretary of the Dalmatian Committee of the KPJ, who had already seen and heard of countless atrocities committed by Đujić's Dinara Army against the Croat population, and judging by King Filip's lethargic policy toward the Dalmatian Governorate, the feeling of betrayal by its supposed government in Zagreb was ever present within the local populace, and now everything seemed ready for Broz's grand strategy to start taking effect. He sent some of his associates, most notably Pavle Pap [2] and Mirko Kovačević [3], as well as well-known Communist activists recently rescued from Kerestinec [4] to assist Krstulović, and on August 11, in a small idyllic settlement of Rovanjska only thirty kilometers away from Zara, the First Dalmatian Partisan Detachment (Prvi dalmatinski partizanski odred) was formed from ninety Dalmatian Communists and peasants ready to protect their homes from sadistic and sudden outbursts of violence that have been conducted by Farinacci's Fascists and Đujić's Chetniks throughout the Governorate ever since the April War.

First clashes had already begun three days later, when an unassuming platoon of the Dinara Army was captured without a single shot fired on the outskirts of Slivnica, a small coastal village not very far from Rovanjska. These types of small-scale exchanges continued throughout 1941 with differing successes for the Partisans, however the amount of Croats joining the unit kept steadily increasing throughout the rest of Summer, Fall and Winter as rumors of the Detachment's successes at suppressing the Serbian militia spread throughout every corner of the governorate, only serving to fuel further dissent and disapproval of Farinacci's colonizers who kept arriving to Dalmatia at an unstoppable rate, encouraged by a mix of propaganda and promises of cheap, arable land taken from Croatians living in the area.

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Land of the Black Mountain

Further south, on the forest-covered hills and valleys of Montenegro, member of Tito's inner circle Milovan Đilas arrived to the small country in the early days of July, only to become witness to ragtag groups of rebels sacking villages and attacking Italian garrisons throughout the territory. In a meeting of the Provincial Committee of the KPJ for Montenegro and Boka, held close to Podgorica on July 8, the decision of the Central Committee to begin armed conflict against the occupiers was unanimously accepted, and the Communist leadership soon began contacting the rebels in order to unify them under the Party's flag, mostly with success, with the notable exception of Pavle Đurišić and the rest of his Montenegrin Chetniks, with whom they quickly forged an alliance of convenience in order to counter Farinacci's reinforcements that were bound to come later, in spite of Tito's disapproval.

Soon the combined Chetnik-Communist alliance established a unified territory stretching from Ustaše Ragusa to Serbian Požega that was able to withstand the First Enemy Offensive despite heavy losses, but soon another grave surprise came on October 26, when it was reported that Mihailović's Chetniks stabbed Tito in the back and attacked his forces during the desperate defense of Užice, the Durmitor Republic's unofficial capital. This was largely met with begrudging acknowledgment from Đurišić, who refused to give up on the cause, and with much distrust from the Partisan leadership, his Chetniks managed to hold the alliance steady until the inevitable fall of the Republic that came with the end of the siege of Žabljak on December 8, 1941.

Đilas, influential Communist credited with coordinating the rebel effort in Montenegro during 1941, wearing a titovka cap [5]
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Land of the Three-Headed Deity

Following Cincar-Marković's signing of the Yugoslav capitulation, Slovenia was carved up between Italy and Germany and after over two decades, people of the former Yugoslav Drava Banovina were becoming subjected to the same inhumane treatment that their fellow citizens on the Adriatic Coast had been for so long. This impudent situation resulted in the formation of the Anti-Imperialist Front (Protiimperialistična fronta), later renamed to the Liberation Front of the Slovene Nation (Osvobodilna fronta slovenskega naroda, OF for short), in literary critic Vladimir Vidmar's house on April 26, 1941.

Flag of the OF, gray zigzag lines symbolizing the Triglav mountain
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After its inception, the OF consisted of multiple political groups of left-wing orientation, including Christian Socialists, National Democrats and a group of intellectuals centered around political magazines Sodobnost and Ljubljanski zvon. Of course, the KPJ also comprised an important part of the organization, having leadership over its military wing, that of the Slovene Partisans answering only to Tito. The leaders of the OF, at its formation, were Boris Kidrič and Edvard Kardelj, some of Broz's closest associates.

The civil war erupting in Serbia, Montenegro and Croatia was observed from a safe distance by the members of the OF, who remained in the shadows, only clashing with the Blue Guard and other collaborationist units on occasion, seeing their position as less than desirable for initiating conflict similar in size to the one in Draškić's Serbia. This quiet environment provided Kidrič with the chance of recruiting new people into the fold, something he took very seriously in order to counteract the MVAC and other pro-Axis militias that seemingly popped up everywhere he went.

Land of Black George

The rebellion in Serbia started a few days earlier than the one in Montenegro, and the shaky order that Aćimović's (later Draškić's) symbolic government established crumbled just as quickly as it was set up. Southwestern Serbia fell to the guerrillas in less than a month and the Communist leadership established its headquarters in Užice as it worked to spread the revolution to other parts of former Yugoslavia. Tito understood that his actions had little-to-no sway in Croatia following the bombings in Vinkovci and other towns, so he decided to focus much more on winning over the people in Serbia, a task made significantly more difficult by Mihailović's troops as well as Pećanac's Chetniks, Mušicki's Serbian Volunteer Corps and other factions vying for power and influence within the Territory of the Military Commander in Serbia. Understanding that the Germans might use his Croat roots as a valuable propaganda tool urging the populace not to support foreigners attacking their land [6], Tito ordered that dozens of posters be made and taped all over the walls across the liberated territory showcasing not only him, but his closest allies like Moša Pijade (Serb), Edvard Kardelj (Slovene) and Božo Ljumović (Montenegrin) as cooperating for the betterment of the nation and their successful fight against foreign oppressors.

Yugoslav propaganda poster urging the citizenry to take up arms against the Nazis
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Mihailović, noticing the popularity of the Partisan movement within Serbia, and understanding that his inaction will lead to them receiving all the glory for their contribution to the anti-fascist crusade, he wished to initiate contact with Broz, who was less than thrilled about the prospects, but still had to accept the convenient alliance that Mihailović offered while keeping him at arm's length by giving the Yugoslav Army Colonel unclear objectives and goals during their meetings.

Following the thoughtless massacres of Serbian civilians at the hands of the Wehrmacht as reprisal against Partisan resistance, even including certain popular and beloved figures that only further enraged the people, Mihailović included, who constantly kept hearing of the massacres of thousands of innocent souls in Belgrade, Kragujevac and Niš and deportations of some to concentration camps in Banjica and Sajmište [7]. After giving himself some time to carefully think of what to do, he decided to go against the Partisans, expecting the Germans to assist him. This act of sudden betrayal happened at the end of October, only accelerating the breakdown of northeastern Durmitor Republic as Užice soon fell in early November, forcing Josip Broz and his comrades to retreat further south into Sandžak and central Montenegro where Partisans still prevailed.

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Alas, it was not meant to be, as the Republic ceased to exist with the fall of Žabljak on December 8 with many Partisans deciding on retreating over the border into Croatia and some ceasing their activities for the time being. About ten thousand soldiers poured over the border into Croatia during the cold Winter days as December turned into January, and the confused reaction by the Croatian government soon proved to be troubling for the fledgling Kingdom, as was soon proven by the shocking result of the Second Enemy Offensive.

The Communist movement's spirit, even after suffering thousands upon thousands of casualties, still did not falter, and it stands to reason that the people's revolution Pijade, Broz and others dreamed of will still live on as long they stand with their men, armed to the teeth and ready to push back against anyone unwilling to let go of their Fascist and collaborationist leanings. With his network increasing in and around Croatia, with the Dalmatian and Slovene branches of the Communist Party growing ever stronger, it stands to reason that King Filip and Vladko Maček will soon have to find a way to counter Tito's socialist revolution in order to prevent Croatia from falling into the red cobweb that is slowly but surely being built around it, despite many tries by the Axis to prevent it.

*****
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Detachment infobox stuff: Ravni kotari is a geographical region surrounding Zara (OTL Zadar).
Belgrade infobox stuff: Jajinci became infamous IOTL for being one of the main execution sites for prisoners and random civilians during WW2, which remains to be the case ITTL.

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[1] General Secretary of the Executive Committee of the Communist International (Gotta love the Communist bureaucracy and its creative names...) from 1935 to 1943 who made himself famous by successfully defending himself in the Leipzig Trial after being accused of setting the Reichstag on fire in February 1933.
[2] Pap (nicknamed Šilja) was a Medicine student who was known for his Communist activity in Vojvodina and Zagreb IOTL. Similarly, he is sent to Dalmatia to help in creating new units to fight against Farinacci's regime and isn't killed on August 15 like he was IOTL.
[3] Kovačević (nicknamed Lala), despite only being 25, made a name for himself by fighting on the Republican side in the Spanish Civil War, where he became member of the KPJ. Just like IOTL, he is sent to Dalmatia together with Pap to help Krstulović set up the Communist resistance in the area. Similarly to Šilja, he isn't shot and killed on August 14 like he was in OTL.
[4] Unlike OTL, the rescue of Communists (Božidar Adžija, Zvonimir Richtmann, Viktor Rosenzweig, Otokar Keršovani and Ognjen Prica) from Kerestinec goes successfully with everyone escaping in time, and I'm sure they would not go into hiding if they had a chance to contribute to the resistance in any meaningful way.
[5] Titovka is a side cap that made the Yugoslav Partisans famous IOTL, and is similar in design to the Russian pilotka.
[6] IOTL many believe that the reason for the fall of the Užice Republic is the fact that the German propaganda successfully convinced the population that the KPJ was led by foreigners, however ITTL, I believe that Tito, facing a more desperate situation without the free territory in Croatia, would be more mindful of how he conducts himself and would be trying as much as possible to come off as sympathetic to Serbian people in particular, which is why I changed the Latin alphabet on the Partisan poster to Serbian Cyrillic.
[7] Much like OTL, both concentration camps were established during the Summer 1941, and have the same goal as they had IOTL – total destruction of Jews and political dissidents from the Territory of the Military Commander in Serbia.

 

[Triune Kingdom]

Excellent work. Nice insight in the workings of Communists, and their work in all the involved countries. They seem to be rather succesful in Croatia, as they seem to be somewhat of a shock, with 2nd Offensive being a rather nasty suprise for the Homeguard, but I hope we get more information, both about the Homeguard performance in 1st and 2nd Offensives, what were their faillings, and what is gojng to be done to remedy that.

As for the Croatian response being confused and uncoordinated, it is to be expected, as I do not see anyone being willing to commit atrocities upon their own population, in an effort to combat the Partisans. So we could expect a somewhat softer approach, more "Hearts and Minds", concentrating population in a larger groups, fortified and guarded settlements built, general improvements to quality of life, rather then outright executions right from the get go.

Partisan resistance also faces problem of its various national components being separated much more, then they were IOTL by Croatia, which is still a dangerous country to try and cross. Dalmatian partisans also face a problem of being mostly Croatians, and they are going to be facing both the local Serbs and Italian forces, with borders being guarded by Croatians, considering the Chetnik raids have been ongoing for some time.

 

[Inter2010]

With this map, Tito would have hard time to rise his armies. First of all, Maček's Croatia would be without camps, at least controlled by Domobrans. Ustašas would be limited to Dalmatian coast and Herzegovina. I guess that Pavelić would be much more controlled by Italians and have a great troubles with Chetniks, Partisans and massive defections to Maček's forces. In potential civil war between Maček and Pavelić, Maček should be a clear winner,

There would be much stronger Chetnik resistance supplied by Italians. I guess that Partisans and Ustašas would collapse soon. HSS and Maček are legitimate representatives for majority of Croats, while Tito can't persuade Serbs to fight against their own king.

 

[John_Smith]

Excellent work. Nice insight in the workings of Communists, and their work in all the involved countries. They seem to be rather succesful in Croatia, as they seem to be somewhat of a shock, with 2nd Offensive being a rather nasty suprise for the Homeguard, but I hope we get more information, both about the Homeguard performance in 1st and 2nd Offensives, what were their faillings, and what is gojng to be done to remedy that.

As for the Croatian response being confused and uncoordinated, it is to be expected, as I do not see anyone being willing to commit atrocities upon their own population, in an effort to combat the Partisans. So we could expect a somewhat softer approach, more "Hearts and Minds", concentrating population in a larger groups, fortified and guarded settlements built, general improvements to quality of life, rather then outright executions right from the get go.

Partisan resistance also faces problem of its various national components being separated much more, then they were IOTL by Croatia, which is still a dangerous country to try and cross. Dalmatian partisans also face a problem of being mostly Croatians, and they are going to be facing both the local Serbs and Italian forces, with borders being guarded by Croatians, considering the Chetnik raids have been ongoing for some time.

Don't fret, both Offensives from the Home Guard's perspective will be covered, 1st one by the end of the third act, and the 2nd one within the short interlude after a small time-skip between Act III and Act IV.

I absolutely agree, and while there will always be bad apples, the situation will be much more moderate and acceptable than IOTL.

Yes, and I hope I will cover that particular area in more detail soon, some time in Act IV, because the situation really is dire for seemingly everyone in that area aside from the Dinara Army.

With this map, Tito would have hard time to rise his armies. First of all, Maček's Croatia would be without camps, at least controlled by Domobrans. Ustašas would be limited to Dalmatian coast and Herzegovina. I guess that Pavelić would be much more controlled by Italians and have a great troubles with Chetniks, Partisans and massive defections to Maček's forces. In potential civil war between Maček and Pavelić, Maček should be a clear winner,

There would be much stronger Chetnik resistance supplied by Italians. I guess that Partisans and Ustašas would collapse soon. HSS and Maček are legitimate representatives for majority of Croats, while Tito can't persuade Serbs to fight against their own king.

The situation is made much more difficult ITTL for any and all guerrillas, no matter what they believe in, since Croatia does not suffer from a discontent significant minority willing to take up arms against the ruling government.

Certain Chetnik units are funded by the Italians in large numbers (Đujić's troops in Dalmatia, Đurišić's in Montenegro from spring 1942) and are causing a lot of trouble for other non-Serb minorities in those areas. As for the fate of both movements, I can't reveal what'll happen until we come to that point, but it is going to be a fun ride until we get to it!

 

[John Fredrick Parker]

First off, I just recently got into this TL and caught up; loving it.

I am still indecisive about the North African Front changing much, seeing as a key Allied operation (Battleaxe) began and ended just before Mussolini's fall, so I am still deciding on how much things will actually change there. Of course, Churchill's soft underbelly kink will become a point of contention at a much later date, and will be covered accordingly, but it's pretty far time-wise for now, Croatia first has to worry about Partisans and Chetniks not spilling over from Serbia and Montenegro while housing an ever-increasing amount of refugees from Dalmatia.

Even if Operations Battleaxe and Crusader play out more or less as OTL, is it possible that issues in Italy continue to cause problems for Italian forces as late as the summer of next year? If so, there's a lot of potential for the West Desert Campaign to go better for the allies earlier (Gazala, Mersa Matruh, 1st Alamein, and Agreement). And if that's the case, those ripples can quickly spread across the entirety of the war effort.

 

[John_Smith]

First off, I just recently got into this TL and caught up; loving it.

Even if Operations Battleaxe and Crusader play out more or less as OTL, is it possible that issues in Italy continue to cause problems for Italian forces as late as the summer of next year? If so, there's a lot of potential for the West Desert Campaign to go better for the allies earlier (Gazala, Mersa Matruh, 1st Alamein, and Agreement). And if that's the case, those ripples can quickly spread across the entirety of the war effort.

Thank you for your kind words! I love hearing that new people are hopping on board and reading this, any comments and opinions are always welcome here.

To be honest, I'm always terrified of covering such massive areas of history, there's just so many things that have to be taken into consideration as is, and with a small PoD such as this one causing ripple effects in that specific area... It kind of becomes overwhelming for me, but I agree that it is possible that things may change in North Africa (and all other fronts where Italian troops are present), and I'll take some time to think of exactly how much the situation is going to be different from OTL, maybe even post an update about it during Act IV or whenever it really becomes relevant to Croatia's situation.

 

[John_Smith]

When mentioning the German reprisals against Serbian civilians in Chapter III.XII, I said that certain popular and beloved figures also became victims of Keitel's order of a hundred Serbs getting executed for every German killed and fifty for each wounded, prompting larger numbers of people to join the Partisans and to a certain extent the Chetnik movements of Mihailović and Pećanac than IOTL. Due to the ten-photos-per-post rule, I was unable to post these infoboxes, and I don't think I'll find a fitting opportunity to post them in future chapters anymore, so here goes. And yes, all of them are canon to the story.

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Petar Dobrović

• famous modernist painter and proponent of Serbian colorism, well-known for his portraits and landscapes
• select works: Young Man in an Evening Landscape (1922), Olga in a Blue Jacket (1932), Self-Portrait (1932), Villas on Hvar (1933), Horses on St Mark's Basilica in Venice (1938)
• despite being a follower of Bela Kun, he wanted his native Pécs (Pečuj) annexed to the Kingdom of Serbia
• was named the President of the short-lived Serbian-Hungarian Baranya-Baja Republic in what is today southern Hungary, despite him being absent during the proclamation, instead finding himself vacationing with his friends on Hvar
• sentenced to death in absentia following Horthy's slaying of the Republic, a sentence that has not been revoked until his passing
• despite major differences in their beliefs, Dobrović enjoyed a very close friendship with Miroslav Krleža, an incredibly popular Croatian writer and left-wing activist whose popularity was so palpable that both Pavelić and Tito tried to win him over to their side IOTL, with limited degrees of success. Despite the unfortunate quarrel that ended their friendship in 1940, Krleža still mourned over his death in 1942 for days, even writing a poignant prosaic piece dubbed On Petar Dobrović's Grave in 1946.
• he was also close friends with famed modernist poet Miloš Crnjanski and writer Veljko Petrović

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Dobrica Milutinović

• veteran of Serbian cinematography, member of the National Theater in Belgrade since 1899
• played the role of Janko Katić (real-life vojvoda and organizer of the First Serbian Uprising) in The Life and Deeds of the Immortal Vožd Karađorđe, first feature-length silent motion picture made in Serbia and the Balkans that was released in 1911. The film was presumed lost since the late 1940s until its sudden discovery in Vienna in 2003 and can be viewed on YouTube by clicking here
• due to his stature and distinct voice, his roles were mostly those of heroic and romantic characters, such as Romeo in Shakespeare's Romeo and Juliet, Don Carlos in Schiller's tragedy of the same name or Mitke in Stanković's popular play Koštana

​

Aleksandar Tirnanić

• mostly referred to by his nickname Tirke
• considered by many as one of the most popular and beloved athletes in modern Serbia
• raised by his mother following his father's demise during the initial days of the Austrian invasion of Serbia in 1914. Later, his mother was killed during the bombing of Belgrade in April 1941
• during his entire life, his biggest passion was always football (reaching the Semi-finals of the 1930 World Cup as a key player of the national team of Yugoslavia)
• scored the opening goal against Brazil only a day before his twentieth birthday, allowing Yugoslavia to top the group ahead of the South American favorites with a 2–1 victory to become the first memorable underdog story in World Cup history
• while never a member of the Party, it is believed that Tirnanić was friends with Communists Koča Popović and Ivo Lola Ribar, even distributing important letters in the name of the KPJ during his travels with the Yugoslav national team on away matches
• he supported his former teammate and only European member of the 1930 World Cup All Star Team Milutin Ivković in boycotting the 1936 Olympic Games in Berlin
• during his life in Belgrade, he became famous for his relaxed and approachable lifestyle, often frequenting pubs with his teammate Blagoje 'Moša' Marjanović, with whom he formed an unforgettable midfield partnership during their games for the national team as well as BSK Belgrade
• he is played by Miloš Biković in Dragan Bjelogrlić's sports drama Montevideo, Bog te video! (2010) and its subsequent sequels, which I highly recommend as your typical feel-good, albeit very fictionalized underdog story with a strong focus on the 1930 World Cup in Uruguay and peppered with typical dry and suggestive humor that the Balkans cinematography is known for.

 

[John_Smith]

With the entire territory of former Yugoslavia in disarray following its violent break-up, newly formed puppet governments in Croatia, Montenegro and Serbia were left to their own devices to establish order within their newly formed nations. As such, new military formations had soon come into existence to inherit the remnants of former institutions of the Royal Yugoslav Army. Only a day after Maček's proclamation of his Provisional Government, the Air Force of the Republic of Croatia (ZRH – Zrakoplovstvo Republike Hrvatske) was founded with Milan Emil Uzelac [1] at the helm. Uzelac, originating from a Serbian Orthodox family, had already made a name for himself within the armies of former Austria-Hungary as well as Yugoslavia for his hard work in modernizing their battling capabilities in the blue skies. Despite the appalling lack of resources at his disposal in both cases, he still managed to create formidable branches of the K.u.K. and the KJV. After eighteen years of retirement, he was brought back into the fold following personal visits from Slavko Kvaternik and Armed Forces Minister Đuka Kemfelja, deciding to, once more, for a third time, become a man tasked with establishing the control and protection of his nation's skies.

A rare photo of Uzelac in his civilian attire following his retirement, early 1920s
​

The Wehrmacht captured hundreds of ex-VVKJ aircraft during the April War. Believing many of them to be largely obsolete and of no substantial use to their war effort, it was decided that the Zagreb government would inherit the airplanes from Serbian airfields, and very quickly the process of collecting, moving and repairing the planes began. A lengthy and arduous task, the bombings conducted by Regia Aeronautica during the War for Dalmatia [2] (Rat za Dalmaciju) in combination with Horstenau's stern prohibition of any aircraft being used by Croatians until further notice certainly did not do Uzelac any favors as several crucial steel birds were destroyed by erratic Italian bombers, only increasing the time and amount of effort needed in creating an efficient, self-reliant fighting force.

Uzelac, ever an idealist, did not let the apparent hopelessness of the situation deter him in any way, though, as he soon decided to split his duties with Miroslav Friedrich Navratil [3], whom he decided would be his deputy and second-in-command, still remembering his ventures as a daring young pilot during the Monarchy's waning days all those years ago. Navratil, forcibly retired Colonel of the VVKJ, is to this day largely credited with lifting Horstenau's ban as well as leading the effort to reactivate the airfields in Zagreb, Sarajevo, Mostar, Banja Luka and Semlin, where Ikarus and Zmaj aircraft plants were located in the initial days of the ZRH.

Edmund Glaise von Horstenau (left) talking with Miroslav Navratil (right) at the Semlin airfield, November 1941
​

With the change in government that happened when then-crown prince Philipp proclaimed the rebirth of the Croatian Kingdom on July 10, a few days after his arrival and chat with Maček in Varaždin, the change in the Air Force's name also occurred. Now called the Royal Croatian Air Force, the rebranded branch of the Royal Croatian Home Guard (KHD – Kraljevsko hrvatsko domobranstvo) was soon boosted by more aircraft captured by the Germans, including eight Bristol Blenheim I and five Potez 25 bombers. Naturally, these were only given in the beginning, with many more being passed down onto the young Croatian regime, a notable example being the generous gift given to King Filip by Hermann Göring following his short stay at Castle Brezovica after Coronation Day. During September and October, forty six reconnaissance planes arrived to airfields in Zagreb, fulfilling some of Uzelac and Navratil's biggest wishes. Two squadrons of pristine, albeit somewhat old aeroplanes would still be enough to help the Home Guard prepare for battle under easier and clearer circumstances, thus largely diminishing any elements of surprise the enemy might have in store. However, this is where Uzelac's somewhat naive optimism prevailed when it should not have. Despite help and protection from the sky, the Home Guard still faltered in key components of Operation Durmitor, allowing the enemy to recuperate and quickly regain its strength.

​

And while the Croatian armed forces struggled together with their Wehrmacht allies to crush the Communist-Royalist insurgency, a specific branch of the Royal Croatian Air Force, though controlled and incorporated by the Wehrmacht, enjoyed some greater successes in comparison to their fellow countrymen. The Croatian Air Force Legion (HZL – Hrvatska zrakoplovna legija), formed soon after the Republican Coalition's sweeping victory in the general elections, quickly received many volunteers willing to partake in the German-led anti-Soviet crusade far in the East. Ivan Mrak, notable for his contribution in suppressing the Yugoslav Army in Bjelovar in the first few days of the April War, was declared commander of this volunteer unit.

Following a short period of training in small German towns of Furth and Herzogenaurach, the unit made up of one fighter wing (split into three squadrons) and one bomber wing (consisting of three squadrons as well) [4] quickly arrived to the Eastern Front close to Poltava, with its first participation in action coming very soon, only three days after settling in the Ukrainian town nestled on the Vorskla river. A Soviet R10 was shot down in the Ahtijevka-Krasnograd area, and the kill was largely attributed to a German liaison pilot, despite Franjo Džal and several other witnesses disputing this. Džal, though, would soon begin to taste the same triumphant glory in early November, when soon after his comrade Vladimir Ferenčina, he received an official aerial victory to his name as well.

By the end of January 1942, the HZL would be credited with shooting down twenty seven Russian planes, and as such, were congratulated by the Luftwaffe higher-ups in early spring for their selfless and fearless contribution to the German war effort. The prospects for the unit do seem bright, but what does it mean to spill blood on foreign lands, in the name of a cause not even remotely aligned with your own? What exactly does it mean for you to go against the core principles of the establishment that you apparently wholeheartedly support, to go against the exact goal that is written out in its name? What does it mean to go out of your own home that you have been told to guard, only to cause wanton destruction and tragedy in someone else's? No good can come out of it, but the benefit of hindsight is a commodity exclusive only to people that know it is far too late…

​

Even if Uzelac was unable to lead the Home Guard onto the right path on his own, he still retained some form of optimism, much like the Ban whose offer he had accepted half a year ago. Looking at the detailed list of airplanes available to the air force at this time, he knew that with enough patience and time his Falcons [5] would finally become a force to be reckoned with and that the people from all corners of his beloved homeland could finally look up into the bright blue sky with ecstatic smiles on their faces, content with the knowledge that they are safe and protected by their caring leadership.

Models used by the ZKH at the end of 1941

*****
​

ZKH infobox stuff: The flag, instead of using OTL steel bird in its upper left corner, utilizes a falcon (sokol) as a bird symbolizing protection, which is the main role of the KHD (guarding people's homes), while the roundel is changed from OTL's for obvious reasons.
HZL infobox stuff: The TTL badge is very poorly designed, but that was the best I could come up with to replace OTL's badge.
Model list infobox stuff: Nothing much to add, due to having not that many detailed sources on the matter, I had to use the ZNDH Wikipedia infobox that listed all aircraft that the NDH armed forces had from April 1941 to May 1945, so some things had to be deleted, decreased, added, renamed and everything else, and I would like to thank @Triune Kingdom for helping me figure all this out.

​

[1] Very much an old-school type of fellow. A quote often used by him was: "From being a poor frontiersman to being a general, only because good old Franz Joseph made it possible for me!" Despite being of Orthodox Serbian origins, he still considered himself a Croat, much in the same vein as Svetozar Boroević.
[2] War for Dalmatia is the name that Croatians use for the Croatian-Italian War ITTL.
[3] He attained most aerial victories for an ethnic Croatian pilot during the Great War, with 10 kills being attributed to him whilst flying this interesting-looking plane.
[4] IOTL only two squadrons for each wing existed, however ITTL, due to greater trust and support for Maček's government, more people join the volunteer units that are later sent to the East.
[5] (Sokoli in Croatian) is a nickname used by the population and the government to affectionately refer to the pilots of the ZKH, due to their flag having a falcon on it.

 

[Triune Kingdom]

Nice chapter.

Airforce is a bit worse off then OTL, considering that some aircraft were lost during the Italian-Croatian war, and that unlike TTL, Italy will not be supplying any aircraft. Goerings gift will still go a long way, especially considering these are primarily reconaisance aircraft, with limited use as light bombers, but in terms of controlling and patroling their own territory, as well as fighting a counterinsurgency campaign, they are more then up to the task ahead.

Uzelac will certainly do his best, trying to build HKZ up to being a respectable force, but he is rather old, and he did retire in 42 OTL if I am not mistaken, so having a succesor waiting in the wings is a good thing. I would also say that there may be some problems between Uzelac and younger officers, regarding the way Airforce is set up and run, and what Airforce is actually needed to do. Something similar that is likely zo happen in the Homeguard, between the Old Guard/Germanists, led by Kvaternik, and younger officers who recognize the need for reform and reorganization, to better persecute guerilla and counterinsurgency opeerations. That is going to be very interesting to see develop.

Also, nice work on roundels, flags etc., it gives a nice bit of depth to the TL.

Lastly, Legion is somewhat stronger then OTL, and while I do not know how big of an impact that may or may not have in East, it will certainly have some changes later on. IOTL in 43 bomber part of the Legion came back home, followed by fighter component in 44, and having larger units, with experienced personel, equiped with modern aircraft, will certainly substantialy strenghten the Airforce.

 

[John_Smith]

Nice chapter.

Airforce is a bit worse off then OTL, considering that some aircraft were lost during the Italian-Croatian war, and that unlike TTL, Italy will not be supplying any aircraft. Goerings gift will still go a long way, especially considering these are primarily reconaisance aircraft, with limited use as light bombers, but in terms of controlling and patroling their own territory, as well as fighting a counterinsurgency campaign, they are more then up to the task ahead.

Uzelac will certainly do his best, trying to build HKZ up to being a respectable force, but he is rather old, and he did retire in 42 OTL if I am not mistaken, so having a succesor waiting in the wings is a good thing. I would also say that there may be some problems between Uzelac and younger officers, regarding the way Airforce is set up and run, and what Airforce is actually needed to do. Something similar that is likely zo happen in the Homeguard, between the Old Guard/Germanists, led by Kvaternik, and younger officers who recognize the need for reform and reorganization, to better persecute guerilla and counterinsurgency opeerations. That is going to be very interesting to see develop.

Also, nice work on roundels, flags etc., it gives a nice bit of depth to the TL.

Lastly, Legion is somewhat stronger then OTL, and while I do not know how big of an impact that may or may not have in East, it will certainly have some changes later on. IOTL in 43 bomber part of the Legion came back home, followed by fighter component in 44, and having larger units, with experienced personel, equiped with modern aircraft, will certainly substantialy strenghten the Airforce.

With enough time and coordination, the Air Force is bound to become a formidable fighting unit capable of being self-reliant on its territory without needing to bog down the Luftwaffe and further angering the German officials in Croatia, something that nobody wants aside from the insurgents. Of course, time is of essence with all the Communists running around former Yugoslavia, and coordination is gradually going to become a larger issue that is going to seriously cripple the Home Guard's fighting effort, as I had mentioned in Chapter III.XII, with the result of the Second Enemy Offensive only pushing the issue to the forefront of Maček's and King Filip's list of problems. All of this will be covered in much more detail as Act IV slowly begins around spring 1942.

Thanks, I'm glad people are noticing the effort put behind seemingly inconsequential details such as those!

It's hard to see such a tiny sub-unit of the Wehrmacht, much less one made up of volunteers making much of a difference on such a large scale, but then again, an entire empire was thrown into chaos by Croatia in June 1941, so I guess anything is still possible, no matter how hard it is to believe. More stuff about the Legion and the events on other fronts will be revealed in due time, when I do sufficient research on them to finally feel confident to post chapters about them to show off the butterflies doing their thing.

 

[John_Smith]

The progress of the first major anti-insurgency campaign in former Yugoslavia quickly ground to a halt as cold November rains started blessing the forsaken lands of the Karađorđević dynasty in refreshing torrents. As much as some more romantically-inclined individuals and poets hoped that falling golden leaves of solemn trees might hide all the innocent blood that has been shed over the past year, unforgiving reality rears its ugly head yet again with a reminder that there are even worse events to be wary of in the coming future.

Užice were steamrolled by the iron-hearted German panthers on November 5, and the entire Uvac Sector collapsed soon after, with the collaborating troops of the Black Chetniks and Serbian Volunteer Corps clearing out the villages until reaching the border of Montenegro and Serbia, before being ordered by the Wehrmacht to halt their movements. Bileća Sector, in comparison, moved slowly, with the Croatian Home Guard under Slavko Kvaternik struggling to cope with the guerrilla tactics the Chetnik-Communist alliance utilized. Following a successful capture of Kamensko on November 2 after a short siege which saw the first instance of cooperation between the Republic of Ragusa and the Croatian Kingdom, Kvaternik's men were ordered by Johann Fortner [1] to maintain their positions, an order which they had no reason to disobey, especially with the recent string of embarrassing displays of battling prowess, or lack thereof, coming from the Croatian leadership.

The Nikšić Sector, though, was a whole other point of contention for the Axis powers. Farinacci, eager to renew Italy's lost prestige as much as his wounded ego after almost losing the entire Montenegrin territory during the summer, asked the Germans not to assist him while on Montenegrin soil. The reception to this was mixed, with Böhme's armies from Serbia accepting the wish, while Fortner and his Croatian allies declined the idea, and occupied the territory stretching from the border with Croatia to Kamensko, about twenty seven kilometers east of Nikšić. Regio Esercito, similarly to their rivals from June, had troubles in quelling the rebellious dissenters throughout the nation, however, due to the sheer advantage in numbers, if nothing else, the Army of the Savoy King slowly, but surely, chipped away at the enemy's territory, slowly taking Povija on September 10, Kolašin on September 26, Berane on October 19, then again on November 7, until all that was left of the Durmitor Republic was a triangle-shaped enclave whose control extended from Žabljak in the north to Nikšić in the south and Redice in the east.

Nikšić, however, was a town that really stood out from the bunch. Left in a state of perpetual siege already from October 1, after a stray Italian battalion found its way to the tiny city hoping to seek refuge, but only finding a seething group of rebels who quickly fired upon the surprised battalion. As villages south of Nikšić slowly fell one by one, the situation improved significantly for the soldiers from the boot-shaped peninsula, as support came through, but the resistance did not budge, not one bit. Any Italian attempts to enter the town either with tanks or with armored cars were thwarted by the defenders whose morale was constantly replenished by the hearty leadership duo that came to define the siege. Čedomir Čupić, nicknamed Ljubo, American-born law student and KPJ member since 1940, working in tandem with Đorđije Lašić, Major of the Royal Yugoslav Army and one of Mihailović's finest commanders tasked with defending Old Montenegro (historic region centered around Nikšić and northern towns and villages). Both men, while coming from radically different backgrounds, managed to set aside their differences and work together for a common cause, even if all else differed wildly when compared to one another. The beleaguered civilians quickly took notice of this uncommon alliance, and were soon inspired to take up arms against the forces vastly superior in equipment and numbers, even if chances of relief coming from the north were slim.

The combat in the streets of the small town was painful, with both forces fanatically fighting for each and every house, irregardless of size and overall logistical value. However, the evident lack of arms, as well as food and ammunition have proven to be an unassailable feat to surpass, and the defenses collapsed soon after the center of the small town was captured, with Italian forces triumphantly parading through the central square, aptly renamed into Roberto Farinacci Square (Piazza Roberto Farinacci) soon after the breakthrough that happened on November 18. The Partisans and Chetniks, however, did not surrender until November 25, still not giving up on causing as much damage to their enemies as humanly possible.

With no ammunition left at their disposal, and too many to count already lying in putrid pools of blood and flesh on the grassy fields of the once-pleasant little town, Čupić and Lašić, with a handful of their closest friends and comrades, their arms raised high up in the air, surrendered to Alessandro Pirzio Biroli, Governor of Montenegro and Rafael Boban, leading commander of the 2nd Active Battalion of Ustaše Militia who was obligated to assist his Italian allies and sponsors. Little did the optimistic Čupić and reserved Ljašić know, but what awaited them were days upon days of relentless torture at the hands of their captors, who wished to find out about all the finesses of Partisan resistance and equipment at their disposal in order to quell the remainder of the uprising north of Nikšić. Neither of the two commanders revealed anything to Biroli, though, only prompting longer sessions of forced castor oil drinking, vicious beatings, excruciating whippings and terrible burnings, to quote historian Franjo Tuđman's A Detailed History of the Communist Resistance in Yugoslavia from 1981.

​

The nearly-destroyed settlement caught the ire of Farinacci, who not only ordered it to be renamed to Anderba, dating back to the old Roman castrum [2] founded in 4th century AD beneath the modern town's foundations, but also to destroy any semblance of Montenegrin nationhood found within it. King Nicholas' Castle [3] was destroyed and wiped off the face of the Earth by the end of January 1942 while all Orthodox Christian churches and monasteries were either destroyed and desecrated with dynamite or reappropriated into Catholic churches. All prisoners of war were forced by Il Governatore to participate in the initial stages of the destruction of their culture as yet another way of psychologically breaking them, and those who refused were promptly beaten to death by the Italian garrison still enraged over the annoyance that the defenders presented to them even after fifty five days of combat.

Last known photo of King Nicholas' Castle in Nikšić, 1940
​

Lašić, decidedly a patriot, initially refused to participate, but after seeing the treatment other dissenting opinions received, he joined Čupić, who convinced him that reinforcements were coming to save them. This, however, was not the case, as a Partisan battalion meant to relieve them was caught unprepared in Žabljak to the north while Josip Broz and his forces retreated over the border and into the thick forests of Bosnia. Biroli quickly caught wind of this, unfortunately enough, and lined up the two leaders in front of a small ditch that he had them dig for themselves. Once finished, they looked up at Biroli joined on both sides by a dozen soldiers reloading their almost-ancient Carcano rifles before pointing them. Lašić, having already resigned himself to his fate, did not let out a sound as Biroli, uncharacteristically enough, quietly gave Čupić a chance to utter his final words.

To this day, though, nobody is quite sure what exactly happened next. Some left-wing historians say that the young man uttered a hearty bellowing laugh at Biroli's face before yelling "Long live Yugoslavia!", some poets even say that his charming smile was aimed at his beloved, who was allegedly forced to watch the execution with the remaining survivors that were assembled from around the town and nearby villages before telling her not to worry, while most assume that Biroli merely tricked him, and that he did not even receive a chance to say anything before being whittled down into an unrecognizable corpse by a barrage of bullets together with his most valuable ally. Seeing as not that much is known about Čupić's life prior to the siege even to this day, it is very likely that we may never get a real, satisfying reason for the valiant smile that defined so many lives, photo of whom (Victorious Smile – Pobedonosni osmeh) later became used by many left-wingers not only in his homeland, but in other parts of the world, as well as the counter-revolution that happened years after the war and the tragic soldier's unfortunate end.

​

Meanwhile, in the relative safety of Croatia, Juraj Krnjević, Minister of Foreign Affairs sat in his compartment, impatiently tapping his small suitcase while smoking a cigarette, letting clouds of grey smoke envelop the high-end interior of the room. His wife, sitting opposite of him, lightly combing through their sleeping son's jet-black hair pointed her gaze toward Krnjević, her amber orbs judgmentally eyeing her dearest husband. She utters quietly, her tone dripping with reserved disappointment.

„Jurica, I told you not to smoke.“

„Sorry, just can't help myself sometimes…“

Absentmindedly, completely lost in his own troubled thoughts, the Minister puts out the cigarette on his suitcase, creating a small circular black stain on the oil-treated cowhide that he had paid a pretty penny for all those years ago, but he could hardly care about luggage at this particular moment. He puts the cigarette butt in the overly filled ashtray, almost spilling its contents that he had lost so much time making on his way back from Vienna.

Once a proud, prestigious imperial city, one that Croatia had looked up to for over three hundred years, has been turned into yet another Nazi outpost with uniformed Fascists patrolling and goosestepping through the streets, and the intense shift in atmosphere greatly disturbed Krnjević, who was sure that Aleksandar Cincar-Marković and Dragiša Cvetković felt the same way exactly eight months ago.

After all, both cases have some distinct similarities to them. Krnjević too, was sent by his superior, in this case King Filip of Croatia, to sign the accession of his Kingdom into the Tripartite Pact. During his private conversations with Maček, he knew that the old man was against it, much in the same vein as Cvetković, his colleague whom he held in high regard [4], as he still expected a victory for the western democracies, still not faltering in the stance he took ever since the fall of Poland. However, fortunately for the regime Maček worked so hard to prop up, the people of Croatia have seen the Tripartite Pact members as liberators of their homeland from the intolerant rule of Belgrade, a polar opposite of the Serbs living east of the Drina who rioted at the mere thought, much less the realization that they would turn their back on the United Kingdom and France. Now, Krnjević was sure that a sizable crowd would assemble on the station to await for him and to congratulate him on his judicious diplomacy.

In reality, though, the forty-six year-old sympathized with his Ban, sharing many of the same worries as he did. Accession to the Tripartite Pact only pushed Croatia further into the Axis, distancing his hopes and dreams from the Western Allies even further, and with the incredibly cold days of winter that make his skin crawl in anticipation he, as well as his most trusted colleagues will have to do their damnedest to try and steer Croatia clear from the destructive maelstrom that is starting to brew on the misty horizon as the Axis slowly pushes the small ship forward into the great unknown.

Foreign Affairs Minister Krnjević (middle) observing the assembled crowd with his wife Biserka (left) and son Krešimir (right) from their train compartment in Zagreb after returning from Vienna​

*****
​

Čupić infobox stuff: His date and place of birth are unknown to this day, so I gave him a birth date that corresponds with the date of his OTL death (May 9, 1942), while Anchorage was chosen since a quarter of all Montenegrin Americans live there specifically.

​

[1] Generalmajor of the Wehrmacht, stationed in Sarajevo, much like OTL. Interesting fact to note: IOTL, during his stay in Sarajevo, he visited the Bosnian National Museum and demanded that the museum custodians hand over a 14th-century illuminated Jewish manuscript known as the Sarajevo Haggadah. The chief librarian of the museum, a Bosnian Muslim, told him that the manuscript had already been handed over to another German officer. The librarian then smuggled the manuscript to a village in the mountains, where the local imam secreted it among the Korans in his library. The manuscript survived the war and was returned to the museum, and since this story is too interesting not to have it happen again, it is still canon to this TL.
[2] Fortified military camp during the Roman Empire.
[3] Prince of Montenegro from 1860 to 1910 and later King from 1910 to 1918. Exiled to France following the fall of Montenegro in 1916 and not being able to return after Serbia took control of Montenegro in 1918 just before the formation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.
[4] Indeed, Maček IOTL held tremendous respect for Cvetković, and it is easy to see why. It is rare to see a politician willing to compromise with the other side, and Maček finally managed to find someone reasonable and willing enough to engage in honest conversation with him, resulting in the Agreement from August 1939 and everything else that followed.

 

[John_Smith]

On the other side of the world, while people of the Balkans were slain en masse for their insubordination by the Axis and their collaborationist allies in the area, the Second World War still continued to grow ever larger, with no clear signs of stopping as more and more unwilling nations were pulled into the conflict by the destructive tendencies of the human condition. A new participant in what would prove to be the most destructive war in human history was the US, following a surprise attack on the American base in Pearl Harbor by the Imperial Japanese Navy that left most of the US Pacific fleet either damaged or at the bottom of the ocean, with over three thousand officers killed and wounded.

Franklin Delano Roosevelt, President of the United States, was left befuddled, and very quickly made a decision to avenge the losses that Japan forced on his nation without warning, and the Congress wholeheartedly agreed, voting 82-0 in the Senate and 388-1 in the House, and since 1:10 PM on December 8, 1941, nine hours after the United Kingdom [1], the United States entered the state of war against Japan, intent on punishing the militarist regime for its brutal conduct across the Pacific Ocean in the past decade.

FDR asking the US Congress to declare war on Japan, December 8, 1941
​

Meanwhile, in Europe, German-led Operation Typhoon intent on conquering the beating heart of the Russian nation was quickly halted after a failed pincer attack and a Soviet offensive took its place following a key transfer of Red Army divisions from Siberia and the Far East into the Moscow slaughterhouse. As Heinz Guderian, leading commander of the Wehrmacht's war effort in the East wrote in his journal, the Axis vastly underestimated the enemy's strength, as well as its size and unfavorable climate conditions.

Even though the German war machine started showing rust in some of its cogs and components, it still provided what its political leaders sought, at least when the Balkans were concerned. The uprising, after over five months, was finally brought to its end after the capture of Žabljak and its subsequent renaming, as it soon became customary for the Farinacci regime in Montenegro after the same situation had happened in Nikšić/Anderba. Now, with the dreaded Durmitor Republic violently slain and about ten thousand Partisans on the run, scattered over the numerous mountains and forests of Bosnia and Herzegovina but largely believed to pose no real danger to the pro-Axis government in Croatia, the higher-ups of the collaborationist regimes were finally provided with a chance for analysis of the situation in their governments and recently-established structures, both militarily and politically.

​

In Serbia, the Commissioner Government of Panta Draškić was heavily berated by the German High Command for their troops' showing in the anti-insurgency campaign, leading to the resignation of Commissioner of the Ministry of Finance Milan Letica, and Draškić being forced to cut a sizable part of the funding to the Black Chetniks as well as the Serbian Volunteer Corps. This situation led to the formation of the Serbian Patriotic Guard (SRS – Srpska rodoljubna straža) in February 1942 under the command of former KJV Divisional General Stevan Radovanović and Army General Milan Nedić [2] that was meant to take over the role and functions of the gendarmerie. This, of course, only resulted in bitterness from Dimitrije Ljotić, main backer of the Corps, and Kosta Pećanac, central figure of the Black Chetnik movement, and with additional, in many cases completely detrimental German interference into the Serbian state's affairs, the ruinous breakdown of any and all semblances of cooperation with dozens of different sides in the struggling nation would only spell more trouble for the Territory of the Military Commander that only experienced losses and failure atop of failure in the first year since its birth, leaving many to wonder how long it is going to take before all the cracks in its foundations start crumbling at once.

Milan Nedić (left) chatting with the youngest officer of the SRS battalion in Zaječar, March 1942
​

The situation in Croatia, though, had quite a few noticeable differences in comparison to her neighbors to the east. King Filip received the news more than favorably, joyously hosting an enthusiastic Slavko Kvaternik and a taciturn Matija Čanić in his Brezovica residence, wanting to personally congratulate them on their courageous conduct in the operation. On the polar opposite side of the emotional spectrum stood Đuka Kemfelja who quietly contemplated the matter in his office while the trio downed glass after glass of expensive bourbon. Well aware of the growing stress that the Ban is going through as well as still trying to accommodate himself to the loss of sight in his left eye after the Banski dvori bombing in June 1941, Kemfelja made a difficult choice, believing that the issue should be kept from his ears other than a brief footnote or two that would soothe his mind if he asks about it.

In a ceremony that soon followed the Brezovica feast, attended by about six thousand people, though according to Juraj Šutej's memoirs, there would have been many times more if not for the harsh conditions that enveloped the region during that year's winter season, following a lengthy speech by the King, Kvaternik was nicknamed the Supreme Commander (Vrhovnik) [3] of the Royal Croatian Home Guard by Filip and immediately thereafter rewarded the aptly named Supreme Commander's Axe (Vrhovnička sjekirica).​

A ceremonial piece of melee weaponry made from ebony, seventy eight centimeters long, laced with silver and embroidered medallions in its upper section, artistically showcasing historical Croatian commanders who have distinguished themselves in fighting for Croatian statehood, people like Nikola Šubić Zrinski, Fran Krsto Frankopan and Petar Berislavić. The silver handle of the axe retains the shape of historical battleaxes often used throughout Croatian history. Beneath the handle there is an engraved signature reading 'To Croatian Supreme Commander S. Kvaternik – 29 December 1941 – Filip, King of Croatia and Lord of Bosnia' [4]. Additionally adorned with sapphires, rubies and white diamonds, the axe itself soon went on to become a telltale sign of the regime's unnecessary excesses hidden behind a thin veil of populism, nationalism and media-backed deceit hell-bent on retaining public approval in order to keep its government afloat. Not helping matters at all is also the fact that during his entire tenure as Supreme Commander of the Royal Croatian Home Guard, Kvaternik was always seen with the weapon in his hand, as showcased in many photos from that era. This would only deepen the growing divide within the Royal Croatian Home Guard as Kvaternik often quarreled with Armed Forces Minister Kemfelja over where their respective jurisdictions lie and how the armed forces should act against foreign aggression, be it of a guerrilla or some other variety, only causing more problems within the KHD's structure that ended in the unexpected aftermath of the Second Enemy Offensive, called Operation Winter '42 (Operacija Zima '42; Unternehmen Winter '42) by the attacking forces.

Supreme Commander's Axe bestowed upon Kvaternik by the King for his outstanding valor and bravery in protecting his homeland from foreign enemies and forces, as quoted in his December 29 Speech on Ban Jelačić Square
​

With his heart swelling with pride following his success in the Croatian-Italian War, Slavko Kvaternik and his men, working closely with Johann Fortner's Wehrmacht forces embarked on another military adventure, but it quickly grew apparent that no tremendous feats of early June would repeat themselves, as Kvaternik's orders and directions, while hypothetically effective against a conventional fighting force, were anything but that when facing Communist and Chetnik guerrillas fighters who never even contemplated surrender to their sworn enemies in lush, almost never-ending forests and mud. Confusing and unreliable, they quickly became a major hindrance to Matija Čanić and all commanders in the Bileća Sector, resulting in the KHD not making any substantial gains against the resistance for weeks, with the rowdy freedom fighters slowly chipping away at the Home Guard's troops and morale. With the casualties rising, Fortner's impatience grew as well, resulting in Kvaternik being ordered to stay back while the Wehrmacht does most of the dirty work, making the Croatian armed forces equal in status to the Black Chetniks and Ljotić's Corps in Serbia.

The reasons for such a poor performance stem from many important elements that must not be glossed over. Kvaternik spent twenty years in retirement from the army, only returning back to the force in April 1941 following Maček's Proclamation of the Republic, with him being largely unfamiliar with new concepts and ideas that had been in development since the early 1920s. Also, the Supreme Commander's very successful defense of Međimurje earned him much respect and admiration ever since the chaotic end of the Great War, making him believe that a head-on approach and conflict in opet environments would be the best course of action for him to take, a belief that only got strengthened by his outstanding leadership in the war against Italy. This, of course, made him largely ignore the important role of hiding spots the Partisans utilized time and time again, only ending up with more baffled Home Guardsmen being picked off by lone snipers and gunmen. After the fall of Žabljak, the remainder of the KHD, battered and bruised, retreated back into their homeland, leaving the bits of territory it captured back to the Governorate of Montenegro and whatever plans it has for the rebellious area.

Kvaternik (middle), whose outdated tactics and strategy caused high casualties for the Royal Croatian Home Guard, joined by Siegfried Kasche (left) and Edmund Glaise von Horstenau (right)
​

The whole aftermath of Operation Durmitor does not bode well for Croatia. Similarly to Serbia, its armed forces are beginning to split down the middle, with pro-Kvaternik elements of the army, including older officers familiar with the Supreme Commander's escapades dating all the way back to Austria-Hungary, and King Filip who respected and looked up to the older man's years of experience on one side, and younger officers slowly becoming more disillusioned by their senior officers' failures and ineptitude in combat, supported by Armed Forces Minister Kemfelja and ambassador Siegfried Kasche while Vladko Maček still remained blissfully unaware of the true nature of the situation. The ideological conflict would only grow in size throughout 1942, crippling the already shaky efficiency of the Royal Croatian Home Guard as would be shown throughout the year.

The winter of 1942 would quickly go on to show that the cover of a wonder such as snow can give a semblance of purity and contentness, it still cannot hide away the problems one is constantly facing forever, and no matter how hard one tries, the cold snowflakes will never be able to solve the issues that plague the mind, nor will they slow down the incoming problems that might arise. It is no wonder that the most frequent image of the early months of 1942 would be red masses of cold snow in a quiet, almost deafening background that forces the mind into horrid places and imagery that would shake anyone to their core.

*****
​

[1] Indeed, the UK declared war before America due to Churchill's promise to declare war within the hour of a Japanese attack on the US.
[2] SRS is pretty much the equivalent of OTL's Serbian State Guard (SDS – Srpska državna straža), and Nedić is given command of the unit since the beginning, unlike OTL.
[3] IOTL Vrhovnik was the name of the highest military rank in Croatia that was in use from 1995 to 2002. Mostly associated with Franjo Tuđman who received the title from the Croatian Parliament.
[4] Lord of Bosnia (Gospodar Bosne) is the title first used by Paul I Šubić of Bribir in 1299 to denote his rule over the region, and Filip's usage of it could be seen as him trying to have as many titles as he can in hopes of gaining more respect both from other monarchs and other diplomats and politicians.

 

[John_Smith]

And this is it for Act III! Not sure when the fourth one will begin, but until then, feel free to discuss any and all thoughts and opinions you might have about the timeline! Any criticism and comments are welcome, as always.

 

[Triune Kingdom]

Nice conclusion.

So, two factions are forming, and it seems that situation is soon going to escalate, as Homeguard continues to suffer unneccesary losses and is simply ineffective against a guerilla opponent.

They need a change, both in tactics and in organization, as it seems that regular infantry divisions are simply not adequate for the type of war ahead. Kemfelja and younger officers seem to realize this, and perhaps even have some support from Kasche, but their task will not be easy, especially since they are going against Kvaternik. Kvaternik still enjoys a huge popularity, both amongst the people and amongst soldiers I would say, and has a long service record, with defense of Međimurje and recent Dalmatian war just adding to his popularity. He has inserted himaelf as a public face of Homeguard, with his title of Vrhovnik and ceremonial axe, and removing him is going to be a gargantuan task.

Other problem with reorganization are of course the Germans. IOTL, Croatian Homeguard was seen as little more then garrison force, whose main task was to be securing the German lines of comunication, thus reducing the requirements on German manpower. Now, with Dalmatian war showing that Croatia doea have a decent armed forces, Germans on one hand may be reluctant to allow any further strengtening of the Homeguard, while on the other failures against partisan forces may force their hand, and advocate for and even aid in training and reorganization, as is witnessed by Kemfelja and Kasche being grouped together.

Now, how would that reorganization go, what form would Homeguard take after it, and how much German aid would be needed, both in know-how and material aid, I am not quite sure. I have probably mentioned this before, but going for OTL solution of forming the army into brigades instead of divisions, may be the best way forward. Smaller units, easier to control and command, with personel being younger and more willing to innovate and take the initiative seem to be what is needed, and considering their relatively small size, arms and equipment may not be such a problem, at least at first. These brigades will be smaller in numbers, but should have a greater firepower, by virtue of having much greater numbers of automatic weapons and greater allocation of artillery pieces. Infantry weapons should not be too big of an obstacle, sufficient numbers of LMGs should be present, captured from the Yugo army, mainly ZB Vz.26s and perhaps some modified French Chauchat M.15/26 model if I am not mistaken. Some more of the ZB Vz.26 could be produced by Chech factories, they did keep the production line open until 1942 I believe, and later on, further weapons could be bought from the Germans either their Mg34/42 series, or some foreign, captured arms could be bought as well, but they have to be rechambered for 8mm Mauser, and that is something the Germans will have to do for them, since I do not believe Croatia has the capabilities to do so, at least on large scale needed. Roughly 3-4 LMGs per platoon should suffice, depending on the size of the platoon (number of squads per platoon) and availlability of weapons. Some SMGs could also be nice to have, not critical in any way, but considering that heavily forested areas are going to be very contested, increase in short range firepower would be nice. Main problem is sourcing them, Italy is out, Germany is not going to give them up easily, and nobody else would be willing to supply them in any meaningful numbers. Best option would be for them to get a few Stens once British start to drop them over Europe, and then copy it for its own use?

Main problem is going to be that of heavier armaments, mainly artillery and AFVs. Artillery is present in some numbers, most of it being WW1 vintage and some rather decent Czech interwar pieces, but main concentration should be on lighter pieces, because of the terrain and infrastructure constraints. Things like light field guns, not exceeding 75mm, and a variety of mountain and infantry guns would be more then sufficient for their needs. Mortars would also be nice to have, and while I am unsure how much heavier things they have and are able to get, things like pieces of 80+ mm, lighter mortars could be much more easier to get. I am talking about a variety of 50mm mortars present in many European armies of the period, which would be ideal for the type of warfare being fought. German Gw36, French Brandt 37 and Soviet m1938 would all be good options, and were widely used by Germans IOTL, due to ammo compatibility if I am not mistaken. Heve one of these little mortars in each infantry platoons, and it would massively increase indirect firepower availlable to them, while being relatively light and handy weapon.

AFVs are the hardest things though, Yugoslavia did have Ft17 and some R35s, but I am quite certain that Fts were completely worn out while Germans helped themselves to everything more modern. Fts are effectively useless, but they could find some use as components of an armored train or two, or at least their turrets would. OTL Croatia did produce improvised armored cars, built on truck chassis and armed with a single Schwarzlose M.07/12, so that is one option, but for tanks, they will have to rely on Germans for anything tank like. Only positive thing I can say about the AFV situation, is that Croatian requirements are relatively small, IOTL each brigade was supposwd to have an armored platoon (5 tanks). Some of the more obsolete German vehicles could find their way into Croatian hands, but considering how limited Germans were, these are rather slim hopes. Germans did capture a lot of tanks early in the war, especially after the Fall of France, but they did press them into their own service, generally in second line roles, but something may yet trickle in.

Sorry for the long post, I did get lost half way in, swithching over to weapons, instead of concentrating on organisation. Great work.

 

[John_Smith]

Nice conclusion.

So, two factions are forming, and it seems that situation is soon going to escalate, as Homeguard continues to suffer unneccesary losses and is simply ineffective against a guerilla opponent.

They need a change, both in tactics and in organization, as it seems that regular infantry divisions are simply not adequate for the type of war ahead. Kemfelja and younger officers seem to realize this, and perhaps even have some support from Kasche, but their task will not be easy, especially since they are going against Kvaternik. Kvaternik still enjoys a huge popularity, both amongst the people and amongst soldiers I would say, and has a long service record, with defense of Međimurje and recent Dalmatian war just adding to his popularity. He has inserted himaelf as a public face of Homeguard, with his title of Vrhovnik and ceremonial axe, and removing him is going to be a gargantuan task.

Other problem with reorganization are of course the Germans. IOTL, Croatian Homeguard was seen as little more then garrison force, whose main task was to be securing the German lines of comunication, thus reducing the requirements on German manpower. Now, with Dalmatian war showing that Croatia doea have a decent armed forces, Germans on one hand may be reluctant to allow any further strengtening of the Homeguard, while on the other failures against partisan forces may force their hand, and advocate for and even aid in training and reorganization, as is witnessed by Kemfelja and Kasche being grouped together.

Now, how would that reorganization go, what form would Homeguard take after it, and how much German aid would be needed, both in know-how and material aid, I am not quite sure. I have probably mentioned this before, but going for OTL solution of forming the army into brigades instead of divisions, may be the best way forward. Smaller units, easier to control and command, with personel being younger and more willing to innovate and take the initiative seem to be what is needed, and considering their relatively small size, arms and equipment may not be such a problem, at least at first. These brigades will be smaller in numbers, but should have a greater firepower, by virtue of having much greater numbers of automatic weapons and greater allocation of artillery pieces. Infantry weapons should not be too big of an obstacle, sufficient numbers of LMGs should be present, captured from the Yugo army, mainly ZB Vz.26s and perhaps some modified French Chauchat M.15/26 model if I am not mistaken. Some more of the ZB Vz.26 could be produced by Chech factories, they did keep the production line open until 1942 I believe, and later on, further weapons could be bought from the Germans either their Mg34/42 series, or some foreign, captured arms could be bought as well, but they have to be rechambered for 8mm Mauser, and that is something the Germans will have to do for them, since I do not believe Croatia has the capabilities to do so, at least on large scale needed. Roughly 3-4 LMGs per platoon should suffice, depending on the size of the platoon (number of squads per platoon) and availlability of weapons. Some SMGs could also be nice to have, not critical in any way, but considering that heavily forested areas are going to be very contested, increase in short range firepower would be nice. Main problem is sourcing them, Italy is out, Germany is not going to give them up easily, and nobody else would be willing to supply them in any meaningful numbers. Best option would be for them to get a few Stens once British start to drop them over Europe, and then copy it for its own use?

Main problem is going to be that of heavier armaments, mainly artillery and AFVs. Artillery is present in some numbers, most of it being WW1 vintage and some rather decent Czech interwar pieces, but main concentration should be on lighter pieces, because of the terrain and infrastructure constraints. Things like light field guns, not exceeding 75mm, and a variety of mountain and infantry guns would be more then sufficient for their needs. Mortars would also be nice to have, and while I am unsure how much heavier things they have and are able to get, things like pieces of 80+ mm, lighter mortars could be much more easier to get. I am talking about a variety of 50mm mortars present in many European armies of the period, which would be ideal for the type of warfare being fought. German Gw36, French Brandt 37 and Soviet m1938 would all be good options, and were widely used by Germans IOTL, due to ammo compatibility if I am not mistaken. Heve one of these little mortars in each infantry platoons, and it would massively increase indirect firepower availlable to them, while being relatively light and handy weapon.

AFVs are the hardest things though, Yugoslavia did have Ft17 and some R35s, but I am quite certain that Fts were completely worn out while Germans helped themselves to everything more modern. Fts are effectively useless, but they could find some use as components of an armored train or two, or at least their turrets would. OTL Croatia did produce improvised armored cars, built on truck chassis and armed with a single Schwarzlose M.07/12, so that is one option, but for tanks, they will have to rely on Germans for anything tank like. Only positive thing I can say about the AFV situation, is that Croatian requirements are relatively small, IOTL each brigade was supposwd to have an armored platoon (5 tanks). Some of the more obsolete German vehicles could find their way into Croatian hands, but considering how limited Germans were, these are rather slim hopes. Germans did capture a lot of tanks early in the war, especially after the Fall of France, but they did press them into their own service, generally in second line roles, but something may yet trickle in.

Sorry for the long post, I did get lost half way in, swithching over to weapons, instead of concentrating on organisation. Great work.

It is unavoidable, and as future chapters will soon show, the change will have to be made as soon as possible if the Home Guard wants to retain the prestige it gained during the Croatian-Italian War as well as the support of the Germans who are getting less and less patient with every new flop in the guerrilla warfare with the Partisan movement. Kvaternik, of course, still remains the largest obstacle to the pro-reform wing of the armed forces, and his every move will have to be carefully observed and scrutinized if Kemfelja and co. want their ideas to finally start taking effect. At this point, the old guard clearly dominates, but again, anything could happen, and the developments in this civil war of sorts will be covered in more detail as the 1942 updates start rolling in.

Indeed, but I'm leaning more toward the latter option, since the Partisans are still a viable threat that has to be quelled appropriately, and with status-quo-loving Kvaternik and everyone else at the helm, it is going to take some effort from the Germans to make a real impact, either by knocking down the Home Guard and letting the Wehrmacht do most of the work in the area or by forcing internal reform within the armed forces.

It is no issue, I really appreciate lengthy detailed responses such as these, especially in the field that is mostly foreign to me. Sadly, I cannot get into much detail about the weaponry, either light or heavy, since I'm still doing research into it all and trying to find good ways to introduce them all into the story, but I am always keeping notes of the new things I find out about, both from this thread and from the internet, so all responses are welcome.

 

[John_Smith]

For everyone who did not take notice, a separate one-shot that is canon to this TL was published a few days back about an innocent game of football quickly going awry on a cold Spring day in 1942.

Bitter Herbs on Bitter Wounds | A One-Shot
​

And an infobox regarding one of the guys mentioned in the short story.

​

Again, if there are any questions about the one-shot or the infobox itself, feel free to ask either here or on the BHoBW thread! Any responses and criticisms are welcome.

 

[John_Smith]

One of the worst winters the people of the Balkans had ever witnessed was finally over, but the worrying consequences of the events that transpired during one of the coldest periods in the region's history could still be felt even as the closing spring days of April went one after another, bringing another wartime month to a painfully slow end. Following the short diplomatic crisis that occurred after the bombastic Battle of Zagreb only two weeks earlier, the government of the Kingdom of Croatia could finally focus most of its attention to the rapidly expanding problem that its armed forces started to become in its fight against the Partisans and Chetniks.

With the bloody defeat of the Durmitor Republic, Tito's Reds had no choice but to escape destruction by retreating from the hills and valleys of Montenegro to the rough mountainous terrain of Bosnia. Ten thousand Yugoslav Partisans entered Croatia by the end of 1941, alerting Johann Fortner and his 718th Wehrmacht Infantry Division [1] once word of the peasants caught in the crossfire between the Gendarmerie and the Partisans reached the German high command stationed in Sarajevo.

Moreover, many of the Yugoslav rebels faced a difficult predicament once the torrents of rain sporadically falling onto the blood-soaked grounds of the region started turning into cold snowflakes and bits and piece of sharp ice. A large number of fighters wore simple, light clothes in order to more easily blend into the civilian population during the early stages of the uprising. While fitting for the hot summer days and fresh nights that followed, the cold, heavy air of winter soon proved to be a major thorn in Josip Broz's side. Additionally, ammunition and weaponry in general were a rare commodity not everyone could afford, leaving a portion of the army toothless, but still willing to risk their lives in the face of certain doom. Tito, ever a cunning strategist, however, knowing full well his meager chances of success against the Croats and Germans, quickly took the risk that left mixed results in its wake.

As mentioned before, many women and underage sympathizers had joined the Communist Party of Yugoslavia after Farinacci's brutal crackdowns that started with the appointment of Pirzio Biroli to the gubernatorial position in Montenegro at the end of July 1941. Thus, Tito and Koča Popović [2] agreed unanimously to have both groups hand their weapons and ammo to older, able-bodied men who, in their own eyes and words, needed it more while putting them ahead of the large groups of Partisans, completely unarmed and helpless to act as refugees escaping the horrors of the Farinacci regime. Indeed, the Croatian Gendarmerie officers fell for the trap, quickly approaching the decoys in order to evacuate them in preparation for the Partisan advance, only for them to jump out of the nearby bushes and forests, capturing the baffled Croats in droves in hopes of gaining more negotiating leverage over the royal authorities later on.

These acts of perfidy, while helpful at that particular moment, later proved to be monumental in weakening Tito's already shaky grasp on the Croatian peasantry, boosting the Croatian propaganda machine under the firm HSS command of Minister Farolfi who quickly took advantage of the unpleasant developments. This notable change in perception of the public enemy, where early posters and radio proclamations described the Communists as mere outlaws and hopeless criminals, their descriptions now greatly resembled those of typical fairy tale monsters old people spoke of to frighten children before sleep. All semblances of humanity were drained from their faces, with eye sockets hollowed out and irises nonexistent, bloodied dots being the only things serving as a speck of light coming from the threatening stares of the monsters pictured visually and auditorily. The so-called humane phase (humana faza) of Croatian war propaganda that had defined the first year after the fall of Yugoslavia has come to an end, and now it was time for the monstrous phase (čudovišna faza) to begin, a period that would culminate by the end of 1942 with the release of Warriors of the East (Ratnici istoka), Branko Marjanović's [3] documentary (effectively propaganda) film focusing on Croatian volunteers fighting against the Soviet Union and featuring, as expected, a heavy anti-communist slant.

A typical monstrous phase poster, depicting a dehumanized Yugoslav Partisan's skeletal head in between an interchangeable wall of text (translated to Do not give them our land)
​

Once the Gendarmerie recovered from the troublesome tactics employed by Tito, the constables had begun retaliating for the breach of the code of honor, as Đuro Gruić put it during one of the meetings between Kemfelja and him. Summary executions of any suspicious-looking groups fitting the profile of previous offenders became commonplace in southeastern Croatia, only adding to the list of controversies oft debated by post-WWII historians with regards to Croatia's political legitimacy and viability. No records of exact numbers of victims are known, but the general estimate, as presumed by many, is between a hundred and twenty to two hundred and eighty people killed between December 1941 and February 1942.

As the Oružništvo's list of war crimes steadily increased, Fortner, working closely with members of the Croatian General Staff (Slavko Kvaternik and Gruić specifically), quickly drew up a plan of destroying the invading horde of enemies that were threatening the stability of Romanija and Herzeg-Bosnia counties, but before the Wehrmacht-Home Guard forces could even begin reinforcing the Srebrenica-Han Pijesak-Sokolac-Mostar line, the Partisan resistance surprised the Croatian government again by making a dramatic turn south-westwards, hoping to make a decisive push toward the sea by following the Sarajevo-Ploče railway [4].

Fortner, chief planner of the Second Enemy Offensive
​

Unfortunately for Popović and his comrades, the old guard of the Croatian army that dominated its General Staff beat the Reds to it by utilizing the tactics still familiar to them from the Great War all those years ago. Memories of Russian armored trains mowing down their beloved compatriots as everyone struggled to hide behind bare trees of the Galician forests still lingered heavily on their minds, and what better way than to use one's nightmares than for one's own advantage?

Improvised in its nature, the concoction of scraps and everything the armed forces managed to hastily pick up actually succeeded in becoming a small, but formidable train consisting of a single armored locomotive (armed with a Škoda 75mm Model 1928), a couple of armored carriages (each armed with four outdated Schwarzlose machine guns) and a Renault F-17 tank in the back to match. The vehicle was able to hold minimally two companies of soldiers, many of whom had enough space through the numerous peepholes to fire their old rifles and pistols at the invading forces.

Sketch of the Croatian armored train [5] that skillfully combated the Partisans in the early days of 1942, courtesy of Kvaternik and other WWI-era officers
​

The Partisans under the leadership of Slaviša Vajner [6] marched down the slopes of Prenj mountain just north of Mostar, wishing to encounter weak resistance from the Mostar Gendarmerie and Home Guard units stationed there in order to pave the way for the main bulk of the army under Tito to safely pass through toward the Adriatic coast. Unfortunately, once the freezing Partisans encountered the ominously looking train a few days after New Year's Day, a few members' careful approach to the mobile fortress was interrupted when a group of Home Guardsmen opened fire on the unassuming rebels, downing many of them as screams and gunshots started piercing through the sub-zero air not far from the outskirts of Mostar. The skirmish later poetically dubbed the Battle for the Sea (Bitka za More) had begun.

And ended just as quickly. The exchange, according to a few relatively reliable sources from both sides, lasted for merely five minutes as the Partisans were forced to retreat back to Tito's moving headquarters close to Bjelašnica (not far from Sarajevo) with heavy losses: six killed, thirty one wounded and forty four captured for just a single lightly wounded Croat. And with Vajner's failure came the perfect time for Fortner's Wehrmacht to launch the offensive to nip the resistance movement in the bud before it is too late.

Codenamed Operation Winter '42, the front-wide encirclement operation (as ordered by Lieutenant General Paul Bader) started in the early hours of Thursday, January 15 with ferocious clashes between the joint force of the Home Guard and the Wehrmacht against the 1st Proletarian Brigade. Due to the paranoia and hatred that burst into flames since the beginning of faked surrenders by the Partisans, Bader ordered the population within the area targeted by the operation to be treated as the enemy (the vast majority of the population within the area was either Orthodox Serbian or Bosnian Muslim, with only a small minority of Catholic Croats living there). Under the command of Bader, the 718th Infantry Division was joined by eight KHD battalions and ten artillery batteries, the forces of whom were split between Kvaternik and Gruić.

Heavy resistance was encountered in the small towns of Olovo and Han Pijesak immediately, with many losses coming to both sides, but the abysmal lack of any meaningful resources quickly forced the Partisans to retreat south into the mountains, additionally demoralized by the death of Han Pijesak detachment commander Filip Kljajić [7]. Many people perished in the mop-up that soon occurred, resulting in hundreds of victims who had met their end without trial, summarily executed in droves, guilty only of the fact that their centuries-old homes had been named as potentially suspicious by a band of foreigners that held no interest for the history and the culture of a place they are slowly starting to call their own.

All the retreating Communists found their way to Romanija, a large mountain some twenty kilometers east of Sarajevo, and the German-Croatian forces quickly followed suit, but the absolutely unforgiving temperatures (often reaching minus thirty degrees Celsius [8]) and conditions (with most pathways covered with meter-high levels of snow) the Axis significantly, while the insurgents were also aided by the local populace still untrustworthy of the Ban and the King which led to more brutal retaliations by the enraged Germans and Croats.

The systematic pursuit of the rebels conducted by Johann Fortner and Bader ensured that a large part of the retreating troops found themselves in one location, allowing for the main objective of the operation to come to the forefront. Đuro Gruić and his artillery batteries pounded the Partisan positions day in and day out while Kvaternik's troops on the opposite site of the mountain slowly tightened the noose around Tito's neck.

Many soldiers sustained wounds not from their enemies, but from the ruthless cold that descended on the Balkans in the waning months of 1941. Freezing to the bone, they started to drop like flies, either being incapacitated and unable to walk or permanently. Medicine was scarce for both sides, and clips filled with ammunition laid on the footprints etched in the snowy pillows covering southeastern Bosnia, either to be picked up by military convoys or random passersby stumbling onto the disturbing scenes packed with frozen corpses and mutilated organs of victims.

A week of ceaseless barrage had passed, and just when things seemed finished for Popović and the rest, the issues that piled up on the minds of the Home Guardsmen finally took center stage. When certain victory was only hours away, a significant part of Kvaternik's troops simply – cracked. The inhospitable environment took its toll on the youthful Home Guardsmen whose faltered resolve was soon exploited by Vajner, Popović and Tito, who in a miraculous turn of events completely turned the desperate situation on its head. The order within the Home Guard completely crumbled, allowing the 1st Proletarian Brigade to, for the lack of a better word, run over the utterly demoralized units under Gruić.

In the ensuing commotion and hand-to-hand combat, many Croats fell, with Partisans sporadically utilizing the same tactics that their opponents did after the initiation of perfidy. A significant portion of the force was captured, and among them the golden boy himself – General Đuro Gruić. With their most prized possession in tow, the Partisans scattered, most of them retreating to Mount Igman to evade their pursuers, and after that, the KPJ leadership went off-grid, pacifying their resistance for the moment to work in the shadows and wait for a more opportune moment to return to the scene.

​

All seemed quiet on the Balkan Front now, but the news of Gruić's fate would remain unknown to the public and continue to be a frequently discussed topic in Croatian politics for the remainder of the year, only accelerating the ever clearer divides within the internal machinations of the Royal Croatian Home Guard.

As expected, Kvaternik's reputation suffered a serious blow within the army circles, and with one of his most trusted supporters gone from the picture, many younger officers started openly questioning the Supreme Commander and his methods. As time went on, more and more young and lower ranked officers started to turn their backs on the establishment and older officers who they saw as nothing more but remnants of Austria-Hungary that have to be left in the past. The colossal mistakes made in the fight against the Partisan movement sowed the seeds for a new attempt at revolution, though this time not of the proletariat, but its outcome will be the one to determine the fate of Croatia and everyone who holds the nation dear to them.

*****
​

[1] Formed on April 30, 1941, the unit itself consisted of mostly over-aged men with little experience (and most of it being from World War I). Much like OTL, its function and its commander remain the same.
[2] Real name Konstantin Popović. Born to a rich family of traders, resulting in him spending time in Switzerland during WWI. Volunteered in the Spanish Civil War on the Republican side.
[3] Director notable for his contribution to Watch on the Drina (OTL's equivalent to Warriors of the East) in 1942 as well as his editing work on Lisinski (1944), which was the first Croatian feature film of all time.
[4] A 194-kilometer long railway that connects the capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina with Konjic, Mostar and Ploče, first built in 1891.
[5] My sincere gratitude goes to @Claymore and his incredible work that made this idea possible! Be sure to check out all his amazing stuff here: Alternative History Armoured Fighting Vehicles Part 2
[6] A construction engineer hailing from a poor Jewish family, who lost his life in Operation Southeast Croatia IOTL (OTL's equivalent to Operation Winter '42).
[7] A shoemaker born into an ethnic Serb family from Tremušnjak (close to Petrinja).
[8] Yes, identically like OTL, as was shown (surprisingly) accurately in the 1983 Partisan feature film Igman March (Igmanski marš).

 

[John_Smith]

The still warm corpse of the Yugoslav nation laid bare in a muddied mess of blood and guts as the German war machine shamelessly tore apart yet another foundation of a peace that, when observed now, the late French Marshal Ferdinand Foch so prophetically put it as an armistice for only two decades, a temporary ceasefire that, with each new failure committed by its enforcers only grew apparent in its steady downwards spiral that was destined to end in hardship and suffering for everyone too unfortunate not to be pulled into the growing commotion.

The Nazis desecrated the remains of the Entente's old order without mercy, splitting the South Slavic state between themselves and their beleaguered Mediterranean ally who sought help in bringing down the 4th of August Regime in Greece. Soon, late Prime Minister Metaxas' government fell as the result of Operation Marita, and with it came the question of reorganizing the Balkan territories conquered in April 1941. The Hellenic State was split up between the Bulgarians, Germans and Italians, each of whom carved up a piece of the resolute nation for themselves. Yugoslavia, on the other hand, received far more scrutinous attention.

While Italy took large parts of the Adriatic coast (including roughly half of the Drava Banovina and significant chunks of Croatia, an expansion to Albania and a puppet state made out of Montenegro and Sandžak), the Germans decided for taking Maček's Croatia as well as the rump Serbian state, the latter of which truly became a shadow of its former self.

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Instead of installing a subservient government with relative self-control and autonomy as it had happened in the Republic (later Kingdom) of Croatia, Hitler, seeing Serbia as the successor of a nation that betrayed Nazi Germany with the March Putsch only weeks before, intended to punish the rebellious statelet by taking away any and all semblance of statehood away from the Serbs who hoped to cooperate with the invaders on the same basis that the Croats had, but to no avail.

In order to maintain control of important resources (such as the Danube River waterway, the railroad line connecting Germany with Greece and Bulgaria and many nonferrous metals that Serbia produced) thoughts of erasing all traces of Serbian nationhood within the occupied territory were quickly put aside, and on April 30, Milan Aćimović [1] was chosen among a shortlist of suitable candidates (it is said that former Prime Minister Dragiša Cvetković, diplomat Aleksandar Cincar-Marković, leading Yugoslav fascist Dimitrije Ljotić and police chief of Belgrade Dragomir Jovanović [2] were among those seen as the most favorable by the German High Command in Serbia).

Milan Aćimović, 1st Head of the Council of Commissioners in Serbia
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In reality, Aćimović's government held absolutely no power, and had to receive permission from the Military Commander (starting with Helmuth Förster in April 1941 all the way up to Paul Bader in May 1942) for any and all administrative decisions it tried to make and was almost universally used to carry out orders from the Nazi overlords. SS brigades under Harald Turner were used to maintain law and order in place of the abolished Yugoslav police forces, and the Gestapo immediately started working on enforcing the Racial Laws [3] proclaimed on May 16, 1941.

The Banat (northernmost region of the rump nation) was declared an autonomous province, where the minority of native Danube Swabian Germans received freedom to do as they please, with Josef 'Sepp' Lapp leading the German-led territory that, despite its desires for the creation of a German administrative unit in the Danube and Tisza River valleys that fell on deaf ears in Berlin, who wished to have the Banat as the bargaining chip to hold sway over Hungary and Romania (both of whom wanted the land for themselves), still went on with establishing its own independent school system identical to that of the Reich (among other things) in hopes of distancing itself as far from Serbia as possible. These actions, while not explicitly, were indeed passively endorsed by the Nazi regime for the remainder of the Banat's semi-independent existence.

Hitlerjugend marching through occupied Großbetschkerek [4]​

The initial Aćimović government was a coalitional one in its makeup: of the ten commissioners appointed to various ministries, three belonged to the Serbian Radical Party (far-right successor to the infamous JRZ), two were independents, two owed their allegiance to the ZBOR (pro-Yugoslav fascist movement under the leadership of Dimitrije Ljotić) and one to the Yugoslav Democratic Party (liberally-oriented minor centrist party), Yugoslav National Party (sole legal party following King Alexander I's abolishment of his January 6 Dictatorship and apparent liberalization of Yugoslav society in 1932) and the People's Radical Party (the party that had reached its golden age during Nikola Pašić's numerous premierships in both Serbia and Yugoslavia up until his death and the party's downfall in mid-1920s) respectively.

As opposed to Croatia, where careful political maneuvering of its most influential leaders secured an alliance that successfully overcame the animosity felt between its most sizable ethnic groups and led the country to its survival against fascist Italy in the events that ensued, Serbia was very much a house divided, a nation otherwise unified through blood, language and culture now stood utterly broken by internal and external forces alike that no side had enough strength to overcome.

Aćimović's inability to juggle the slavishly pro-German appeasement policy with the internal security of the Territory of the Military Commander in Serbia was soon exploited not only by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia and the Chetnik movement, but also by the factions fighting for dominance within his diverse cabinet.

The toothless attempt at quelling the rising rebellion within the southwestern territories left the Germans in a precarious position: Aćimović had shown his lack of competence with regards to taking care of a nation completely submitted to the German war machine, only adding more fuel to the fire as well as additional protests from Paul Bader. With this in mind, coupled with additional threats from Ljotić that he would withdraw his own commissioners from the government, thus paralyzing it, the Nazis decided on picking a new candidate to lead the stumbling Commissioner Government following a series of bloody standoffs at Bela Crkva, Aranđelovac, Arilje and other small towns.

Instead of reshuffling the government as the Germans had promised, the July 11 meeting of the commissioners instead resulted in a quiet coup d'etat aimed at overthrowing Aćimović from the position of Head of the Council of Commissioners and installing a new, more capable leader. By far, Milan Nedić was Heinrich Danckelmann's [5] favorite pick to take the reigns, however the former Yugoslav Minister of the Army and Navy refused [6], despite numerous threats aimed at both him and the rump Serbian state, such as bringing Hungarian and Bulgarian troops into Serbia to occupy whatever territory was left under the control of the weak Serbian Gendarmerie.

In the end, Panta Draškić, Brigadier General of the Royal Yugoslav Army, was chosen to succeed Aćimović. Fortunately for Draškić (and unfortunately for Aćimović, it could be said), the Nazis loosened their chokehold on the government, allowing some more freedom and leeway in decision-making, such as granting the right to use a new Serbian flag, formation of ZBOR-sponsored Serbian Volunteer Corps under the command of Kosta Mušicki and increasing collaboration with the Chetniks.

Flag of Draškić's Commissioner government [7]​

Despite some minor improvements, the horrid events surrounding the German-Serbian conduct against civilian population (acting as reprisals against the relentless assaults and attacks from Tito and Mihailović) quickly reached Zagreb, who publicly encouraged it, but privately (mostly) denounced the building of Banjica and Sajmište concentration camps in Belgrade (the largest camps in occupied Serbia, but far from being the only ones). With the intent to punish Serbia for its misgivings in March and April 1941, the Schutzstaffel divisions quickly made work of the expansive Racial Laws, and it was not long before the hapless and helpless minorities, both ethnic and political (Jews, Romani, suspected anti-fascists) began to be hunted down viciously and systematically. Even Draškić himself [8] was unable to save much of the citizenry, though there are some sources that cite him trying to establish contact with Freiberger and other influential people from Croatia who have been helping minorities evade the brutality of the SS. Unfortunately, due to the strict supervision from the German high command, none of Draškić's attempts proved to be successful. Alexander Löhr, appointed as commander-in-chief of all German troops in southeastern Europe on July 3, 1942, pridefully announced in one of his August transmissions to Berlin: „Serbien ist Judenfrei.“ [9]. True to his word, the once thriving Jewish community of about sixteen thousand (in Serbia proper) was completely crippled by the war, with only about a hundred surviving and remaining in Serbia for the following decade.

Serbian anti-semitic propaganda poster
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With the Draškić government unable to create formidable fighting units for many of the reasons mentioned above, and with the bloody results of the first two Enemy Offensives looming over its stability, the Germans began to withdraw their support from Dimitrije Ljotić and the ZBOR, calling their own armed forces unreliable and prone to desertion on numerous ocassions. This led to Milan Nedić being called upon to form the Serbian Patriotic Guard (SRS) as the successor to the Serbian Gendarmerie, but instead of finding a functional solution to the growing splintering of various Serbian interest groups, they only changed one grey eminence for the other. Nedić's status as commander-in-chief of the SRS allowed him to become an influential power broker within the Draškić government, while Ljotić's dethroning resulted in him (as well as Aćimović) gravitating toward Draža Mihailović (who promised the two favorable positions and immunity upon the restoration of Karađorđević Yugoslavia, though Ljotić's men still occupied certain ministerial offices in Draškić's cabinet) and his Chetnik Detachments who fought their own ceaseless fight against the Black Chetniks of Kosta Pećanac.

The Partisan resistance was also another player in the theater worth mentioning. The Appeal to the Serbian Nation (Apel srpskom narodu), authored by Education Commissioner Velibor Jonić and signed by 546 influential Serbs (ranging from Orthodox archbishops, former Yugoslav ministers, journalists and senators all the way to many university professors) produced a weak response from the general population, whose feelings of animosity toward the Quisling regime were only strengthened when witnessing their neighbors, brothers and sisters gathered and sent off to camps and killing fields throughout Serbia, and many who chose to fight back had several options to choose from. However, upon closer inspection, the bitter infighting within the Chetnik movement made them appear weak in front of the general populace, the large majority of whom started looking much more favorably in the Partisans' direction, and Tito's organization soon took the monopoly on new recruits from Draškić's Serbia and other occupied territories (including Montenegro, Macedonia, Sandžak and Slovenia).

While never a stable foundation to begin with, the Serbian puppet government was in a constant state of steadily falling apart, with Draškić, the Nazis, Ljotić's men, Mihailović's Detachments, Black Chetniks, Communists, Nedić's men and dozens of other groups both small and large hoping to gain significant control over the important railway network and many other valuable resources within the state. Constant back-stabbings and plotting occurred ever since its inception in April 1941, and when looking back on the short-lived state, it becomes quite clear why it collapsed so unceremoniously when the brutal game of thrones happening within it brought more cracks to the surface as the days passed, leaving its key players fighting for little more than the prestigious title of King of the ashes...

*****
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[1] Former chief of Belgrade police and pro-German Internal Affairs Minister within Milan Stojadinović's cabinet. Occupied the same position in rump Serbia as he did IOTL, though his resignation came a bit earlier with the Germans hoping to emulate Maček's level of success and sustainability by replacing Aćimović with Draškić.
[2] Pro-German chief of Belgrade police by the time the April War began. Accused of corruption by Regent Paul Karađorđević in 1940, though never relocated from the force because of the war.
[3] Very similar in their wording and enforcement to the OTL Racial Laws of the Independent State of Croatia that came into effect on April 30, 1941.
[4] Petrovgrad, the capital city of the Banat region, renamed to the Germanized version of its pre-1935 name (Veliki Bečkerek - Großbetschkerek) due to the German minority wanting to replace all signs of Serbian nationhood from the region (the city was named after King Peter I of Serbia).
[5] Luftwaffe General, third Military Commander in Serbia, just like IOTL.
[6] Due to the Smederevo explosion not happening, Nedić's son survives what would IOTL prove to be his doom, thus Nedić is not grief-stricken and is able to deduce that his powerless position at the helm would bring him more problems than it is worth, thus he decides to play the role of grey eminence, trying to influence the inner workings of the Draškić government in a less obvious way.
[7] Similar to OTL's flag of Nedić's Government of National Salvation, but with some changes to make it appear more unique.
[8] Indeed, IOTL Draškić is credited with saving Avram Beraha (Jewish colonel in the Royal Yugoslav Army) and many others from certain death, which is most likely the reason why he was the only member of OTL Nedić cabinet that was not sentenced to death after Tito took over.
[9] Translated to "Serbia is free of Jews". Much like IOTL, the relentless persecution still wrecks almost the entire Jewish community of Serbia during the war, leaving only a hundred remaining in the country.