Not a new update (sorry)

I couldn't help but notice that most other posters on this site title their works "Insert Title Here - a (American, British, French, Roman, whatever) TL" so as to make it easier for potential new readers to know what's the main focus of the TL right from the get go. Thus, I've decided to edit this TL's title accordingly.
 
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The Seven Great Houses of Iran are a really fascinating bunch, and I wonder if a spinoff TL can be made on the centuries-long, Game-of-Thrones-machinations of Iran's noble families. It would be the more melodramatic than a Latin soap opera!

And as always, the dance of crowned heads continues.
 
Is this really a Persian timeline, because India seems to much better in TTL than in OTL, it looks even better than Iran
 
Part 26: Disaster
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Part 26: Disaster

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Izadgushasp (in green) is killed.

To fully understand how the crushing Iranian defeat at the Battle of Merv came to be, we must first remember the events that preceded it. Shapur II had been on the offensive against Khushnavaz ever since his great victory at Ray, undoing all of the latter's conquests in the months that followed it and, most spectacularly, retaking Gorgan without losing a single soldier. By the time the Sasanian army had reached the outskirts of the city of Merv, the last Hephthalite holdout in Khorasan, it had been on the move for almost three months now, and although its soldiers were tired from the constant marching, they were confident that any confrontation would have a victorious conclusion. How could it not, considering that they had prevailed even when outnumbered?

They had failed to take into account that their opponent, while reeling, was far from beaten. No, this was just a hiccup. And he would prove that in August 26, 387.

The Iranian and Hephthalite armies, each numbering 80.000 and 68.000 men respectively, initially engaged one another in a series of small, inconclusive skirmishes the days preceding the decisive battle while their commanders planned what to do. Izadgushasp and his fellow spahbeds agreed on the standard, proven tactic of pinning the enemy center down with the infantry while the cataphracts routed whatever forces guarded the flanks before charging at the rear, the horse archers meanwhile raining chaos and fear with their arrows, killing many and wounding more.

The battle began in the late morning, both forces nervously staring each other down in anticipation for a few hours before their respective commanders ordered them on an all out charge. The King of Kings, watching everything from a safe distance (he still had bad memories from Dura Europos), liked what he was seeing: everything was playing out exactly like he and the spahbeds wanted, and he could already imagine himself returning to Ctesiphon, covered in glory and spoils. After what would surely be a magnificent parade, he would finally be crowned (the situation was too urgent so he was only acclaimed) with all the splendor he deserved.

Then everything went to hell after Khushnavaz unveiled his big surprise the moment before the swords clashed: more than fifty mangonels.

The mangonel, also known as the traction trebuchet, was basically the Chinese equivalent of the Roman onager, except it was less complex and had a higher rate of fire. The Hephthalite king came into contact with these weapons during his war against the Celestial Empire, eagerly adopting them after taking several enemy engineers captive in the Battle of Xianyang, his final, decisive victory against them (1). These mighty siege engines not only had plenty of ammunition nearby in the form of several large stones, but these stones were also covered in a combustible substance that could be easily set alight.​

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A Chinese traction trebuchet.

Predictably, the sudden appearance of burning rocks raining from the sky was a terrifying sight for the Iranian soldiers, most of whom had never seen anything like it in their lives before, thanks to the long years of peace, and they began to believe that the flames of hell itself were falling upon them. The tenacity of their Hephthalite adversaries, whose morale was boosted after they realized that their king's gamble was working, contributed to that belief, and soon enough the Iranian infantry's resolve began to break. Izadgushasp, hoping to prevent a general rout and guarantee an orderly withdrawal at the very least, personally got into the fray in an attempt to rally his men. However this had disastrous results, for he was shot in the back by an enemy arrow and fell from his horse.

The spahbed's death turned what could have been a stinging but manageable defeat into a massacre. While the cataphracts and horse archers stood firm and suffered relatively small losses, the center devolved into a panicked mob that was readily cut down by its enemies.

By the end of the day, over 20.000 Iranian soldiers (most of them infantrymen), along with one of their most experienced and respected commanders, lay dead or wounded on the battlefield. A further 15.000 were taken prisoner and would later be deported to distant corners of the invader's empire, meaning that almost half of the Shahanshah's army had been lost in a single battle. The Hephthalites, in comparison, suffererd only 4.000 casualties, a stinging loss considering their empire's small population when compared to Iran's, but one that was more than worth the price.

Now it was Shapur's turn to pull a 180 and run away, and he did so until holed himself up in the walls of Gorgan in mid September. He was advised to keep retreating, however, since Khushnavaz obviously had more than enough siege engines to turn the fortress to dust if he so desired, and the Shah desperately needed to reinforce his army if he were to survive another battle. However, at this decisive moment, Shapur dithered, since another part of him thought that he could be caught in the open field and then slaughtered, and yet another part wanted to avenge Izadgushasp's death.

A few days later, the King of Kings ordered his battered army to abandon Gorgan to the enemy and retreat to friendlier territory to the west. Unfortunately, the time he wasted allowed Khushnavaz to catch him somewhere west of the great fortress (2). With the Hephthalite army blocking the way, mountains to the south and the Caspian Sea to the north, there was really only one way the following battle could go. So Shapur did the one thing no one expected him to do: he ordered his 45.000 soldiers to lay down their arms, then surrendered on October 8, 387.

It was a horrible mistake.

Khushnavaz had no interest in being merciful, not to the man who had humiliated him so thoroughly just months before. So he ordered half of the Iranian soldiers who were taken captive - around 20.000 men - to be decapitated on the spot, their heads then being piled up into a pyramid as an example to what would happen to those who defied him, while the other prisoners were sold into slavery. Shapur, who, horrified, saw the very scenario he wanted to avoid unfolding before his eyes, had his nose cut off, a wound that disqualified him from being Shahanshah, before being sent to Bukhara in chains.


It would take a long time before word about what was happening in the front reached Ctesiphon.

And there was only one man left who could take the crown.

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Notes:

(1) Xianyang is a city right next to Xi'an (Chang'an).

(2) Somewhere near Kordkuy.
 
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Is this really a Persian timeline, because India seems to much better in TTL than in OTL, it looks even better than Iran
Well, I didn't want Iran's rise to greatness to be a linear, simple path. I thought about killing Odaenathus off before he became a powerful figure, for example, but that would make it too boring in my opinion.

But yeah, India and China, the latter of whom in particular was reunified and built things like the Grand Canal centuries before OTL, are really having it good.
 
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Gotta say, I really like it when a TL that’s obviously meant to show the “protagonist” country doing better than OTL shows said country facing defeats and setbacks along the way. Makes it more believable and fun to read than yet another wank TL. I’ve been on the edge of my seat every chapter, and I must say you know how to do cliffhangers right!
 
Gotta say, I really like it when a TL that’s obviously meant to show the “protagonist” country doing better than OTL shows said country facing defeats and setbacks along the way. Makes it more believable and fun to read than yet another wank TL. I’ve been on the edge of my seat every chapter, and I must say you know how to do cliffhangers right!
I'm flattered, thanks!
 
There's no reason a Persian-centered TL has to remain a Sassanid TL ;)

Personally I'd be very interested in seeing a Persia that spends a few decades to centuries under a Hephthalite dynasty. A dynamic foreign conqueror, who wishes to integrate himself into the Persian power structures and present himself as a Persian to Persians, is a good start to persianizing the Hephthalite dynasty, and then you're left with a Persia whose center of gravity is further eastward than usual, rather than a Persia under the yoke of a foreign occupier.
 
Personally I'd be very interested in seeing a Persia that spends a few decades to centuries under a Hephthalite dynasty. A dynamic foreign conqueror, who wishes to integrate himself into the Persian power structures and present himself as a Persian to Persians, is a good start to persianizing the Hephthalite dynasty, and then you're left with a Persia whose center of gravity is further eastward than usual, rather than a Persia under the yoke of a foreign occupier.
Have I got the TL for you.
 
There's no reason a Persian-centered TL has to remain a Sassanid TL ;)

Personally I'd be very interested in seeing a Persia that spends a few decades to centuries under a Hephthalite dynasty. A dynamic foreign conqueror, who wishes to integrate himself into the Persian power structures and present himself as a Persian to Persians, is a good start to persianizing the Hephthalite dynasty, and then you're left with a Persia whose center of gravity is further eastward than usual, rather than a Persia under the yoke of a foreign occupier.
That's basically what Khushnavaz is trying to do: frame himself as a viable alternative to the squabbling Sasanians. And considering how one of them died in Anatolia about a year or so ago and the successor is now in his custody...
 
Part 29: Slowdown
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Part 29: Slowdown


Meshan, December 2, 387

Though he had read the letter's contents several times, Kavad still couldn't believe the scale of the catastrophe that had taken place in the east: a force of eighty thousand men, led by the rightful Shah himself and some of the most experienced spahbeds, and including elite troops such as the cataphracts, composed of men who were some of the most esteemed members of the Iranian nobility, and the renowned Daylamite foot soldiers, had been completely annihilated only months after their initial, glorious victory at Ray. To make matters straight up insulting, the last survivors of this mighty army weren't slain in battle, but shamefully executed or sold into slavery. And Shapur was now probably rotting in Bukhara, if he was still alive that is.

The prince, now twenty-six years old, had served as governor of Meshan for two years now, was a profoundly different individual than he was before he was appointed to the office by the late Ardashir III. The once debauched, idle alcoholic had finally been given a healthy outlet for his seemingly limitless energy, and even though he wasn't particularly well educated (that was partly his own fault), he proved himself to be a fast learner and a clever, cunning individual who knew how to hide his true intelligence, a task made easier by his infamous reputation back at the capital, and allowed him to discover several spies who underestimated him.

Now he almost wished he hadn't changed.

Kavad would be lying to himself and his friebds if he denied that he wanted to take the throne, but he never thought such a thing was possible, and definitely not under such daunting circumstances. Two huge armies had been lost in the span of a year and now an ogre from the steppes was likely rampaging his way through the Plateau, and if the rumors of flaming rocks raining from the sky and huge pyramids made out of human heads were real, he seemed to be almost invincible. There were spies everywhere, even if Meshan was by now largely free from their presence, and there were strong suspicions that Farrukhan, a good friend he made during his more indolent days back at Ctesiphon (the more cynical side of him now believed that the noble was really after a puppet to control) was one of them.

Damn it, what was he supposed to do? Considering the amount of time that had passed between the events that ocurred and the when he received the precious message, there was a real possibility that Khushnavaz had already crossed the Zagros and reached Mesopotamia. Even if he hadn't, how was he supposed to fight him when he had almost no good soldiers left and a den of snakes that could easily stab him on the back?

"My Lord," Pabag, a scribe and one of the prince's closest confidants, entered the dimly lit room, which was full of disorganized documents everywhere, in a type of chaos that was oddly organized. "You have been awake without doing so much as taking a nap since long before sunrise, and it's well past nightfall now. And you didn't sleep well yesterday either..."

"Not yet." The tired prince replied, eyes still fixated on the letter, his mind clouded by the immense number of variables he was juggling with at the moment,

"If I may be so bold, sir, you will not make a sound decision without a few hours' bed rest first, along with a good meal and drink. Please."

Kavad sighed before getting up from his seat. "I know, I know..." The migraine plaguing his head at the moment wouldn't go away without some good wine, anyway.

He wondered what his mother, Shirin, would think of him after he returned to the capital. If he wasn't murdered before getting there, that is...


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Though the Sasanian position seemed to be on the brink of ruin, the Hephthalite one wasn't ideal, either. Despite delivering two devastating counterpunches and recovering the initiative on the military front, Khushnavaz soon realized that the treatment given to Shapur and his soldiers had been excessively cruel, for soon enough nobles who were once apathetic or receptive to his diplomatic advances now began to have reservations about whether or not he truly deserved their support, since many of the soldiers slain or taken captive came from their estates or were their colleagues in case of the cataphracts. Still, they were afraid of sharing the same gruesome fate, so there was no widespread resistance to his advance just yet.

Hoping to capitalize on his victories and aware that the Sasanians probably didn't have many soldiers left and were temporarily leaderless, Khushnavaz divided his army of 64.000 men into two forces of roughly equal size, so as to diminish the strain on their logistics and enable them to occupy as much land as possible. Both halves had the same destination in mind, the province of Adurbadagan, but they traveled on different paths, one of them (led by the king himself) marching through Mazandaran and Daylam, on the coast of the Caspain Sea, while the other marched further inland, through Ray. Once they combined themselves near Lake Urmia, the Hephthalites would then cross the Zagros and attack Mesopotamia before finally besieging Ctesiphon.

Though an extremely risky strategy, thanks to the possibility of being defeated in detail since both armies were separated from each other by the imposing Alborz mountains, it bore fruit since the advance of the two wings was, at first, practically unopposed, the southern one, led by a general named Khingila, took Qumis, Ray, Shahin (1) and eventually Ganzak, capital of Adurbadagan, with no resistance, sometime on October. Khushnavaz largely mirrored his southern subordinate's movements, but he suddenly faced an unexpected opponent right as he was about to meet up with him once more. That adversary was Urnayr, king of Albania.​

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A map of the Caucasus in the third century. Albania is in the northeast.

A vassal of the Sasanian monarchy, Urnayr saw a chance to secure his kingdom's independence and sent his army south to secure that chance, unexpectedly putting himself the middle of Khushnavaz's path. The two kings skirmished fruitlessly against one another near the town of Ardabil, and their armies, which were roughly equal in size, seemed to be on an inevitable collision course. However, the Hephthalite ruler opted to be diplomatic rather than fight, even though the scales were tipped heavily in his favor (his army was composed of hardened veterans, while the Albanian one was made out of peasant levies), and sent diplomats under a flag of truce. He couldn't affort to suffer any unnecessary casualties, and he desired to be seen as a reasonable ruler to his future Iranian subjects.

But Urnayr was skeptical of the invader's words. Shapur, who had surrendered his soldiers in the hope of sparing them from harm, suffered a horrible fate, one the Albanian was not willing to go through. He would much rather be killed in battle with his men rather than see them being decapitated en masse helplessly. Khushnavaz assured him that he would be merciful to those who didn't resist him (Shapur being the physical embodiment of such resistance), and that Albania's independence would be fully recognized, but negotiations still dragged on for weeks. It wasn't until Khingila, tired of waiting on the shores of Lake Urmia for his ruler to arrive, marched straight to Ardabil on his own, a decision that convinced Urnayr to surrender at last, in November.

By then, however, it was too late to cross the Zagros, for winter had set in and passing through those mountains was now suicide (2). Though infuriated at not being able to vanquish the Sasanians in one fell swoop, Khushnavaz could at least content himself with the fact that he had gone further into Iran than his father had ever been. Sadly, that was only the beginning of his troubles, for ruling an empire that stretched from Lake Urmia to the Hindu Kush and the Yumen Pass was not an easy task, and it showed: while he was in Tabriz, where he intended to stay until spring came along and allowed him to attack Mesopotamia, the Hephthalite king received word that a number of tribes were stirring up trouble back in Central Asia, and the local garrisons weren't strong enough to put them down.

He had no choice but to shelve his great ambition for the moment and make a long, time-consuming trip back to Transoxiana, detaching garrisons to defend strategic fortresses such as Tabriz, Ray and Gorgan in the meantime. By the time Khushnavaz entered Nishapur, sometime in March 388, the situation had escalated into an all out civil war, and the outskirts of Bukhara itself had been raided multiple times. The king saved the capital and defeated his adversaries in a series of battles, but then he realized that he had more enemies than he thought: a worrying number of nobles and traders were unhappy with the how long the war against Iran was becoming (since warfare disrupted the Silk Road), and a larger number still feared that they would lose their importance and status if Ctesiphon was taken, since the king would likely make said city his new capital.

Thus, Khushnavaz was forced to waste even more time than he anticipated, since his presence was critical in ensuring that order was maintained. He could not allow the empire that had been built by Mihirakula and expanded by him to fall apart due to some aristocratic conspiracy. In the following months, multiple prominent individuals suspected of being traitors were either imprisoned or executed. Feeling that his position was secured once more, the invader departed Bukhara in July, hoping to make it to the Zagros as soon as possible... before finding out that the Daylamites, who were always a fiercely autonomous people, decided that the Hephthalites had overstayed their welcome.
Such a potential threat to his army's supply line could not be tolerated, and Khushnavaz embarked on another time-consuming campaign to bring them to heel.​

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The modern city of Ray, with the Alborz Mountains in the background. These mountains were the Daylamites' refuge from those they saw as foreign invaders.

After months of raids and counter raids that failed to subdue the Daylamites completely, but nevertheless diminished the threat they posed, the Hephthalites continued on their march west. By now realizing that he had likely lost a second opportunity to attack Mesopotamia, the Hephthalite king decided instead to expand and consolidate the area already occupied by his troops. Thus, he ordered them to take the imposing castle of Nahavand, which, if captured, would not only give him complete control over Media, but also open a new, shorter path to Ctesiphon, rather than the more northern passes, which led first to cities that could be potential obstacles, such as Arbela.

It was a much more difficult task than anticipated. The House of Karen, which controlled the fortress, was repulsed by Khushnavaz's treatment of the defeated Shapur II, and rejected all offers to surrender it peacefully, declaring that they would never bow to a foreign usurper. There was no alternative but to besiege Nahavand, starve its defenders and then take it by assault, a course of action that would take a long time to be completed and inevitably lead to multiple casualties that couldn't be replaced. The harsh, rugged terrain didn't help things either, and positioning the many formidable mangonels the invaders had would also be very hard to do.

Meanwhile, in Ctesiphon, Kavad was making the best of what time he had left before the war inevitably came to Mesopotamia. And although it had started two years ago, it clearly wasn't going to end any time soon.

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Timeline:

387 A.D.:

October: After a long march throughout northern Iran, Ganzak, capital of Adurbadagan, is captured by the Hephthalite general Khingila, who commanded half of the invading army. The other half, led by Khushnavaz, gets bogged down in Ardabil because of the interference of the king of Albania, Urnayr.

November: Urnayr agrees to return to his kingdom in exhange for a recognition of its independence, By then, it is too late to attack Mesopotamia.

December: Kavad I is acclaimed Shahanshah in Ctesiphon. Meanwhile, Khushnavaz is forced to march back to Central Asia in order to put down a revolt, leaving garrisons to prevent important strongholds from being retaken by the enemy.

388 A.D.:

March: The rebels, who at one point threatened Bukhara itself, are defeated in a series of battles. The king has to stay in the capital to prevent a similar uprising from happening.

July: Khushnavaz embarks on a new offensive against the Sasanians, but has instead to fight the Daylamites, who rose up against his authority. By the time a reasonable amount of order is restored, it is once again too late to cross the Zagros, or so he believes.

November: After a few months of resting, the Hephthalites begin their siege of Nahavand.


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Notes:

(1) Modern day
Zanjan.

(2) To this day, many historians ITTL believe that Khushnavaz could've crossed the Zagros in the middle of winter. Hannibal crossed the Alps, after all, so why couldn't he do the same, considering how many years he spent fighting the Chinese? The answer is that he became more conservative and less reckless with age, perhaps too much so. Also, despite the huge empire under his control, the elite core of the army remained relatively small, and couldn't take severe casualties from either battle or worse, attrition.
 
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I have a feeling future historians will see the Daylamites popping-up amidst this giant conflict and be like, "who're you people!?"
The stereotype of the "hardy, freedom-loving Daylamite" still exists to this day ITTL. Some people say it began with this war, but the reality is that the central government's grip over them was quite loose back then (confederacy and all that). The fact many of them provided elite infantrymen for centuries surely helped build it too, thanks to their bravery.
 
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The stereotype of the "hardy, freedom-loving Daylamite" still exists to this day ITTL. Some people say it began with this war, but the reality is that the central government's grip over them was quite loose back then (confederacy and all that). The fact many of them provided elite infantrymen for centuries surely helped build it too, thanks to their bravery.
Not to mention difficulties of transportation and communication. It's difficult to have a good grip on people you have to cross a mountain to get to, who have home field advantage.
 
Not to mention difficulties of transportation and communication. It's difficult to have a good grip on people you have to cross a mountain to get to, who have home field advantage.
Precisely. It's like a smaller Afghanistan, albeit one that is a lot more welcoming if you make it to the lowlands of the Caspian shore.
 
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