Thanks for the detailed feedback-- this is going to be very helpful in writing out the war. You've highlighted several weaknesses in both my preexisting chapters and notes/head-canon, for which I'm grateful. Much of this makes sense- I can easily see tensions between the centralised German high command, with its vision for the war, and the fiercely independent Cadorna.
Going to do my best to translate the documents you've linked to, but I may ask you questions about one or two things as I need to.
Thanks again for the constructive criticism and especially the resources-- it all helps, believe me!
Also keep in mind that the figure of Cadorna is much more complex than you think and her actions are not silly, but respond to a specific rational logic.Cadorna was a man of the nineteenth century, stubborn as a mule, not very diplomatic, incorruptible, something very rare among Italian generals, and with a great cold blood: something that many ignore, he was boundless culture in all fields including the history of art. also helped by an out of the ordinary memory (he recited the Divine Comedy by heart); he spoke French as well as Italian. He loved the mountains and knew the whole front line which he had also painted in various watercolors.When he was appointed in place of his predecessor Pollio, he was on the threshold of sixty-one years, he had not yet received any operational command on the theater of war. So, I have experience, he found himself catapulted into the middle of the Great War.
The first problem he had to face was politics: unlike France, Russia and Germany, where his reasons were subordinate to those of the generals, which precipitated events in 1914, the opposite happened in Italy. Cadorna knew that he would have to fight, but not against whom and when. Thus, he who since 1912, when he was put at the head of the second army, stationed in Genoa, had dedicated himself to preparing the fortifications of the border with France and to the study of cooperation between infantry and artillery, in order to stop the advanced enemies, in a few months he had to redesign all war plans from scratch.In particular, the negotiations with the Entente, which began on March 4, the negotiations lasted until April 26, while the uncertainty that reigned at the time in political-diplomatic circles, a consequence of a conduct based on similar opportunistic criteria, determined a significant delay in issuing the first mobilization orders
After the first provisions for a partial and purely precautionary mobilization, only on May 5 Cadorna was explicitly informed by Salandra of the need for a general mobilization, with a view to going to war against Austria-Hungary by the 26th of the same month.Article 2 of the Pact of London, signed by Salandra (but guarantor of the King) without Cadorna's knowledge, obliged Italy to keep the Austrians busy with all its resources. In fact, it therefore placed the Italian army under the allied command which requested its commitment every time the Germans attacked the French front, which greatly limited Cadorna's operational freedom, as happened on the occasion of Caporetto.
The second problem was tactical-organizational: Pollio's Prussian approach, with its enveloping and pincer maneuvers, presupposed a high level of training of soldiers and non-commissioned officers, officers of considerable preparation and a suitable terrain: due to the chronic lack of funds , the first two requirements had never been met, leading to petty figures in Libya. For the second, the Alps and the Karst did not allow the same mobility and tactical flexibility as the Polish plains and northern France.To find an alternative, he needed genius: Cadorna, despite his flashes of creativity, did not have one, as on the other hand Joffre, Haig and Nivelle. His ideas were no different from those of his contemporaries generals: from the French doctrine essentially centered on elan, to the Austrian maxim of "Vorwärts bis in den Feind" ("Always and in any case forward to the enemy").
Cadorna in his "red book" said he was convinced that an offensive movement would always result in a frontal attack, made very expensive by modern weapons if not well prepared and conducted; he believed, however, that the coordination of the various weapons, the exploitation of the land by the chains of advancing shooters and a cold determination of the commander would have made it possible to carry out a successful frontal attack as well. However, authoritative commanders, close-knit cadres, disciplined troops were needed: and precisely the last part was dedicated to the education of the departments, in whichthey recommended exercises of cadres to opposing parties on the ground and on paper.
The same conclusions that the German generals had reached: only that they had these things, the Italians did not. To get them, Cadorna started with the easiest things: knowing the chickens and mindful of the figures of chocolatiers made in previous years due to generals engaged in bickering among themselves, he centered his command on himself; moreover, not having this great charisma, he became convinced that the best way not to cause his troops to fall into chaos was to impose an iron discipline.
And the objective situation did not help him: Pollio had left an operetta army in his hands, on paper modern and efficient, in practice a madhouse: the lack of education of the third category recruits forced the recall of 13 enlisted classes to find the staff of soldiers to be sent to the front line, with an increase in times all in favor of the enemy; the mobile militia, provided for in the Army system, had not even been constituted; the fortress artillery was not in sufficient number to arm all the works completed and declared operational; in case of mobilization
general only some army corps had updated the list of quadrupeds to be ordered; of the 36 field artillery regiments envisaged on the map, 5 were not yet constituted and 5 were in the completion phase; of the 86 batteries of 75mm guns model 1911 - Deport - which were expected to enter service as early as 1913, only 12 were built in 1914; for the mountain batteries the material had not yet been foreseen, while the heavy field regiments had the howitzers but not the guns.
For the type of war that was taking shape, the situation of the machine gun sections was also serious: the equipment on paper was one section of machine guns per infantry battalion of the standing Army, one for each regiment of mobile militia and for each Regiment. cavalry, and there should also have been two sections for each Alpine battalion; in reality, in the event of mobilization, one could only count on 150 sections of machine guns for the entire Army.
Military education was also lacking due to the scarcity of shooting ranges and training camps, which made it difficult for already discharged soldiers to be recalled for education. The icing on the cake, given that for the Triple Alliance we had to make war on France, the geographical maps of the Austrian territory were old and of a very large scale, and there were no detailed ones. In addition, there were no railway connections dedicated to military transports and in the border stations the number of tracks for the stop of arriving and departing trains was inadequate.
Cadorna, with an unexpected organizational talent, managed to make this brothel a dignified instrument of war. And he did this with relentless energy, cleaning up, exonerating 206 generals and 255 colonels, organizing dignified logistics, and expanding the staff: the 548 infantry battalions of 1915 became 867 in 1917, with immensely superior armament, with 3,000 pieces of medium caliber instead of 246 and 5,000 of small caliber instead of 1,772.
The third problem was strategic and here Cadorna could do very little: the Alps are what they are and despite the good will of the Duke of Abruzzi, planning the landing on the French coasts is one thing, the Dalmatian coasts are one thing.At the same time, clashing with both Italian politics, anchored to a Risorgimento perspective, and allied commands, which were unable to look beyond Flanders, had a global perspective on the conflict. He would have liked to reduce the Italian forces in Libya and Albania and increase them in Macedonia, where they could represent a real danger to the enemy. He was also in favor of closer coordination with the allied armies, seeking the support of the Russians and Serbs in 1915, unleashing more than one agreed offensive with the Anglo-French, proposing in 1917 the concentration of the efforts of the Entente against Austria. -Hungary, weak point of the enemy coalition.
Cadorna, unlike what is said, was one of the few generals of World War I to have understood modern warfare, the Materialschlacht, a natural consequence of the war of attrition induced by the advent of the trenches. Also in this case the reasoning underlying Cadorna's decisions followed a simple quantitative logic (in relation to the quality of the troops, the characteristics of the terrain, the logistical situation and the alliances), based on the approach that required greater firepower to undermine entrenchments. more and more extensive and profound.
A strategy that, however, to be effectively implemented, needed an industrial base that Italy did not have: having to marry with dried figs, at the beginning it had to rely cynically on the human mass, counting on the greater Italian capacity to bear the losses.
Over time, as already mentioned, it was gradually replaced by firepower: this approach was leading Austria-Hungary to defeat by virtue of the simple disparity of the forces involved: already at the time of the conquest of Gorizia, Cadorna had just started to affect their human reserves, while the Austro-Hungarians had at that moment to face the first serious crisis since the beginning of the operations.
In the aftermath of the eleventh battle of the Isonzo, the Austrian situation had become desperate, with only Mount Ermada now remaining to block the passage of the Italian advance across the Karst towards Trieste: the resistance had reached a breaking point , and precisely this evidence induced the German High Command to finally grant the coveted reinforcements that led to the constitution of the XIV Army in view of that planned offensive of lightening.
In fact, Caporetto was the unexpected consequence of his strategic vision ... ITL Cadorna is aware that the battle of numbers is in favor of France: therefore, while waiting to modernize the Italian army with German help, it will maintain a delayed attitude. He will organize an expeditionary force in the Balkans, which given the difficulties in coordinating with the Austro-Hungarians, will not do much and will probably open an African front: this implies that the Italian attempt to find a compromise with Senussia, which due to both OTL shares failed, here could have a positive outcome