REDUX: Place In The Sun: What If Italy Joined The Central Powers?

Unlikely in the extreme. Not only are the Germans focused on them, with Italy committing to the CPs, plenty of Habsburg troops that would otherwise go south would instead go north.
Of course if even greater CP success against Russia leads to Nicky cutting his losses some time in 1916, then that might very well lead indirectly to "things going better for Russia" than in the previous version or even OTL.
 

CHAPTER IV

Moving Towards War

The convoy ships radioed back within an hour, explaining their plight to the bosses in Naples. No heads rolled: what had happened was bad enough. Having succumbed to a heart attack in the heat of the moment, the Captain received a funeral with honours. Prime Minister Salandra spoke briefly about the "gross insult to our right of passage", enhancing his reputation as a defender of Italy against Perfidious Albion. That, had the convoy obeyed British orders inside its own territorial waters, none of this would have happened, went unsaid.

Public anger was immense. Perhaps to compensate for an inglorious history, a strong nationalist current ran through Italian society. People blamed Britain for the winter's deprivations; now they were killing Italian sailors to prevent them from exercising their rights of commerce! Sensationalist papers fuelled the flames with shouts of "Murder on the High Seas!" (1) Protests erupted across the country with particular strength in the north. Nationalist politicians denounced Salandra for his "soft" response, rhetorically asking what Garibaldi would have done. Armed police surrounded Britain's embassy in Rome; non-essential personnel went home for safety.

The Prime Minister was conflicted. A conservative nationalist, his principal concern had always been Italian self-interest. Sacro egoisimo dictated joining whichever side offered the best terms. In a perfect world he would have joined the Entente, striking against the hated Austrians and freeing his kinsmen under Habsburg rule. Yet that would have entailed alignment with the British. Stupidity in London and bellicosity at home left that no longer viable, forcing him to decline an Entente offer of April 1915. (2) Neutrality under the guise of sacro egoisimo, watching and waiting until the war ended, seemed second-best. It would allow him to focus on economic growth and minimise divisions within society. Yet political expediency kept Italy drifting towards the Central Powers; something bound to end in a war he didn't want.

Salandra met with his cabinet the day after the funeral to discuss options. His highly conservative government seethed with rage. Italian vessels had been attacked unprovoked and an Italian citizen killed. Many demanded a formal note of apology from the British Government and the dismissal of the Royal Navy officer who'd opened fire. Others went further- if Great Britain ignored Italian demands, their embassy in Rome should be closed. However, neutralists urged restraint. The insult to Italy was immense, as was popular anger, but both would fade with time. War, as the great powers had discovered, was no small commitment. "If the pain of losing one man to the British is so immense", quipped Giovanni Giolitti, "what will losing ten thousand do?" Giolitti, a four-time Prime Minister with immense political talent, lent credence to the moderates.

Salandra's almond eyes lit up. If Giolitti could stop the nation from blundering into war with Germany, then his support- regardless of their long political rivalry- was welcome. Thanking everyone for their time and advice, he adjourned the meeting with platitudes about defending national honour while not committing to a specific course of action.

Two days later, the Prime Minister's note of protest arrived at the British Embassy. It was, Salandra hoped, a fair compromise: reprimanding Britain without unduly risking war. Yet his Cabinet- and those in London to whom it was circulated- disagreed.


The British took offence. Salandra himself admitted their coal was theirs to export as they saw fit. Who was he to tell Britain what to do with its resources, or how to modify its laws, especially in time of war? The Captain's death was tragic, yes, but he had failed to follow orders legally given inside British territorial waters (and as the autopsy clearly showed, was not directly killed by British fire anyway). HMS Acorn had obeyed standing orders from the Admiralty; however tragic the results were, they weren't something to condemn a good officer over. Whitehall appreciated Salandra's demand for compensation, but in the context of a belligerent note and poor relations, they refused to pay. Asquith decided to make a point; three days after receiving the letter, he ordered Ambassador Rodd and his staff to return home. He intended this as a moderate response to offensive demands which would be hard to retailate against, aside from downgrading the Italian embassy in London. The two countries might be hostile in the near future, but no one would go to war over a recalled ambassador. (4) Many in the Cabinet and on the streets, however, felt snubbed. Salandra had not intended to expel Ambassador Rodd; he'd hoped that the British would meet his demands so normal relations could resume. Asking the British to undo the decisions which had damaged Italy's economy and caused this rupture was, to Salandra, perfectly reasonable. Threatening to expel the Ambassador was meant to give his request "teeth" and appease his nationalistic government.

Britain jumping the gun had widened the gulf without gaining Salandra any political strength.

His moderate plan having failed, Salandra's government turned on him. Many, at the initial meeting two days before he wrote his note of protest, had called for harsh measures against Britain, from economic sanctions to severing diplomatic relations. (Hawks had proposed war) Only support from Giolitti's neutralists had allowed Salandra to respond as he saw fit. On 3 August, the Cabinet assembled once more. When Giolitti declared that "the Prime Minister's gambit, far from having enhanced our image in the world's eye, has reduced it... again", Salandra felt like a specimen under a microscope. These men, the most powerful in Italy, with their networks of patronage and landed estates, were going to rake him over the coals and claim he deserved every minute. Heated discourse became fiery debate and blazing argument, prompting Giolitti to compare it in his memoirs with a boxing tournament, "with every man for himself". Salandra's strength wore out shortly after six PM. He proposed an adjournment and confidence vote tomorrow. Relishing the chance to publicly humiliate their wayward leader, the conservatives heartily agreed. The defeated Prime Minister slouched out of the room last, his eyes moist as he locked the door and went to pray. Tomorrow would be bloody, he told himself, but he would survive it.

Little did he know how things would change by morning.

While not directly involved in the civilian game of politics, General Luigi Cadorna had always remained in the loop. If he was to execute national policy on the battlefield, he had to know the whims and alliances of his political leaders. His sympathy with the Central Powers had led him to press for war in summer 1914, and he'd even made preparations to cross the French border before being recalled. Like all Italian patriots, Britain's recent actions offended him and he hoped to win glory for himself (and the nation as well, he supposed) through war. The Chief of Staff wasn't a Cabinet position and thus he was reliant on Defence Minister Vittorio Zupelli for information. Zupelli had harshly criticised Salandra's "spinelessness" and said far stronger things in private. Both men agreed on the need for increased readiness and an assertive foreign policy. Neither had much use for civilians or, since the cold winter of 1914-15, Great Britain. If any man could get Cadorna's views better aired in the Cabinet, it was Zupelli.

Thus, when Cadorna recieved a late-night invitation to the German Embassy on the third of August, he brought Zupelli with him.


General Konrad Krafft von Dellmensingen gazed out the Embassy window. Rome was, in its own way, beautiful, yet nothing could compare to the soaring mountains and crisp air of his native Bavaria. Still, if all went to plan, he would have mountains aplenty to work in. The clock chimed seven. "Where are they?", he asked the Ambassador.

Hans von Flotow shrugged. "General Cadorna promised to be here at this hour." Both men shook their heads. "Italiener." Fifteen minutes passed by, which von Dellmensingen spent reviewing the files in his briefcase. Finally, a knock came.

"Entreten!", the Ambassador barked, and his secretary led two crisp Italians in. They exchanged salutes with von Dellmensingen as the Ambassador quietly took his leave- this was not a civilian matter, he'd been told.

"Good to see you at last, Herr General." Von Dellmensingen spoke in creaky Italian, a phrasebook discreetly resting on the desk. "And how are things in Rome? My condolences on the recent Entente... actions."

"Things are serious, though not so bad as you may have heard." Cadorna sipped black coffee despite the late hour. "Our economy has found ways to overcome the loss of British coal- thanks in no small part to your help." Von Dellmensingen smiled, noting the almost-pained expression on Cadorna's face. He cannot enjoy admitting dependence on us. "But now Prime Minister Salandra is about to fall, having failed to protect our interests against the inglesi."

"The vote of no confidence is scheduled for tomorrow", Zupelli chimed in. "Unlike General Cadorna, I sit upon the Cabinet and am privy to all that goes on, keeping those I trust in the know."

"I see." In Germany, leaking information from Cabinet meetings was a serious offence- certainly not something to reveal to others, especially not foreigners. Was that really how things worked in this country? "Your government does not object to this?" Just how serious about discipline and security are you? How much will we have to hold your hand for?

"Eh. I am the Defence Minister. If I wish to speak with my fellow soldiers off the record, no harm is done. Besides, in my country, it is the civilians who make policy. Us soldati simply carry it out. If General Cadorna and I had had my way, we would have thrown in against the Entente in the first week of the war. But they told us we were not ready, and so we had to stay neutral." Zupelli grimaced. "Not as if they have given us a single extra lira to get ready since, mind."

"This is not how it is in my country. We have prepared for this fight for thirty years, and my superiors on the General Staff have had much say in shaping wartime policy. There is less... foolishness in the way of getting things done." Cadorna and Zupelli's silent stares asked the obvious question. "And without that system, gentlemen, we would never have driven the French back, or ejected the Russians from Poland. And it is thanks to this national way of war that we will win!" His broad shoulders and arched eyebrows left no doubt that yes, Germany would triumph, and that it would all be thanks to General Konrad Krafft von Dellmensingen. "Now then. You say you are ill-prepared to fight the Entente. What I want to know is: what are you missing?"

Zupelli and Cadorna exchanged glances. "Are you asking us to join your war? I would personally be in favour of such a thing", Cadorna said, "but it is not my place to decide. After Salandra falls tomorrow, his successor must make that decision. And if it is a neutralist like Giolitti, I doubt we will achieve anything."

Von Dellmensingen smiled. "Perhaps this will convince your new Prime Minister, whoever he turns out to be." He handed a number of papers to Zupelli. "Take these to the first meeting of your new Cabinet. You may read the full details yourself, but our diplomatic corps has... worked miracles." Once in a while, the striped-pants civilians could make the job easier. And from what he'd heard, getting these concessions out of Vienna had been like pulling teeth. "The good Emperor Franz Joseph has, out of a desire for wartime unity, offered to hold plebiscites in Trentino and Zadar after the war, on the understanding that Italy will honour its commitments to the Triple Alliance. We would also be partial to Italian annexation of Nice, historic Savoy, and Tunisia from France, concessions from Britain, control of Valona and a protectorate over Albania, possibly with enlarged frontiers" Eyes widened in contemplation of wealth.

"That could solve the political question", Zupelli whispered. "But so much depends on the victor in tomorrow's vote. If we get another nationalist of the Right, he will surely fall for this. If, on the other hand, a neutralist, then..."

Cadorna cut him off. "Then that neutralist will be remembered as the man who cost us Italia irredenta!". He took victory in the plebiscites for granted. "Whatever we have to do, we will make sure this gets into the right hands."

"Ganz gut. Now, let us say your new political leadership sees things our way. How ready are you to make war and how can Germany assist?"

"Well", Zupelli began slowly, "I speak strictly off the record, understand?" Von Dellmengsen nodded. "We lack the degree of organisation found in the German Army. Our bersaglieri are superb but few in number. The average man- a peasant, probably from the south- is scarcely more advanced than in Napoleon's day. Much of the equipment expended against the Turks has yet to be replaced. But we have men in abundance."

"And damn fine officers too!" Cadorna raised a finger, red beneath his snow-white moustache. "I trained those men myself. Our Army is mine per the constitution- not His Majesty's, and certainly not Antonio cazzone Salandra's! I guarantee you that no matter what illiterate fools they may be saddled with, or what equpiment they have to work with, my officers will achieve results. Any who fail will spend the rest of the war carrying wheat on their backs." His glare dared von Dellmensingen to defy him.

"I understand. Fine leaders working with questionable material. You are far from the only ones. Our Entente enemies"- he lowered his voice- "and even our Austrian and Turkish allies all have the same trouble to varying degrees." But not us! All those years of pouring money into the military, keeping the reserves active for years and technology up to date, were paying off. Hence why his country was the senior partner. "Well, we are pressed for manpower ourselves, but I doubt you will require assistance to hold the Alpine front."

"Not just hold it", Cadorna said, "but advance across. First Nice, then Grenoble!"

"I admire your spirit." You fool. If you can defend the front easily so can the French! "Now as you well know, prewar plans called for Italian forces to operate on the River Rhine, tying down enemy forces on the southern extremity of the Western Front. Our successes have naturally moved this line west, but the principle is unchanged. How capable are you of executing this?"

"In 1914 I would have agreed", Cadorna said slowly. "But there would be more practical considerations now. Would, for example, the German Army assume responsibility for supplying an expeditionary force? Given the damage done to our coal reserves by the inglesi, and our commitments nearer our borders, I say it is better for us to concentrate on the Alpine border." Playing your cards close to your chest, von Dellmingsen thought. But Cadorna had a point. And Germany was holding the Western Front fine on its own. Throwing Italians into the stalemate would do little; forcing France to send forces south might.

"The Alpine front it will be, then. I will be in touch with General von Falkenhayn in Berlin for more official negotiations, but unofficially, this is going ahead. We can furnish you with experts in mountain warfare"- he smelled a promotion- "and helpful equipment and training to enhance your fine officer corps."

"If this goes well, victory is ours!" Cadorna gazed off into the distance, as if Nice, Grenoble, and Paris lay just outside the window. "We will have irredenta at last without that fool Salandra!"

"I will take this"- Zupelli tapped the documents- "to the meeting of the new Cabinet. I doubt Salandra's successor, whomever he may be, will replace me." The three men stood up and exchanged salutes. Cadorna was already halfway down the hall when Zupelli turned back. "Herr General , a question if I may." Von Dellmingsen nodded. "You asked to speak with us just today, but before news broke of tomorrow's no-confidence vote. Did you know, somehow, that the government would fall and a new man would arise? For how long have you waited to share this with us?"

Von Dellmingsen shrugged his big shoulders. "You think like a strategist, Defence Minister." His grin was almost predatory. "Good night."


  1. Not accurate-- more like "Heart Attack In British Territorial Waters!" but one sells better than the other.
  2. From OTL but ignored because of The Coal Thing.
  3. Guessing this is somewhere in there. Don't want to peruse the entire text.
  4. Though recalling ambassadors is a symptom of conditions which easily lead to war, it's seldom a cause of war itself.
Comments?

As they say in Italy, calm and chalk. Before guessing, on the Italian war plans in the First World War, it is advisable to consult the archive of the historical office of the Italian Army General Staff, which is publicly available on the Internet.


First point: due to the bizarre and unforeseen circumstances with which Cadorna obtained his role, he did not have the time to elaborate any battle plans and had to adopt those elaborated by his predecessor Enrico Cosenz in 1894. If this OTL applies to the front Austro-Hungarian, ITL will be the same for the French Front. Now, Cosenz had two different operational hypotheses in the war against France, which varied according to whether or not English neutrality was.

If London had remained neutral, the Italians would have remained on the defensive in the Alps, counting on the wear and tear of the French troops, they would have occupied Corsica and subsequently landed at the mouth of the Rhone, in an attempt to lock the Army of the Alps in a pocket ... Attempt doable ? Probably not, but both the Italian army and the fleet have engaged with exercises and with the adoption of the appropriate means to make this operation feasible. Think of the ships of the Stella d'Italia Class and Lauria, which had a dual role: battleship and landing ship ... To the appointment of a capable and particularly aggressive admiral, far superior to the French counterpart, the Duke of Abruzzo, who between the other used studies and exercises on possible landings to organize and guide the Serbian evacuation. To the operational doctrine of Thaon di Ravel, on naval warfare that used aircraft and MAS to bottle the enemy fleet in the port, in the prediction that the French had damaged, during the landing operations, the Italian battleships and cruisers, making them unusable. Among other things, the Italian general staff was convinced that even the French, in their war plans, had planned a landing near Rome ... Which led to one of the most colossal waste of public money in Italy. , the construction of the system of fortresses and batteries to defend the city, never used

If London had been alongside Paris, the Italian high command was a little smarter than the German one, obviously, since the Italian fleet was not suicidal, the plan would have been different. Corsica would still have been occupied, in the Alps the Italian army would have been on the defensive, but the troops involved in the landing would have been moved, in some way, Cosenz had also proposed to rent the Swiss railways, in Alsace, to give a hand to the German ally ... If you notice, no North African scenario is foreseen, because at the time of the drafting of the Cosenz plan, the conquest of Libya was far from coming and no one had bothered to update the plans. So, Cadorna, having no time to hypothesize anything else, would have adapted to variant b, unloading on the Germans the problem of how to best use the troops made available in France

Second point: Cadorna was not autonomous in his decisions. OTL His choices were the result, in addition to an infamous operational scenario, one thing is fighting in Flanders, one thing in the snow at 2000 meters high in the Dolomites or in that stone hell that is the Karst, where there is no water and it is impossible to dig trenches, even of the continuous compromise with the requests of the allied commands, who did not have the faintest idea of what the Italian front was like and made far-fetched requests and the manias of Roman politicians ... ITL will be the same thing: Cadorna's decisions will be subordinated to German decisions ... And since in Berlin they know it's idiotic to attack in the Alps, Cadorna will not
 
Of course if even greater CP success against Russia leads to Nicky cutting his losses some time in 1916, then that might very well lead indirectly to "things going better for Russia" than in the previous version or even OTL.
Nicky is not the sort of man capable of doing that, though. He had about a dozen opportunities in 1916 alone to arrest/delay the February Revolution and he didn't take a single one of them. There's a reason revolutions tend to happen under hilariously incompetent monarchs.
 
Of course if even greater CP success against Russia leads to Nicky cutting his losses some time in 1916, then that might very well lead indirectly to "things going better for Russia" than in the previous version or even OTL.
Impossible; the Romanov Dynasty's future is tied up in the war. If Russia loses, then so ends the Romanov Dynasty.
 
As they say in Italy, calm and chalk. Before guessing, on the Italian war plans in the First World War, it is advisable to consult the archive of the historical office of the Italian Army General Staff, which is publicly available on the Internet.


First point: due to the bizarre and unforeseen circumstances with which Cadorna obtained his role, he did not have the time to elaborate any battle plans and had to adopt those elaborated by his predecessor Enrico Cosenz in 1894. If this OTL applies to the front Austro-Hungarian, ITL will be the same for the French Front. Now, Cosenz had two different operational hypotheses in the war against France, which varied according to whether or not English neutrality was.

If London had remained neutral, the Italians would have remained on the defensive in the Alps, counting on the wear and tear of the French troops, they would have occupied Corsica and subsequently landed at the mouth of the Rhone, in an attempt to lock the Army of the Alps in a pocket ... Attempt doable ? Probably not, but both the Italian army and the fleet have engaged with exercises and with the adoption of the appropriate means to make this operation feasible. Think of the ships of the Stella d'Italia Class and Lauria, which had a dual role: battleship and landing ship ... To the appointment of a capable and particularly aggressive admiral, far superior to the French counterpart, the Duke of Abruzzo, who between the other used studies and exercises on possible landings to organize and guide the Serbian evacuation. To the operational doctrine of Thaon di Ravel, on naval warfare that used aircraft and MAS to bottle the enemy fleet in the port, in the prediction that the French had damaged, during the landing operations, the Italian battleships and cruisers, making them unusable. Among other things, the Italian general staff was convinced that even the French, in their war plans, had planned a landing near Rome ... Which led to one of the most colossal waste of public money in Italy. , the construction of the system of fortresses and batteries to defend the city, never used

If London had been alongside Paris, the Italian high command was a little smarter than the German one, obviously, since the Italian fleet was not suicidal, the plan would have been different. Corsica would still have been occupied, in the Alps the Italian army would have been on the defensive, but the troops involved in the landing would have been moved, in some way, Cosenz had also proposed to rent the Swiss railways, in Alsace, to give a hand to the German ally ... If you notice, no North African scenario is foreseen, because at the time of the drafting of the Cosenz plan, the conquest of Libya was far from coming and no one had bothered to update the plans. So, Cadorna, having no time to hypothesize anything else, would have adapted to variant b, unloading on the Germans the problem of how to best use the troops made available in France

Second point: Cadorna was not autonomous in his decisions. OTL His choices were the result, in addition to an infamous operational scenario, one thing is fighting in Flanders, one thing in the snow at 2000 meters high in the Dolomites or in that stone hell that is the Karst, where there is no water and it is impossible to dig trenches, even of the continuous compromise with the requests of the allied commands, who did not have the faintest idea of what the Italian front was like and made far-fetched requests and the manias of Roman politicians ... ITL will be the same thing: Cadorna's decisions will be subordinated to German decisions ... And since in Berlin they know it's idiotic to attack in the Alps, Cadorna will not
Thanks for the detailed feedback-- this is going to be very helpful in writing out the war. You've highlighted several weaknesses in both my preexisting chapters and notes/head-canon, for which I'm grateful. Much of this makes sense- I can easily see tensions between the centralised German high command, with its vision for the war, and the fiercely independent Cadorna.

Going to do my best to translate the documents you've linked to, but I may ask you questions about one or two things as I need to.

Thanks again for the constructive criticism and especially the resources-- it all helps, believe me!
 
Hm. For a while now I’ve thought the most productive thing a CP-aligned Italy could do would be to focus on the Balkans instead of attacking the French directly. Occupy Albania and hit the Serbians from behind, maybe even destroy their army if the offensive is well-coordinated. The commitment of manpower would also help convince Bulgaria to enter the war and dissuade Romania from doing the same.

And then the advantage snowballs, as Austrian troops are freed up to fight the Russians, which frees up German troops to fight in the West. If Italy has men to spare they could take up occupation duties in quiet sectors of the front to free up even more troops. It’s not a sexy contribution and won’t satisfy Cadorna’s need for death or glory, but it seems like the wiser move. It also positions Italy to make sure they get what they’re promised in Albania.
 
Hm. For a while now I’ve thought the most productive thing a CP-aligned Italy could do would be to focus on the Balkans instead of attacking the French directly. Occupy Albania and hit the Serbians from behind, maybe even destroy their army if the offensive is well-coordinated. The commitment of manpower would also help convince Bulgaria to enter the war and dissuade Romania from doing the same.

And then the advantage snowballs, as Austrian troops are freed up to fight the Russians, which frees up German troops to fight in the West. If Italy has men to spare they could take up occupation duties in quiet sectors of the front to free up even more troops. It’s not a sexy contribution and won’t satisfy Cadorna’s need for death or glory, but it seems like the wiser move. It also positions Italy to make sure they get what they’re promised in Albania.
This is the most persuasive argument in favor of Italy insisting on this tack, especially since it’s hard to do much of anything in the Alps
 
Hm. For a while now I’ve thought the most productive thing a CP-aligned Italy could do would be to focus on the Balkans instead of attacking the French directly. Occupy Albania and hit the Serbians from behind, maybe even destroy their army if the offensive is well-coordinated. The commitment of manpower would also help convince Bulgaria to enter the war and dissuade Romania from doing the same.

And then the advantage snowballs, as Austrian troops are freed up to fight the Russians, which frees up German troops to fight in the West. If Italy has men to spare they could take up occupation duties in quiet sectors of the front to free up even more troops. It’s not a sexy contribution and won’t satisfy Cadorna’s need for death or glory, but it seems like the wiser move. It also positions Italy to make sure they get what they’re promised in Albania.
You raise a great point.
The only issue would be logistics: supplying an expeditionary force in the Balkans would be tricky. However, there'd be at least some political will to do it (securing Italian interests in the region), and it would nicely dovetail with the final crushing of Serbia. The trick will be getting Cadorna and the German high command to okay it.

This one's going in the notes.
 
You raise a great point.
The only issue would be logistics: supplying an expeditionary force in the Balkans would be tricky. However, there'd be at least some political will to do it (securing Italian interests in the region), and it would nicely dovetail with the final crushing of Serbia. The trick will be getting Cadorna and the German high command to okay it.

This one's going in the notes.

I think you have Falkenhayn, at least, at "This strategy could free up German troops to win the Western Front."
 
The only issue would be logistics: supplying an expeditionary force in the Balkans would be tricky. However, there'd be at least some political will to do it (securing Italian interests in the region), and it would nicely dovetail with the final crushing of Serbia. The trick will be getting Cadorna and the German high command to okay it.
Supply wise, it’s not that hard. I doubt the Entente will be able to contest the Adriatic.
 
Supply wise, it’s not that hard. I doubt the Entente will be able to contest the Adriatic.
I'm inclined to agree Albania is Italy's best bet. They shouldn't have too much trouble supplying or overrunning Albania. It's one of their big war aims, and it's their most realistic war aim. Just the presence of Italy occupying Albania may significantly weaken Serbia also, possibly making it doomed before OTL. Italy and Austria Hungary collectively should be able to mostly control the Adriatic. Given that Germany ok'd a big offensive against the Serbians historically in 1915, I suspect they'd be happy to have the help.
The presence of Italian armies holding the Alps may also tie down some more French forces, because they do have to at least honor the threat. Not sure how many forces they had there historically.
 
I'm inclined to agree Albania is Italy's best bet. They shouldn't have too much trouble supplying or overrunning Albania. It's one of their big war aims, and it's their most realistic war aim. Just the presence of Italy occupying Albania may significantly weaken Serbia also, possibly making it doomed before OTL. Italy and Austria Hungary collectively should be able to mostly control the Adriatic. Given that Germany ok'd a big offensive against the Serbians historically in 1915, I suspect they'd be happy to have the help.
The presence of Italian armies holding the Alps may also tie down some more French forces, because they do have to at least honor the threat. Not sure how many forces they had there historically.
Yeah, even stationing troops in the Alps, and not necessarily high quality for that matter, would achieve the intended purpose.
 
I dont think Italy needs to worry about making an impact from the onset. Draw some French forces south, overrun Albania and help defeat Serbia thereby liberating 600000 Austria-Hungarian, German, and Bulgarien troops, that accelerating the defeat of Russia. It’s only when they only have the western enemy left the troubles begin.
 
Thanks for the detailed feedback-- this is going to be very helpful in writing out the war. You've highlighted several weaknesses in both my preexisting chapters and notes/head-canon, for which I'm grateful. Much of this makes sense- I can easily see tensions between the centralised German high command, with its vision for the war, and the fiercely independent Cadorna.

Going to do my best to translate the documents you've linked to, but I may ask you questions about one or two things as I need to.

Thanks again for the constructive criticism and especially the resources-- it all helps, believe me!

Also keep in mind that the figure of Cadorna is much more complex than you think and her actions are not silly, but respond to a specific rational logic.Cadorna was a man of the nineteenth century, stubborn as a mule, not very diplomatic, incorruptible, something very rare among Italian generals, and with a great cold blood: something that many ignore, he was boundless culture in all fields including the history of art. also helped by an out of the ordinary memory (he recited the Divine Comedy by heart); he spoke French as well as Italian. He loved the mountains and knew the whole front line which he had also painted in various watercolors.When he was appointed in place of his predecessor Pollio, he was on the threshold of sixty-one years, he had not yet received any operational command on the theater of war. So, I have experience, he found himself catapulted into the middle of the Great War.

The first problem he had to face was politics: unlike France, Russia and Germany, where his reasons were subordinate to those of the generals, which precipitated events in 1914, the opposite happened in Italy. Cadorna knew that he would have to fight, but not against whom and when. Thus, he who since 1912, when he was put at the head of the second army, stationed in Genoa, had dedicated himself to preparing the fortifications of the border with France and to the study of cooperation between infantry and artillery, in order to stop the advanced enemies, in a few months he had to redesign all war plans from scratch.In particular, the negotiations with the Entente, which began on March 4, the negotiations lasted until April 26, while the uncertainty that reigned at the time in political-diplomatic circles, a consequence of a conduct based on similar opportunistic criteria, determined a significant delay in issuing the first mobilization orders

After the first provisions for a partial and purely precautionary mobilization, only on May 5 Cadorna was explicitly informed by Salandra of the need for a general mobilization, with a view to going to war against Austria-Hungary by the 26th of the same month.Article 2 of the Pact of London, signed by Salandra (but guarantor of the King) without Cadorna's knowledge, obliged Italy to keep the Austrians busy with all its resources. In fact, it therefore placed the Italian army under the allied command which requested its commitment every time the Germans attacked the French front, which greatly limited Cadorna's operational freedom, as happened on the occasion of Caporetto.

The second problem was tactical-organizational: Pollio's Prussian approach, with its enveloping and pincer maneuvers, presupposed a high level of training of soldiers and non-commissioned officers, officers of considerable preparation and a suitable terrain: due to the chronic lack of funds , the first two requirements had never been met, leading to petty figures in Libya. For the second, the Alps and the Karst did not allow the same mobility and tactical flexibility as the Polish plains and northern France.To find an alternative, he needed genius: Cadorna, despite his flashes of creativity, did not have one, as on the other hand Joffre, Haig and Nivelle. His ideas were no different from those of his contemporaries generals: from the French doctrine essentially centered on elan, to the Austrian maxim of "Vorwärts bis in den Feind" ("Always and in any case forward to the enemy").

Cadorna in his "red book" said he was convinced that an offensive movement would always result in a frontal attack, made very expensive by modern weapons if not well prepared and conducted; he believed, however, that the coordination of the various weapons, the exploitation of the land by the chains of advancing shooters and a cold determination of the commander would have made it possible to carry out a successful frontal attack as well. However, authoritative commanders, close-knit cadres, disciplined troops were needed: and precisely the last part was dedicated to the education of the departments, in whichthey recommended exercises of cadres to opposing parties on the ground and on paper.

The same conclusions that the German generals had reached: only that they had these things, the Italians did not. To get them, Cadorna started with the easiest things: knowing the chickens and mindful of the figures of chocolatiers made in previous years due to generals engaged in bickering among themselves, he centered his command on himself; moreover, not having this great charisma, he became convinced that the best way not to cause his troops to fall into chaos was to impose an iron discipline.

And the objective situation did not help him: Pollio had left an operetta army in his hands, on paper modern and efficient, in practice a madhouse: the lack of education of the third category recruits forced the recall of 13 enlisted classes to find the staff of soldiers to be sent to the front line, with an increase in times all in favor of the enemy; the mobile militia, provided for in the Army system, had not even been constituted; the fortress artillery was not in sufficient number to arm all the works completed and declared operational; in case of mobilization
general only some army corps had updated the list of quadrupeds to be ordered; of the 36 field artillery regiments envisaged on the map, 5 were not yet constituted and 5 were in the completion phase; of the 86 batteries of 75mm guns model 1911 - Deport - which were expected to enter service as early as 1913, only 12 were built in 1914; for the mountain batteries the material had not yet been foreseen, while the heavy field regiments had the howitzers but not the guns.

For the type of war that was taking shape, the situation of the machine gun sections was also serious: the equipment on paper was one section of machine guns per infantry battalion of the standing Army, one for each regiment of mobile militia and for each Regiment. cavalry, and there should also have been two sections for each Alpine battalion; in reality, in the event of mobilization, one could only count on 150 sections of machine guns for the entire Army.

Military education was also lacking due to the scarcity of shooting ranges and training camps, which made it difficult for already discharged soldiers to be recalled for education. The icing on the cake, given that for the Triple Alliance we had to make war on France, the geographical maps of the Austrian territory were old and of a very large scale, and there were no detailed ones. In addition, there were no railway connections dedicated to military transports and in the border stations the number of tracks for the stop of arriving and departing trains was inadequate.

Cadorna, with an unexpected organizational talent, managed to make this brothel a dignified instrument of war. And he did this with relentless energy, cleaning up, exonerating 206 generals and 255 colonels, organizing dignified logistics, and expanding the staff: the 548 infantry battalions of 1915 became 867 in 1917, with immensely superior armament, with 3,000 pieces of medium caliber instead of 246 and 5,000 of small caliber instead of 1,772.

The third problem was strategic and here Cadorna could do very little: the Alps are what they are and despite the good will of the Duke of Abruzzi, planning the landing on the French coasts is one thing, the Dalmatian coasts are one thing.At the same time, clashing with both Italian politics, anchored to a Risorgimento perspective, and allied commands, which were unable to look beyond Flanders, had a global perspective on the conflict. He would have liked to reduce the Italian forces in Libya and Albania and increase them in Macedonia, where they could represent a real danger to the enemy. He was also in favor of closer coordination with the allied armies, seeking the support of the Russians and Serbs in 1915, unleashing more than one agreed offensive with the Anglo-French, proposing in 1917 the concentration of the efforts of the Entente against Austria. -Hungary, weak point of the enemy coalition.

Cadorna, unlike what is said, was one of the few generals of World War I to have understood modern warfare, the Materialschlacht, a natural consequence of the war of attrition induced by the advent of the trenches. Also in this case the reasoning underlying Cadorna's decisions followed a simple quantitative logic (in relation to the quality of the troops, the characteristics of the terrain, the logistical situation and the alliances), based on the approach that required greater firepower to undermine entrenchments. more and more extensive and profound.

A strategy that, however, to be effectively implemented, needed an industrial base that Italy did not have: having to marry with dried figs, at the beginning it had to rely cynically on the human mass, counting on the greater Italian capacity to bear the losses.

Over time, as already mentioned, it was gradually replaced by firepower: this approach was leading Austria-Hungary to defeat by virtue of the simple disparity of the forces involved: already at the time of the conquest of Gorizia, Cadorna had just started to affect their human reserves, while the Austro-Hungarians had at that moment to face the first serious crisis since the beginning of the operations.

In the aftermath of the eleventh battle of the Isonzo, the Austrian situation had become desperate, with only Mount Ermada now remaining to block the passage of the Italian advance across the Karst towards Trieste: the resistance had reached a breaking point , and precisely this evidence induced the German High Command to finally grant the coveted reinforcements that led to the constitution of the XIV Army in view of that planned offensive of lightening.

In fact, Caporetto was the unexpected consequence of his strategic vision ... ITL Cadorna is aware that the battle of numbers is in favor of France: therefore, while waiting to modernize the Italian army with German help, it will maintain a delayed attitude. He will organize an expeditionary force in the Balkans, which given the difficulties in coordinating with the Austro-Hungarians, will not do much and will probably open an African front: this implies that the Italian attempt to find a compromise with Senussia, which due to both OTL shares failed, here could have a positive outcome
 
Also keep in mind that the figure of Cadorna is much more complex than you think and her actions are not silly, but respond to a specific rational logic.Cadorna was a man of the nineteenth century, stubborn as a mule, not very diplomatic, incorruptible, something very rare among Italian generals, and with a great cold blood: something that many ignore, he was boundless culture in all fields including the history of art. also helped by an out of the ordinary memory (he recited the Divine Comedy by heart); he spoke French as well as Italian. He loved the mountains and knew the whole front line which he had also painted in various watercolors.When he was appointed in place of his predecessor Pollio, he was on the threshold of sixty-one years, he had not yet received any operational command on the theater of war. So, I have experience, he found himself catapulted into the middle of the Great War.

The first problem he had to face was politics: unlike France, Russia and Germany, where his reasons were subordinate to those of the generals, which precipitated events in 1914, the opposite happened in Italy. Cadorna knew that he would have to fight, but not against whom and when. Thus, he who since 1912, when he was put at the head of the second army, stationed in Genoa, had dedicated himself to preparing the fortifications of the border with France and to the study of cooperation between infantry and artillery, in order to stop the advanced enemies, in a few months he had to redesign all war plans from scratch.In particular, the negotiations with the Entente, which began on March 4, the negotiations lasted until April 26, while the uncertainty that reigned at the time in political-diplomatic circles, a consequence of a conduct based on similar opportunistic criteria, determined a significant delay in issuing the first mobilization orders

After the first provisions for a partial and purely precautionary mobilization, only on May 5 Cadorna was explicitly informed by Salandra of the need for a general mobilization, with a view to going to war against Austria-Hungary by the 26th of the same month.Article 2 of the Pact of London, signed by Salandra (but guarantor of the King) without Cadorna's knowledge, obliged Italy to keep the Austrians busy with all its resources. In fact, it therefore placed the Italian army under the allied command which requested its commitment every time the Germans attacked the French front, which greatly limited Cadorna's operational freedom, as happened on the occasion of Caporetto.

The second problem was tactical-organizational: Pollio's Prussian approach, with its enveloping and pincer maneuvers, presupposed a high level of training of soldiers and non-commissioned officers, officers of considerable preparation and a suitable terrain: due to the chronic lack of funds , the first two requirements had never been met, leading to petty figures in Libya. For the second, the Alps and the Karst did not allow the same mobility and tactical flexibility as the Polish plains and northern France.To find an alternative, he needed genius: Cadorna, despite his flashes of creativity, did not have one, as on the other hand Joffre, Haig and Nivelle. His ideas were no different from those of his contemporaries generals: from the French doctrine essentially centered on elan, to the Austrian maxim of "Vorwärts bis in den Feind" ("Always and in any case forward to the enemy").

Cadorna in his "red book" said he was convinced that an offensive movement would always result in a frontal attack, made very expensive by modern weapons if not well prepared and conducted; he believed, however, that the coordination of the various weapons, the exploitation of the land by the chains of advancing shooters and a cold determination of the commander would have made it possible to carry out a successful frontal attack as well. However, authoritative commanders, close-knit cadres, disciplined troops were needed: and precisely the last part was dedicated to the education of the departments, in whichthey recommended exercises of cadres to opposing parties on the ground and on paper.

The same conclusions that the German generals had reached: only that they had these things, the Italians did not. To get them, Cadorna started with the easiest things: knowing the chickens and mindful of the figures of chocolatiers made in previous years due to generals engaged in bickering among themselves, he centered his command on himself; moreover, not having this great charisma, he became convinced that the best way not to cause his troops to fall into chaos was to impose an iron discipline.

And the objective situation did not help him: Pollio had left an operetta army in his hands, on paper modern and efficient, in practice a madhouse: the lack of education of the third category recruits forced the recall of 13 enlisted classes to find the staff of soldiers to be sent to the front line, with an increase in times all in favor of the enemy; the mobile militia, provided for in the Army system, had not even been constituted; the fortress artillery was not in sufficient number to arm all the works completed and declared operational; in case of mobilization
general only some army corps had updated the list of quadrupeds to be ordered; of the 36 field artillery regiments envisaged on the map, 5 were not yet constituted and 5 were in the completion phase; of the 86 batteries of 75mm guns model 1911 - Deport - which were expected to enter service as early as 1913, only 12 were built in 1914; for the mountain batteries the material had not yet been foreseen, while the heavy field regiments had the howitzers but not the guns.

For the type of war that was taking shape, the situation of the machine gun sections was also serious: the equipment on paper was one section of machine guns per infantry battalion of the standing Army, one for each regiment of mobile militia and for each Regiment. cavalry, and there should also have been two sections for each Alpine battalion; in reality, in the event of mobilization, one could only count on 150 sections of machine guns for the entire Army.

Military education was also lacking due to the scarcity of shooting ranges and training camps, which made it difficult for already discharged soldiers to be recalled for education. The icing on the cake, given that for the Triple Alliance we had to make war on France, the geographical maps of the Austrian territory were old and of a very large scale, and there were no detailed ones. In addition, there were no railway connections dedicated to military transports and in the border stations the number of tracks for the stop of arriving and departing trains was inadequate.

Cadorna, with an unexpected organizational talent, managed to make this brothel a dignified instrument of war. And he did this with relentless energy, cleaning up, exonerating 206 generals and 255 colonels, organizing dignified logistics, and expanding the staff: the 548 infantry battalions of 1915 became 867 in 1917, with immensely superior armament, with 3,000 pieces of medium caliber instead of 246 and 5,000 of small caliber instead of 1,772.

The third problem was strategic and here Cadorna could do very little: the Alps are what they are and despite the good will of the Duke of Abruzzi, planning the landing on the French coasts is one thing, the Dalmatian coasts are one thing.At the same time, clashing with both Italian politics, anchored to a Risorgimento perspective, and allied commands, which were unable to look beyond Flanders, had a global perspective on the conflict. He would have liked to reduce the Italian forces in Libya and Albania and increase them in Macedonia, where they could represent a real danger to the enemy. He was also in favor of closer coordination with the allied armies, seeking the support of the Russians and Serbs in 1915, unleashing more than one agreed offensive with the Anglo-French, proposing in 1917 the concentration of the efforts of the Entente against Austria. -Hungary, weak point of the enemy coalition.

Cadorna, unlike what is said, was one of the few generals of World War I to have understood modern warfare, the Materialschlacht, a natural consequence of the war of attrition induced by the advent of the trenches. Also in this case the reasoning underlying Cadorna's decisions followed a simple quantitative logic (in relation to the quality of the troops, the characteristics of the terrain, the logistical situation and the alliances), based on the approach that required greater firepower to undermine entrenchments. more and more extensive and profound.

A strategy that, however, to be effectively implemented, needed an industrial base that Italy did not have: having to marry with dried figs, at the beginning it had to rely cynically on the human mass, counting on the greater Italian capacity to bear the losses.

Over time, as already mentioned, it was gradually replaced by firepower: this approach was leading Austria-Hungary to defeat by virtue of the simple disparity of the forces involved: already at the time of the conquest of Gorizia, Cadorna had just started to affect their human reserves, while the Austro-Hungarians had at that moment to face the first serious crisis since the beginning of the operations.

In the aftermath of the eleventh battle of the Isonzo, the Austrian situation had become desperate, with only Mount Ermada now remaining to block the passage of the Italian advance across the Karst towards Trieste: the resistance had reached a breaking point , and precisely this evidence induced the German High Command to finally grant the coveted reinforcements that led to the constitution of the XIV Army in view of that planned offensive of lightening.

In fact, Caporetto was the unexpected consequence of his strategic vision ... ITL Cadorna is aware that the battle of numbers is in favor of France: therefore, while waiting to modernize the Italian army with German help, it will maintain a delayed attitude. He will organize an expeditionary force in the Balkans, which given the difficulties in coordinating with the Austro-Hungarians, will not do much and will probably open an African front: this implies that the Italian attempt to find a compromise with Senussia, which due to both OTL shares failed, here could have a positive outcome
Can't tell how much of this is accurate, but I'm looking forward to the replies. Actual discussion instead of memeing is always welcome with figures like Cadorna.
 
I guess I'm still surprised to be hearing that even by 1914 the Italian army was still so fixated on war plans against France that when they entered the war IOTL they simply had no contingency planning for war with Austria-Hungary instead. Everything I've heard around here said that the Italians were so outraged by the Bosnia Crisis in 1908 that they were out for Austrian blood ever since. As a result, they'd never honor the Triple Alliance and would turn on them at the first opportunity because they felt that betrayed.

If their righteous indignation didn't even get them to stop making war plans exclusively against the French, I'm starting to suspect posters were greatly exaggerating Italian rage over Bosnia just to make Austria-Hungary the villain in 1915.
 
Also keep in mind that the figure of Cadorna is much more complex than you think and her actions are not silly, but respond to a specific rational logic.Cadorna was a man of the nineteenth century, stubborn as a mule, not very diplomatic, incorruptible, something very rare among Italian generals, and with a great cold blood: something that many ignore, he was boundless culture in all fields including the history of art. also helped by an out of the ordinary memory (he recited the Divine Comedy by heart); he spoke French as well as Italian. He loved the mountains and knew the whole front line which he had also painted in various watercolors.When he was appointed in place of his predecessor Pollio, he was on the threshold of sixty-one years, he had not yet received any operational command on the theater of war. So, I have experience, he found himself catapulted into the middle of the Great War.

The first problem he had to face was politics: unlike France, Russia and Germany, where his reasons were subordinate to those of the generals, which precipitated events in 1914, the opposite happened in Italy. Cadorna knew that he would have to fight, but not against whom and when. Thus, he who since 1912, when he was put at the head of the second army, stationed in Genoa, had dedicated himself to preparing the fortifications of the border with France and to the study of cooperation between infantry and artillery, in order to stop the advanced enemies, in a few months he had to redesign all war plans from scratch.In particular, the negotiations with the Entente, which began on March 4, the negotiations lasted until April 26, while the uncertainty that reigned at the time in political-diplomatic circles, a consequence of a conduct based on similar opportunistic criteria, determined a significant delay in issuing the first mobilization orders

After the first provisions for a partial and purely precautionary mobilization, only on May 5 Cadorna was explicitly informed by Salandra of the need for a general mobilization, with a view to going to war against Austria-Hungary by the 26th of the same month.Article 2 of the Pact of London, signed by Salandra (but guarantor of the King) without Cadorna's knowledge, obliged Italy to keep the Austrians busy with all its resources. In fact, it therefore placed the Italian army under the allied command which requested its commitment every time the Germans attacked the French front, which greatly limited Cadorna's operational freedom, as happened on the occasion of Caporetto.

The second problem was tactical-organizational: Pollio's Prussian approach, with its enveloping and pincer maneuvers, presupposed a high level of training of soldiers and non-commissioned officers, officers of considerable preparation and a suitable terrain: due to the chronic lack of funds , the first two requirements had never been met, leading to petty figures in Libya. For the second, the Alps and the Karst did not allow the same mobility and tactical flexibility as the Polish plains and northern France.To find an alternative, he needed genius: Cadorna, despite his flashes of creativity, did not have one, as on the other hand Joffre, Haig and Nivelle. His ideas were no different from those of his contemporaries generals: from the French doctrine essentially centered on elan, to the Austrian maxim of "Vorwärts bis in den Feind" ("Always and in any case forward to the enemy").

Cadorna in his "red book" said he was convinced that an offensive movement would always result in a frontal attack, made very expensive by modern weapons if not well prepared and conducted; he believed, however, that the coordination of the various weapons, the exploitation of the land by the chains of advancing shooters and a cold determination of the commander would have made it possible to carry out a successful frontal attack as well. However, authoritative commanders, close-knit cadres, disciplined troops were needed: and precisely the last part was dedicated to the education of the departments, in whichthey recommended exercises of cadres to opposing parties on the ground and on paper.

The same conclusions that the German generals had reached: only that they had these things, the Italians did not. To get them, Cadorna started with the easiest things: knowing the chickens and mindful of the figures of chocolatiers made in previous years due to generals engaged in bickering among themselves, he centered his command on himself; moreover, not having this great charisma, he became convinced that the best way not to cause his troops to fall into chaos was to impose an iron discipline.

And the objective situation did not help him: Pollio had left an operetta army in his hands, on paper modern and efficient, in practice a madhouse: the lack of education of the third category recruits forced the recall of 13 enlisted classes to find the staff of soldiers to be sent to the front line, with an increase in times all in favor of the enemy; the mobile militia, provided for in the Army system, had not even been constituted; the fortress artillery was not in sufficient number to arm all the works completed and declared operational; in case of mobilization
general only some army corps had updated the list of quadrupeds to be ordered; of the 36 field artillery regiments envisaged on the map, 5 were not yet constituted and 5 were in the completion phase; of the 86 batteries of 75mm guns model 1911 - Deport - which were expected to enter service as early as 1913, only 12 were built in 1914; for the mountain batteries the material had not yet been foreseen, while the heavy field regiments had the howitzers but not the guns.

For the type of war that was taking shape, the situation of the machine gun sections was also serious: the equipment on paper was one section of machine guns per infantry battalion of the standing Army, one for each regiment of mobile militia and for each Regiment. cavalry, and there should also have been two sections for each Alpine battalion; in reality, in the event of mobilization, one could only count on 150 sections of machine guns for the entire Army.

Military education was also lacking due to the scarcity of shooting ranges and training camps, which made it difficult for already discharged soldiers to be recalled for education. The icing on the cake, given that for the Triple Alliance we had to make war on France, the geographical maps of the Austrian territory were old and of a very large scale, and there were no detailed ones. In addition, there were no railway connections dedicated to military transports and in the border stations the number of tracks for the stop of arriving and departing trains was inadequate.

Cadorna, with an unexpected organizational talent, managed to make this brothel a dignified instrument of war. And he did this with relentless energy, cleaning up, exonerating 206 generals and 255 colonels, organizing dignified logistics, and expanding the staff: the 548 infantry battalions of 1915 became 867 in 1917, with immensely superior armament, with 3,000 pieces of medium caliber instead of 246 and 5,000 of small caliber instead of 1,772.

The third problem was strategic and here Cadorna could do very little: the Alps are what they are and despite the good will of the Duke of Abruzzi, planning the landing on the French coasts is one thing, the Dalmatian coasts are one thing.At the same time, clashing with both Italian politics, anchored to a Risorgimento perspective, and allied commands, which were unable to look beyond Flanders, had a global perspective on the conflict. He would have liked to reduce the Italian forces in Libya and Albania and increase them in Macedonia, where they could represent a real danger to the enemy. He was also in favor of closer coordination with the allied armies, seeking the support of the Russians and Serbs in 1915, unleashing more than one agreed offensive with the Anglo-French, proposing in 1917 the concentration of the efforts of the Entente against Austria. -Hungary, weak point of the enemy coalition.

Cadorna, unlike what is said, was one of the few generals of World War I to have understood modern warfare, the Materialschlacht, a natural consequence of the war of attrition induced by the advent of the trenches. Also in this case the reasoning underlying Cadorna's decisions followed a simple quantitative logic (in relation to the quality of the troops, the characteristics of the terrain, the logistical situation and the alliances), based on the approach that required greater firepower to undermine entrenchments. more and more extensive and profound.

A strategy that, however, to be effectively implemented, needed an industrial base that Italy did not have: having to marry with dried figs, at the beginning it had to rely cynically on the human mass, counting on the greater Italian capacity to bear the losses.

Over time, as already mentioned, it was gradually replaced by firepower: this approach was leading Austria-Hungary to defeat by virtue of the simple disparity of the forces involved: already at the time of the conquest of Gorizia, Cadorna had just started to affect their human reserves, while the Austro-Hungarians had at that moment to face the first serious crisis since the beginning of the operations.

In the aftermath of the eleventh battle of the Isonzo, the Austrian situation had become desperate, with only Mount Ermada now remaining to block the passage of the Italian advance across the Karst towards Trieste: the resistance had reached a breaking point , and precisely this evidence induced the German High Command to finally grant the coveted reinforcements that led to the constitution of the XIV Army in view of that planned offensive of lightening.

In fact, Caporetto was the unexpected consequence of his strategic vision ... ITL Cadorna is aware that the battle of numbers is in favor of France: therefore, while waiting to modernize the Italian army with German help, it will maintain a delayed attitude. He will organize an expeditionary force in the Balkans, which given the difficulties in coordinating with the Austro-Hungarians, will not do much and will probably open an African front: this implies that the Italian attempt to find a compromise with Senussia, which due to both OTL shares failed, here could have a positive outcome
Thanks for taking the time to type this out. So much to work with here.

You're right in that I've probably taken too harsh of a view on the man and it's great to get a different perspective. Factors you mentioned- the lack of a solid industrial base and inadequate railways- all made a huge difference in OTL's war; the same will hold true here. And it's natural that those, not just incompetence or haha stupid funny general, were prime causes of failure. Memes and cliches are all well and good but, if I'm trying to write 'hard' alternate history, analysis is preferable.

I really hope to do the man justice here, even if his career will still probably end similar to OTL's.

Now my question is: what books have you read on Cadorna, as well as WWI Italy more generally, which have informed your view? I'd be interested to do some more research on the topic myself and any pointers would be much appreciated.

And below we have a political update... the last one before war breaks out. Hopefully it will clear up a few things as to how Italy swings from an anti-British neutral to an active combatant. (Though I will confess the German diplomats display unusual skill and the Austro-Hungarian and Italian ones unusual tolerance for one another). Also, if I've erred in my depiction of Salandra's replacement Sidney Sonnino please do let me know... I think the depiction of him makes sense but you know Italian politics better than I.

*Second to last before war.* Bullets will fly in Chapter VII and that's a promise*
 
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