REDUX: Place In The Sun: What If Italy Joined The Central Powers?

But yeah, the spreadsheet shows that for Germany to even come minimaly close to Britain they need to win so hard that it borders on ASB.
Another spreadsheet comparing the Dreadnaught building programs and link to Charts of the German, British and French Armies in August 1914

From 1910 to 1914 Great Britain outbuilt Germany 21-10.
battleship-race-jpg.853260

The numbers on this one don't match the earlier chart 🤷‍♂️ from the Pity of War.
1914-naval-strength-jpg.853249
 
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Another spreadsheet comparing the Dreadnaught building programs.
From 1910 to 1914 Great Britain outbuilt Germany 21-10.
battleship-race-jpg.853260
At least we know they can't keep this up forever, after the war I expect a mass sale and scrapping of the 12in models and the RN trying to keep a 6 ship lead over the Germans.
 
Italy, meanwhile, gets all border disputes in Libya resolved to its satisfaction (not like it matters much with the Senussi out of hand).
Once the shooting in Europe stops the Senussi are going to eat so much Phosgene and Yperite...
From both sides, clouds so thick you could lean your bicycle against them.

They might appreciate the wine cellars installed on the French ships. (Yes, really. Jean Bart was torpedoed in the wine cellar in WW1)
Of course they're gonna like the wine cellar and they're going to immediately restock with Italian wine, clearly the best in the world.

French oaths of bloody revenge can be heard in the distance...

The Germans should try and browbeat the Austrians into attacking the French as well. At present I think the RN presence in the Med is limited to a single division of Pre-dreadnoughts. The loss of any more French capital ships will probably see the French shrieking for RN reinforcements, which of course only helps the Germans....
So how fast can the British send reinforcements to the Mediterranean? Because if I was an Austrian admiral who needs a victory that didn't put my ship too much at risk I'll try to get out of port as fast as possible, find the RN, give battle and flee back before the actually good ships show up.

The Austrian ships may have their problems, but against Pre-dreadnoughts they should hold the advantage. And losing them will still hurt the RN, they are obsolete but are still useful for defense or support, with the Pre-dreadnoughts gone the British will have to use modern ships for those roles reducing the number available for offensive operations.

They will be in a mixed state of awe and fury, awe due to the result as the battle was expected by everyone to go very very very differently and even if they will be justify saying that 'France had lost not Italy has won' they can't deny the result and while not admitting they will be very envious: fury because an ally that they don't think too much as capacity had beaten MN that had least was though on par with the Kaiserlich marine...so they want or better need desperately to prove their worth.
Same can be apply to the Hasburg navy, with the addition that who get no results and it's even overshadowed by the 'not so loved allied' counterpart get post war little fund and the navy was already the lesser service and always hungry for money...so the brass will conclude that they need a victory or at least make know that they exist
I totally agree with your reasoning in the Hasburg navy but why would the KM feel so bitter about the Italan's victory that they feel the need to downplay it?

The RM and the KM never fought against each other, their countries never did and they didn't even share the same seas. Why can't the captains of the Hochseeflotte just be happy for their ally's victory and the fact that British reinforcement to the Med will make their life easier? Why Admiral von Pohl can't simply send a congratulatory letter and a case of Schnapps at Di Revel? Why everyone has to act like a miserable, bitter asshole all the time?

Maybe I'm really not cut to out be an admiral or general, but if my ally kicks in my enemy's ally's teeth I'm happy. Simple as.
 
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The RM and the KM never fought against each other, their countries never did and they didn't even share the same seas. Why can't the captains of the Hochseeflotte just be happy for their ally's victory and the fact that British reinforcement to the Med will make their life easier? Why Admiral von Pohl can't simply send a congratulatory letter and a case of Schnapps at Di Revel? Why everyone has to act like a miserable, bitter asshole all the time?

Maybe I'm really not cut to out be an admiral or general, but if my ally kicks in my enemy's ally's teeth I'm happy. Simple as.
Oh it's very probable that Von Pohl had done exactely that but there is also a big element of frustration and pride in addition to the fact that...well the German Navy surface ships have not achieved a great level of success agaist the Royal Navy while the late comer and supposed junior patner had obtained an enormous success against a superior foe.
Basically it make them look at the blockade of Germany and make them thing 'if they have succeded why we haven't'
 
You are correct in saying that, in a knife fight like described guns won't sink many ships. They simply can't depress enough to let water in. Where I expect heavy losses to come from is the destroyers that would be filling the water with torpedoes, a danger to friend and foe alike. Rather like an old game of World of Warships in the lower levels.




Let's see: French losses: Bretagne, Paris, Mirabeau
Italian losses: Guillo Cesare

Courbet also took a lot of damage.

Bretagne was the newest, most powerful unit in the French fleet. Armor is quite irrelevant in the battle described, no amount of armor would keep out 12 and 13.4" shells at that range.

France will be adding the last two units of the Bretagne class in the next couple of months, so between that and repairs, I expect the French to do nothing in the short term. The French have plenty of pre-dreadnoughts, but most of them are either badly obsolete (Even as what they are) or in bad repair.
French Pre-dreadnoughts: 3 Liberte class, 2 Republique class, 1 Suffren class, 1 Iena class, 3 Charlemagne class, 1 Bouvet class and 1 Jaureguiberry class. Also the remaining Dantons, though I expect them to be held for frontline service with the dreadnoughts. The Charlemagne, Bouvet and Jaureguiberry classes are generally quite old, and in poor repair

The Italians have 8 pre-dreadnoughts.

The Germans should try and browbeat the Austrians into attacking the French as well. At present I think the RN presence in the Med is limited to a single division of Pre-dreadnoughts. The loss of any more French capital ships will probably see the French shrieking for RN reinforcements, which of course only helps the Germans....
as i said in the bigger post our dear author mentioned the french fleet only has 8 battleships left remaining. which is where i got the mentioned losses though i am curious how they would of sustained them. to be honest i was not counting the other pre dreadnoughts because of their age similar to why i did not include the Re Umberto-class but i admit that may have been oversight on my part especially in regards of losses. if @Kaiser Wilhelm the Tenth could clarify that would be amazing?
 
Oh it's very probable that Von Pohl had done exactely that but there is also a big element of frustration and pride in addition to the fact that...well the German Navy surface ships have not achieved a great level of success agaist the Royal Navy while the late comer and supposed junior patner had obtained an enormous success against a superior foe.
Basically it make them look at the blockade of Germany and make them thing 'if they have succeded why we haven't'
Both navy's are relatively new. Like the countries. Prussia/Germany and Kingdom of Sardinia/Italy allied against AH in 1866 Seven Weeks War/Third Independence War of Italian unification.
 
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as i said in the bigger post our dear author mentioned the french fleet only has 8 battleships left remaining. which is where i got the mentioned losses though i am curious how they would of sustained them. to be honest i was not counting the other pre dreadnoughts because of their age similar to why i did not include the Re Umberto-class but i admit that may have been oversight on my part especially in regards of losses. if @Kaiser Wilhelm the Tenth could clarify that would be amazing?
Yes- I'm counting the pre dreadnoughts as battleships if that's what you're asking.
Basically colonial wise with a UK that use diplomacy to get some semblance of balance of power:

Germany: get back Tanganyka, Kamerun and Togo but not Namibia and his pacific holdings (neither Japan or Australia will want to give them back) and in exchange of assurance regarding Belgium independece and neutrality got Congo.
Italy: Libya is enlarged (basically OTL plus the Aouzou strip) and sure it will need to be pacified still with hindsight Italy is an a better position than OTL and in general with meager gain Italy can't permit to let anything slip from his hand so...it will suck being a Senussi; regarding the colonies in the horn of Africa well depend on the author but is probable that will be given back in exchange of moderation plus something (again most probably Jubaland and some OTL border adjustment between Eritrea and Djibuti, very cheap but it's showy.
Regarding Tunisia, well it will be one of the primary objective of the italian diplomacy and if it can't be gained at least the demilitarization of the border with Libya and serious protection for the italian minority will be demanded as some border adjustment, basically a return of the original pre 1892 border between Libya and Tunisia

Regarding a treaty extremely offensive for Italy in term of gain, well OTL WWII treaty between Italy and France in 1940 https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Armistizio_di_Villa_Incisa
Only real addendum is that Nice will be really really hard to deny to the italians, too big offense and France will not really capable of resist, frankly this type of treaty is ok only if Germany decide to f..k the italians just for the lulz and because it seem that they are not needed as ally as they have this military juggernaut and pinnacle of internal stability of A-H and the OE at their side
-I agree with you about the German Colonies except I don't see Britain ever letting Germany have the Congo- it's simply too large and valuable. Better to sacrifice Belgium east of the Meuse, which would also be a more tangible victory, especially for the German Right Wing/Septemberprogram advocates.

-Libya will get its OTL borders but Britain has no interest in letting East Africa go- direct control of Eritrea and protectorates in Somalia let them lock up that part of the continent and ensure the Straits of Hormuz are theirs on both sides. Not sure which way Tunisia will go but I could see Germany forcing France to cede it. Nice is going to become Italian for sure, likely Savoy as well.

-Germany won't deliberately try to screw Italy over, more like there's only so much the irredentists can gain by defeating France and fighting the UK to a draw, and that will fuel postwar resentment even though it's no one's fault.
Ottoman gain will be against Russia (OTL Brest- Litivosk) but i doubt that the British will not demand some enlargement of their protectorate of Kuwait at Iraq expense and the recognition of the independece of the Kingdom of Hejaz.
A-H will also get her gain from Russia but also Serbia and Montenegro
-I don't actually see a Treaty of Brest-Litovsk happening here as long as Falkenhayn and the "Westerners" remain in control, but the Ottomans will get their 1914 border back one way or the other. Puppet states in the Caucasus will depend on how the Russian Civil War goes.

-Britain is going to advance as far up the Tigris and into Palestine as it can regardless of developments in Northern France; whether or not the Balfour Declaration will be issued here is an interesting question. Either way, expect puppet states/protectorates in the region.

-The Dual Monarchy will not annex any land (the Hungarians won't stand for it) but Serbia (minus the bits given to Bulgaria) and Poland (minus the German Border Strip) will become their puppets under the Obrenovics and Archduke Charles Stephen, respectively.
Like I commented earlier, throw Gabon in for Germany and at least getting back their concession in Tsingtao.
Possible, but I think the Germans would have bigger priorities: Kaiser Wilhelm II will obviously want Tsingtao back, but Togo and East Africa, at least, are more valuable and somewhat easier to defend while Germany has no precedent for claiming Gabon.
So if I may way in on all my thoughts for the future with the current state of affairs.
Going chronological order.
But need to establish things first.
SNIP

End of war
I somalia is lost no doubts about it. However, Eritrea will likely be a mess for whoever occupies it because it had a friendlier relationship with Italy which will complicate any occupation
In terms of end goals
1st Nice
No way they wouldn't get this it is the center point of the French irredentia.
2nd: Savoy or Corsica
Both have their positives and negatives both have value up to the French on which one they are willing to fight more for. But if one gets occupied then both are ending up in italian hands.
3rd: Tunsia
Many have said their piece it's seizure by the French was a humiliation and italy getting it would be strategic win however irrendentia such as nice savoy and Corsica will always rank higher in goals.
4th getting Eritrea back
5th somalia
6th any additional colonies.

Overall IMHO italy will likely get all the irredentia off France the treatment very similar to otl Germany as by the end of the war they just won't have anything else left and everyone will know it . There is unlikely to be a stab in the back myth for France mainly because they indisputably lost and it wouldn't be the first. However, the colony's are a big asterisks may recommend that colonies or reparations may be the choice Germany forces on them. Britain is an interesting one because their economy just wouldn't be able to wait out Germany especially if France falls example would be they likely have to abandon the med unless their willing to split fleets to fight everyone. one the accounting side of things they just aren't receiving the same resources they were OTL from america which completely cripples their long term capability to combat germany in a long game

Anyways some of my thoughts
Thank you for your detailed comment: analyses are always welcome! The description of the naval battle, aftermath, and Italy's peace objectives are spot on with little for me to add.

-I think some sort of stab in the back myth is still likely for France, if only because the alternative is to admit that everything they did over the last forty years was a complete waste; that would suggest some inherent failure in the political system or the country itself, something no one will be willing to accept. It won't be "the Jews betrayed our High Command and made us sign an armistice when we were winning!", more like "subversive elements undermined our country for decades and we have to root them out if we are ever going to get even", or blaming Republicanism for delivering two lost wars (counting the French Revolutionary Wars).

-A choice between colonies and reparations would be interesting; I think Germany is likely to favour the latter. It looks less impressive but does far more to keep the French down than taking, say, Morocco and Central Africa.

-I think Britain would still be able to trade with America and even Argentina on the same scale as OTL, but the question is how much worse Unrestricted Submarine Warfare will be. As discussed upthread, there will be a race to the bottom to see whose economy outlasts the other's- but if anyone can beat a Continental European power in the long game, it's Britain.
I pretty heavily agree. with the current naval battle and current offensive italy unlike otl has no major failure and some massive wins which are likely to earn them many points at the peace deal. Simply compared to as you put it pinnacles of internal stability Italy is too valuable to be ignored. Many civilians will look at their victories. Though I doubt german command would be happy with it.
Germany still sees Italy as a junior partner, and the affair of not delaying Operation Aquila did Rome no favours, but they can't simply be ignored.
to give up control over Hejaz means losing control over the 2 holy cities. which is kinda like shooting in your foot if you are a caliphate.
Also aren't the British supporting the Saudi Family?

AH will occupy both Montenegro and Serbia. i agree. on the other side there will be a decrease of population in the area. guerrilla and stuff. Bulgaria and other side will do in Nish what Yugoslavia did in Macedonia OTL. will start teaching the local Serbs that they are actually Bulgarian, all descendant of the glorious Bulgarian empires etc. if the manage to keep control over the region fro at least 30 years( while also showing that life under the Bulgarian tsardom ain't that bad) it will become an actual Bulgarian region.
-The Saudis are going to come out on top as per OTL... which means this world may have to deal with Wahabbism at some point down the line. One hopes not.

-Right on about Montenegro and Serbia.
Great couple of chapters. One thing I note on the naval battle is that, if anything, the losses are too light! In the sort of knife fight described, the destroyers would be launching torpedoes everywhere, and getting shot up by everything. I recall that WW1 Italian destroyers were generally better than their French counterparts. Note that the Italians do have some quite acceptable pre-dreadnoughts. They aren't up to taking on French battleships, but are fine vessels. The Regina Elena class pre-dreadnoughts are sort of proto-battlecruisers, being much faster than other pre-dreadnoughts, and a little faster than the average dreadnought of the time. However, French dreadnoughts will not be venturing out of port unless forced, due to political considerations of losing another one. So, the Regina Elena class would be great for sweeping around the Med, sinking French commerce and lone cruisers.
You raise excellent points and I hadn't given much thought to the role of destroyers beyond anti-submarine duties. One thing that's surprised me in doing the research for this TL is how good Italian ships actually were- I had expected the Regia Marina to be quite inferior to the French but there you go.
while the chapter doesn't talk about specific losses i did do the math they did lose 8 battleships so it was one heavy of a battle. you are quite right that the Italian vessels were a lot speedier and battlecruiser-like if there was one design philosophy the Italians held it was speed and firepower. basic sonic glass cannons
Italian speed made the Battle of Cannes and saved them during the Battle of the Ligurian Sea.
But there were naval battles with only little losses. For example in the Battle of Lissa the Italians only got two out of 32 ships sunk and the Austrians lost not a single ship (out of 26). Although admittedly the technology level was different and the Italian admiral was reluctant to engage which both contributed to most ships making it through.
That technology gap and different willingness to engage would make all the difference.
You are correct in saying that, in a knife fight like described guns won't sink many ships. They simply can't depress enough to let water in. Where I expect heavy losses to come from is the destroyers that would be filling the water with torpedoes, a danger to friend and foe alike. Rather like an old game of World of Warships in the lower levels.




Let's see: French losses: Bretagne, Paris, Mirabeau
Italian losses: Guillo Cesare

Courbet also took a lot of damage.

Bretagne was the newest, most powerful unit in the French fleet. Armor is quite irrelevant in the battle described, no amount of armor would keep out 12 and 13.4" shells at that range.

France will be adding the last two units of the Bretagne class in the next couple of months, so between that and repairs, I expect the French to do nothing in the short term. The French have plenty of pre-dreadnoughts, but most of them are either badly obsolete (Even as what they are) or in bad repair.
French Pre-dreadnoughts: 3 Liberte class, 2 Republique class, 1 Suffren class, 1 Iena class, 3 Charlemagne class, 1 Bouvet class and 1 Jaureguiberry class. Also the remaining Dantons, though I expect them to be held for frontline service with the dreadnoughts. The Charlemagne, Bouvet and Jaureguiberry classes are generally quite old, and in poor repair

The Italians have 8 pre-dreadnoughts.

The Germans should try and browbeat the Austrians into attacking the French as well. At present I think the RN presence in the Med is limited to a single division of Pre-dreadnoughts. The loss of any more French capital ships will probably see the French shrieking for RN reinforcements, which of course only helps the Germans....
-France is going to get the two other Bretagne ships while the Italians are going to get Andrea Doria- this will make it that much harder for either side to attack again.

-I'm not sure the Austro-Hungarians would want to risk their fleet when it could sit in the safety of Trieste- not as though the French will be able to hit them there.
We know Falkenhayn and probably a lot of the Heer doesn't think highly of the Italians, but what about the Kaiserlich Marine, the RM just managed to snap a win against a superior foe like the Germans want to do. On a TTL version of a Jutland like battle between Germany and Britain I kinda like the idea of weighting the scale in favor of Germany, the numbers are too favourable to Britain to change things much but the sheer humiliation and seething would be amazing.
I'm not sure how Jutland would be different ITTL but you're right that Germany would view Italy's Navy as superior to her Army.

***
A few days ago, I said that Part III would go through to the end of the war- I've retconned that plan. My chapter on the Battle of Verdun has reached 8200 words in three days and the city hasn't even fallen. Rather than post a 10k+ word behemoth (who remembers the 20k liberation of Vienna from 1.0?), I'm breaking Verdun down into chunks. Part III will cover the battle and fallout, and Part IV will go from summer 1916 to the end of the war.

I admit to having taken some liberties with Verdun here. Specifically, Falkenhayn sees Brusati trying to run his own mincing machine in the Alps and makes one key last minute change to the plan: rather than just taking the high ground surrounding Verdun as in OTL, he decides to attack the western bank of the Meuse and strike at the city itself, to make the French even more desperate to counterattack. Authorial fiat? Absolutely- but I hope within the bounds of plausibility. In addition, the Italian expeditionary force on the Western Front has freed up ten extra German divisions, giving them sixty with which to launch Operation Gericht- it is these extra ten who strike on the western bank on Day One.

Questions and criticism are encouraged- part of why I want to break Verdun up is so any errors can become apparent in stages before I've written the whole battle and have to delete thousands of words! Thank you as always for your readership and participation in the thread- it is a real joy to engage here and better my writing skills and knowledge of the subject matter. With no more ado...
 
Chapter XX- Judgement

Chapter XX

Judgement


"Verdun was neither a glory nor a crucible, it was devoid of meaning except as a consumer of lives. Least of all was it an adventure, for death is not an adventure to those who stand face to face with it. Even those who, as I did, escaped the shells and bullets, were destroyed on the banks of the Meuse."
-Erich Maria Remarque, The Price of Glory
Verdun marked the climax of the Great War, the moment when the German Army broke the fighting power of its French counterpart. At the start of 1916, a dispassionate observer would have deemed the war an even match- true, France now had to fight on two fronts, and Austro-German victories in the south and east boded ill for the Entente, but the three great Entente powers still held on. Verdun changed all of that, and by the time the French High Command ceased trying to liberate the city, it was clear that France could not hope to repel the invaders on her own. Verdun did not make a German victory inevitable, but it made a French victory impossible- and that was more than enough.

The River Meuse runs north-south through the battlefield, twisting east towards its Alpine origin. The city of Verdun straddled both banks and was ringed by forts; several dense woods provided additional cover. Previous German gains had left the frontline running perpendicular to the river: the villages of Forges on the west bank and Brobant on the east were both just still in French hands. Once on the east bank, the frontline curved away from the river, to a point about twenty miles east of Brobant as the crow flies, before looping south once more and touching the Meuse at a point beyond the scope of the battle. This left the French holdings east of the river in a giant bubble, one which Falkenhayn aimed to pop with a thrust at the city. Put another way, between the Meuse in the west and the Moselle in the east, the Western Front took the shape of a gentle curve broken by a German salient jutting east of Verdun. Falkenhayn aimed to "fold" the salient back west over the Meuse and envelop Verdun.

Maddening though it was, the nine-day postponement had taught Falkenhayn much. Kronprinz Wilhelm- as Kaiser Wilhelm III, of course- admitted in his posthumous autobiography that watching Brusati's "miniature mincing machine" for a few days persuaded Falkenhayn to make a few last minute changes to Operation Gericht. Falkenhayn never admitted as much in his life, but he had been dead for over three decades by this point and none of his relations would have dared cross the Kaiser. Falkenhayn's original plan had been to prolong the battle for as long as possible, even to the point of accepting near-equal losses on the theory that the longer the battle lasted, the worse the French would bleed. (This proved the subject of a nasty investigation during the 50th-anniversary commemorations of the battle when a letter from Falkenhayn to Wilhelm II emerged in which the Chief of the General Staff promised a 1:3 casualty ratio in Germany's favour while on the offensive.) To this end, Falkenhayn had proposed limiting the attack frontage and "drip-feeding" German troops into the fighting so as not to take Verdun too quickly. Falkenhayn knew he was a better staff officer than Cadorna, and that the Kronprinz was a better army commander than Brusati, but he also knew Verdun was better defended than Nice. On the Italian front, holding the high ground conferred an advantage for bombardment and defence. Could not the forts around Verdun, if secured quickly, do for Germany what the Alpine peaks were doing for France?

Falkenhayn spent the morning and afternoon of February 18 exchanging telegrams with the commander of the Alpenkorps to gain as much advice as possible on how to learn from Cadorna and Brusati's mistakes. That done, he telephoned the Kronprinz's headquarters and demanded a meeting first thing tomorrow morning; he wanted his chief of staff, General von Knobelsdorf, to attend as well. Ever a stickler for security, Falkenhayn would say nothing more than that it "concerned lessons we may draw from the Italian performance in the Alps." The next morning, he explained to the two men how the plan needed to change. A single attack along the eastern bank was not going to suffice: the French could simply ship forces over the river and concentrate their strength there. Falkenhayn still wanted a battle of attrition, but one on German terms. Better to take Verdun first and pressure the French to advance, than to make repeated attacks against the forts protecting it and let the French settle into a defence they could manage. To that end, Falkenhayn decreed several last-minute changes.

First, there would be a secondary offensive on the west bank of the river. This was meant to divert the French, in particular by threatening their artillery positions there. Falkenhayn did not expect this secondary thrust to take much ground, but it would make the French fight on two fronts. He was drawing ten divisions from the reserve: these had previously been stationed around Belfort, where Armando Diaz's Corpo di Spedizione Italiano had replaced them. That still left ample forces in the reserve to keep bleeding the French white.

Second, Falkenhayn was going to more than triple the attack frontage. Between the Woevre Plain- a swampland through which no army could march- and the dense Argonne Forest lay almost thirty miles of flat land, broken only by small woods and hills. Cadorna had restrained Brusati to a narrow frontline in the hopes that density would bring a breakthrough. That hadn't worked, and so Falkenhayn was going to do the opposite. French forces were concentrated in the forts ringing Verdun and would not be able to redeploy in time to stop a German breakthrough in a different sector. Forcing the enemy to stretch his frontline would surely let the Germans punch through somewhere, even if not on the main road to Verdun. If the Fifth Army became overextended, Falkenhayn could release more reserve units to sustain the offensive and carry the Germans through to Verdun.

In only a few days, Gericht changed from a self-destructive plan to deplete both armies into a brutally efficient one. Falkenhayn was going to smash the French pocket on the eastern bank of the Meuse by attacking all along its perimeter while a diversionary attack in the west tied the French down, releasing reserves to get the Germans inside the city itself. That done, the Fifth Army would switch to the defensive and shell the French to death as they tried to retake the city.

Falkenhayn was determined not to delay the offensive again, giving him only two full days to change the deployments. The only people who cursed him more strongly than the quartermasters- moving everything needed for a full offensive twenty miles in two days was no one's idea of a good time- were counterintelligence men. Changing the plan meant sacrificing the element of surprise, there was simply no way the French would not see exactly what Falkenhayn was doing. That would let them adjust their own plans and deployments. All the hard work the Fifth Army had put in to conceal Gericht was now wasted. Falkenhayn retorted that Luigi Cadorna had thrown the element of surprise away a week earlier and that it didn't matter if the French modified their positions: they were never going to leave the forts around Verdun unguarded, and defending the city would always come first. Emotion would throw the enemy straight into the mincing machine.

Despite all of Falkenhayn's fears, the French were nowhere near ready. Eighteen months of war had changed French thinking about the utility of fortresses- the ease with which Germany had sliced through Liege in the war's opening weeks, contrasted with the endless struggles in Artois, Champagne, and the Alps, 'proved' that field trenches, not fortified cities, were the strongest means of defence. Like so many predictions, the French Army Staff accepted this without criticism because it came from men who called themselves experts. Joffre had dispersed most of the guns surrounding Verdun along the Western Front, while leaving only a skeleton crew to hold the forts. He never stopped to consider the illogic that if Verdun could defend itself fine with an inadequate garrison and artillery battery, it meant fortresses were still strong, and thus still worth holding. On the rare occasion anyone thought of Verdun before 1916, it was to reassure themselves that Germany would never attack because it was nowhere near Paris, and besides, such a mighty fortress could never fall.

La Duxieme Bureau, France's military intelligence service, started to wake up not long after the New Year. Preparations for Gericht were well underway at this point and they detected large enemy forces moving into the sector. Whether from complacency or incompetence, they drew the worst conclusion: the enemy sought to distract from an offensive elsewhere, either near Paris or in the Alps, and it would be a mistake to rush forces into the sector. This dovetailed with what War Minister Gallieni wanted to hear, and as January turned into February, he made little provision for a German attack, focusing instead on his master plan for Britain and Russia to strike Germany on two fronts once the ground thawed. Italy's attack over the Alps seemed to confirm this, and Gallieni called for "no commitment" of France's strategic reserve to Verdun. Joseph Joffre and his deputy Philippe Petain- commander of the Second Army which was responsible for Verdun- failed to overrule the War Minister.

Verdun was set up to fail before the enemy fired a single shot.

Petain divided the battlefield into four sectors, each with a subordinate commander. Major-General Georges de Balezaire took charge of the west bank and everything to the French left: his main task was to prevent the enemy from outflanking the city or cutting its supply routes to the rest of France. Generals Guillaumat and Balfourier had the smallest frontline but the greatest responsibility: their corps sat just north of Verdun on the right bank, between the river and a dense set of woods the Germans could not penetrate. Any attempt to break into the city would require smashing through their two units. Both men had an excellent relationship and their units were well-coordinated. On the other side of the woods, General Denis Duchene held nearly thirty miles of the front as the salient bent back. Neither he nor his men expected to see heavy fighting: his corps did not lie en route to the city, and unlike on the west bank, there was little danger of German troops outflanking the city: at worst, they could reach the Meuse south of Verdun and attempt a crossing which reserves would handle.

France's Second Army was about to suffer the same fate as Augustus' legions in Germany two thousand years earlier: broken before the German hordes.

France's punishment started in the small hours of February 21, 1916, with the greatest bombardment unleashed by the German Army up to that point. Kronprinz Wilhelm, commander of the German Fifth Army, personally ordered a naval gun mounted on a railroad siding to fire the first shot. With a roar audible for miles around, the hundred-pound shell blasted out and hurtled towards the French lines, exploding a few moments later above a cathedral in Verdun proper. Fragments of stone and stained glass were sent flying every which way as Frenchmen looked about and, a moment later, realised what was happening. Civilians ducked for cover- but they were not the real targets. 380-millimetre guns doused the fortified city in heavy fire, laying waste to its train station, barracks, and supply depots. Alarms blared up and down the line and poilus dashed to their battle stations, ready to man the big guns which would defend the city. Soldiers in the trenches scrambled for cover in their dugouts, asking God not to let them be buried alive. He answered their prayers- most of them.

No one could ever have imagined such a concentration of fire before 1914- nor, for that matter, during the first year and a half of war. Despite all their munitions shortages, the Germans had amassed more artillery than any army before them. 542 heavy and 302 light guns, 152 mine-throwers, seventeen Austro-Hungarian mortars, seven batteries of rapid-fire guns, and seventeen "Big Berthas", capable of firing one-ton shells. As the Big Berthas had cracked open Liege and Antwerp- once thought impregnable- in the war's opening weeks, so too would they smash this greatest of positions.

Whatever advantage the French enjoyed by virtue of expecting the enemy, they lost by their inability to confront the sheer weight of force against them. One estimate years after the war concluded that one heavy shell fell on each square metre on the approach to Verdun. Nor could a few weeks make up for the long months in which France's High Command had deemed Verdun unimportant, and the fortresses around it not worth dying for. Now these prime positions, which could have at the least delayed Germany's advance for days or weeks, fell almost without needing to be conquered. The village of Louvemont fell early in the morning of the 25th, while Douaumont village fell the next day, leaving the fortress isolated; a small detachment of Brandenburgers took it with minimal resistance. Kronprinz Wilhelm then turned his troops on Fort Vaux, blasting it with captured French guns inside Douaumont. The battle dragged on for a week, and the French defenders fought valiantly, but the outcome was never in doubt: after the commander of Vaux was killed, a second lieutenant raised the white flag on March 3. German forces then turned on Fort Souville while other units worked their way through the village of Fleury towards Fort Belleville. After not even the heaviest bombardments proved sufficient, the Germans turned to gas shells to choke the French out. Souville would surrender by the month's end while isolated Belville fought to the last man- German soldiers only entered once no shots had rung out from it for a whole day; they found every Frenchman inside dead of asphyxiation, battle wounds, or starvation.

Fighting further east was less dramatic as neither side had built up extensive forces there. The Germans lacked the firepower to saturate the area as they had the approaches to Verdun, meaning the French were able to hold on in their trenches without falling back. German troops thus had to dig them out with rifle and bayonet, just as the Italians were doing in the Alps and the French had done at Champagne. Despite this, the French troops in the sector were little more than glorified sentries; their positions were not designed to withstand protracted assault, while the men themselves were deemed second-rate, not fit to hold the vital fortresses and thus sent to a "quiet sector". Two weeks of fighting gave the Germans their local breakthrough, and by evening on March 6, they had begun to carve up the last pockets of French resistance along the line; the next few weeks were spent driving small units out of the east-bank villages and subduing smaller forts such as St. Remy, Mouilly, and Rupt, all of which were undermanned and none of which held out more than a few days. The real test for this wing of the offensive came with the siege of Dieue; the fort spanned the Meuse and protected a key bridge south of Verdun. Taking it would seal the fate of France's position east of the river.

Meanwhile, the Germans had made slow progress on the west bank. Following a day of bombardment, German soldiers attacked a key piece of high ground with the ominous name of Le Mort Homme on February 22nd, devoting an entire division to the cause, while another division swept to the left and another to the right. Despite the name, casualties were light- the weight of German infantry swept the handful of French aside and they trudged into captivity, hands up, as the Germans marched on. The next day's objective was Corbeaux Wood, one of countless thick forests which dot the Western European countryside. Kronprinz Wilhelm wanted it taken to eliminate whatever French units might take refuge therein. The plan was to repeat the attack on Le Mort Homme: one division would go in while two others swept around. To everyone's dismay, the French fought back. At dusk on the 23rd, the German division retreated from Corbeaux Wood with a black eye and a bloody nose, leaving the two divisions which had gone around in danger of being cut off. Kronprinz Wilhelm was unfazed, and directed the three divisions to clear out the wood whatever it took. He understood the need to keep moving towards Verdun, but also knew that leaving a force strong enough to beat a division- no one knew the exact size- in his rear was a bad move. Three German divisions spent February 24th hacking their way- literally, they resorted to chopping and burning down trees- through Corbeaux Wood. This time they took no prisoners: thousands of poilus were shot or burned to death in the forest. This left one French position isolated- Hill 304. Two regiments stayed behind to subdue the defenders while the rest of the German force kept moving.

Falkenhayn now directed the ten divisions to advance down the west bank, and link up with the east-bank forces outside Verdun itself. Once Belleville fell, that would leave the city under a siege it could not hope to withstand. Both he and Kronprinz Wilhelm were disgusted with how long the operation was taking. Over a week in and their men were still not in Verdun. The fighting remained, for the moment, on French terms. German forces were still taking heavy losses from French artillery, though the capture of Le Mort Homme and Hill 304 had alleviated this somewhat on the west bank (and Falkenhayn was beyond grateful to have the gunners atop Forts Vaux and Souville under control instead of pummeling his men). Every day the defenders of the two banks held out was an opportunity for them to move artillery and reserves into Verdun proper, as well as to evacuate civilians. Falkenhayn needed to capture the city in one fell swoop to humiliate the French, but it looked like his reward for cutting through all the fortresses would be to fight a house-to-house battle in Verdun proper.

A debate now emerged amongst the French High Command as to whether or not it was worth trying to hold on. The French now faced the same dilemma they had sought to inflict on Germany throughout the previous year: offensives on two fronts. France had just under a hundred divisions at the start of 1916; one-quarter of these were tied up on the Italian Front while several more were in Africa. Including its strategic reserve, France had approximately seventy divisions with which to repel the Germans. Falkenhayn had attacked at Verdun with sixty. Les Boches seemed to be trying for a siege of the city: if their offensive on the west bank succeeded, Verdun would be cut off. Trying to relieve the city once it was surrounded would be all but impossible for France: they would need every man in their Army to make it happen. Britain would need to take over vast stretches of the Western Front, and France could leave only a skeleton crew in Verdun. In effect, the officers warned, France was going to have to choose between Nice and Verdun- and that assumed Britain and Russia would launch offensives to distract the Germans. This was not defeatism, it was simply the reality of the situation. Better to cut losses at Verdun and retreat to a secure spot on the west bank of the Meuse with honour bruised but the Army intact.

Joseph Joffre was having none of it. If the Army retreated out of Verdun, it would take its pride and honour with it- but worse, it would lose its conviction, its belief in its own capacity to win. Verdun had been a symbol of the division between France and Germany since Charlemagne's day. Losing it now would signal to the world that France no longer had the will to resist and that its Army was broken. Left unspoken was Joffre's personal position- the Chief of Staff had come under increasing opposition since the war ground to a stalemate, blamed for everything from the failure of the Champagne offensives the previous autumn to Italy's entry into the war. Presiding over the loss at Verdun would doom his career, but if he became the man who repelled sixty German divisions from such a sacred spot- why, he might as well be Napoleon reincarnate. That was reason enough: Verdun would hold.

Joffre appointed a protégé of his to fill this most demanding task, a luckless man who despite all his military competence would go down as a buffoon, almost a traitor, in French history. It was not his fault- Joan of Arc could not have held Verdun with these odds- but he bore the blame gracefully enough for the last twenty-five years of his life, and has done so for the past sixty. Recent books have begun to rehabilitate him, but the movement has a long way to go, especially in the French public eye. The "Rabbit of Verdun", as both sides dubbed him, Philippe Petain was born in 1856, meaning the collapse of the Second Empire and humiliation before Prussia came at a formative time in his life. Petain thus entered adulthood with his homeland humiliated under Germany's shadow, with everyone around him speaking of the need to avenge what had been done to the homeland. He entered military academy at the tender age of seventeen and graduated four years later as a second lieutenant, rising to the rank of colonel by the time Franz Ferdinand made his fateful trip to Sarajevo. Petain's prewar career was respectable but hardly distinguished.

Germany was about to judge Philippe Petain- and the whole French nation. Would they be found wanting?
 
Did the French commanders anticipate the intensity of the German bombardment before Verdun fell?
Not the intensity per se, but the bombardment itself, absolutely. By this point, multi-day barrages had become standard prior to any offensive- sending infantry forward without softening up the target would have been suicide. No one was surprised to find themselves under fire, but the ferocity of it was unprecedented. Germany's whole strategy for the battle consisted of using artillery to kill as many Frenchmen as possible, something into which the massive bombardment absolutely played into. Unfortunately, there was nothing the French commanders could do to mitigate the effects once German shells started falling.
 
Yes- I'm counting the pre dreadnoughts as battleships if that's what you're asking.

You raise excellent points and I hadn't given much thought to the role of destroyers beyond anti-submarine duties. One thing that's surprised me in doing the research for this TL is how good Italian ships actually were- I had expected the Regia Marina to be quite inferior to the French but there you go.

Italian speed made the Battle of Cannes and saved them during the Battle of the Ligurian Sea.

-I'm not sure the Austro-Hungarians would want to risk their fleet when it could sit in the safety of Trieste- not as though the French will be able to hit them there.

I'm not sure how Jutland would be different ITTL but you're right that Germany would view Italy's Navy as superior to her Army.
1st:
holy shit that is a lot of losses for the french fleet with 8 left. would the Italians loose their Ammiraglio di Saint Bon-class ships or was it really that badly of a beating by the italians
2nd
the naval designs and capacity of italian vessels are defo interesting
3rd
i can see that with the hell they wrought. the entente naval staff will be panicking for sure.
4th
true but they need to do something less they continue to lose prominence especially with all their internal strain. which why i suggest they may move up and base themselves in an italian port likely taranto that way they can make the threat without taking the risk.
5th
honestly my only guess is it will be more brutal and close rung. ultimately with the italian victories and british fleet having to stretch they will not have the over whelming numbers they had otl. which is very important because those numbers seriously limited what the germans could do, maybe here the plan to break off the fleet to fight in smaller chunks could work especially with a commander as aggressive as beatty on the british side which will likely have his chained loosen because of the british want to put the german threat away. which honestly likely bites them in the arse. it definitely will be a battle which is a lot more drawn out with more things sunk. or it turns out to be a nothing burger
 
Interesting! Verdun is well on its way to being surrounded and will likely fall soon. Falkenhayn will get the meatgrinder he wished for when Petain is ordered to take it back. It will be interesting to see the dominoes fall from there, and it is easy to see how it could lead to a victory for the central powers. One of the first of these dominoes is likely to be the effect on a potential battle of the Somme. That almost all of all the French army is needed to attempt to reclaim Verdun and stop the Italians in the Alps will likely mean that not only will the French not be able to participate in the battle of the Somme, thus leaving the British to have to go at in by themselves, but the French will also likely have to withdraw troops from across the western front to support their defenses. Which means the British will have to fill the lines and therefore have fewer troops available for their own offensive. And while the offensive might be canceled, I think that there will be too much pressure to create a distraction for the Germans and draw their attention away from Verdun.

I do not think that this will work incredibly well, especially since we know that the Austro-Hungarians will do better on the eastern front and therefore the Germans will not need to split their attention as much as OTL. After all, with no Salonica or Italian front the Austro-Hungarians will be able to focus completely on weathering the Brusilov offensive. It is still likely to be devastating, but not close to being as successful as OTL. It will be interesting to see what effects that will have in Russia.

Also, these Central powers successes will have direct effects on the behavior of neutral nations. Romania for instance will join the Central powers and invade Bessarabia as soon as they think it is certain that the Central powers will win.
Sweden is unlikely to officially join the Central powers, but I fully expect an armed intervention in the Finnish civil war (and seizure of the Aland Islands) after the Russian revolution happens. After all, unlike OTL they do not have to be worried about how a victorious Entente will see such an issue because it will be clear that the Entente will not win (plus even larger than OTL favoring of the Central powers due to the Italian trade/HMS Acorn incident).
I am genuinely curious about the reaction in America, I am guessing that the (likely) Entente losses in 1916 will make some deem the Entente "a lost cause" but that might just polarize the debate with others arguing that America needs to intervene immediately before it is too late. Which the Italian-American demographic will fight against. So I am genuinely unsure about exactly what will happen (except that the terms of the line of credit will get tougher due to an Entente victory being seen as a bit of a reach) and am looking forward to finding out.
 
Interesting! Verdun is well on its way to being surrounded and will likely fall soon. Falkenhayn will get the meatgrinder he wished for when Petain is ordered to take it back. It will be interesting to see the dominoes fall from there, and it is easy to see how it could lead to a victory for the central powers. One of the first of these dominoes is likely to be the effect on a potential battle of the Somme. That almost all of all the French army is needed to attempt to reclaim Verdun and stop the Italians in the Alps will likely mean that not only will the French not be able to participate in the battle of the Somme, thus leaving the British to have to go at in by themselves, but the French will also likely have to withdraw troops from across the western front to support their defenses. Which means the British will have to fill the lines and therefore have fewer troops available for their own offensive. And while the offensive might be canceled, I think that there will be too much pressure to create a distraction for the Germans and draw their attention away from Verdun.

I do not think that this will work incredibly well, especially since we know that the Austro-Hungarians will do better on the eastern front and therefore the Germans will not need to split their attention as much as OTL. After all, with no Salonica or Italian front the Austro-Hungarians will be able to focus completely on weathering the Brusilov offensive. It is still likely to be devastating, but not close to being as successful as OTL. It will be interesting to see what effects that will have in Russia.

Also, these Central powers successes will have direct effects on the behavior of neutral nations. Romania for instance will join the Central powers and invade Bessarabia as soon as they think it is certain that the Central powers will win.
Sweden is unlikely to officially join the Central powers, but I fully expect an armed intervention in the Finnish civil war (and seizure of the Aland Islands) after the Russian revolution happens. After all, unlike OTL they do not have to be worried about how a victorious Entente will see such an issue because it will be clear that the Entente will not win (plus even larger than OTL favoring of the Central powers due to the Italian trade/HMS Acorn incident).
I am genuinely curious about the reaction in America, I am guessing that the (likely) Entente losses in 1916 will make some deem the Entente "a lost cause" but that might just polarize the debate with others arguing that America needs to intervene immediately before it is too late. Which the Italian-American demographic will fight against. So I am genuinely unsure about exactly what will happen (except that the terms of the line of credit will get tougher due to an Entente victory being seen as a bit of a reach) and am looking forward to finding out.
Absolutely excellent response- you’ve predicted exactly where I want to take the TL in the short to medium term.
 
-I agree with you about the German Colonies except I don't see Britain ever letting Germany have the Congo- it's simply too large and valuable. Better to sacrifice Belgium east of the Meuse, which would also be a more tangible victory, especially for the German Right Wing/Septemberprogram advocates.
The problem is that they don't sacrifice Belgium east of the Meuse, they sacrifice all Belgium as the German plan is to make the place a puppet and put a nice naval base on Antwerp so to menace much more easily Great Britain and there is little that London can do to stop them except exchange Belgium neutrality and independence (whose violation is the official reason of the DoW)for something else.
Not a nice choice, really, it's basically the lesser evil but a German contolled Belgium will make everyone in the British Island panic.
-Germany won't deliberately try to screw Italy over, more like there's only so much the irredentists can gain by defeating France and fighting the UK to a draw, and that will fuel postwar resentment even though it's no one's fault.
The 'vittoria mutilata' myth is complicated and ironically had little attachment with reality as Italy basically obtained all her strategic objective by the Treaty of Saint Germain, much was originated by two factor:
1- what obtained wasn't enough, but frankly not even all Europe will have been enough as Italy lost almost 2 million of people in the war and ruined her economy, after that it's very very very hard find something worth of it...here while things had not been easy and there were plenty of suffer, they haven't reached OTL level.
2 - The treatment at Versailles, that was the real cause, Winston humiliation of Italy with the tacit approval of the Anglo-French made the nation feel powerless and that everything has been for naught because well were forced to beg for scraps while eveyonelse got the all you can eat buffet, making the liberal goverment look extremely weak

-I think Britain would still be able to trade with America and even Argentina on the same scale as OTL, but the question is how much worse Unrestricted Submarine Warfare will be. As discussed upthread, there will be a race to the bottom to see whose economy outlasts the other's- but if anyone can beat a Continental European power in the long game, it's Britain.
A continental power? Sure but not continental Europe, for this reason the number one objective of their foreign policy has always been to stop any single nation to achieve dominance, honestly they have played this game in OTL at Versailles and more they will play this time as Germany with her sidekick Italy and A-H had not control of the continent, so their greater objective in any negotiation will be to not make France and Russia too weak. The problem is that they not only have only colonies to exchanges but they are in serious economic troubles as they were the guarantoor of France and Russian loan and if they can't pay well she need it (at least the amount will be a lot less than OTL).
In 1917 the submarine campaign greatly damaged the UK and this united to the surrender of France made it clear that the war is over and lost
 
After all, with no Salonica or Italian front the Austro-Hungarians will be able to focus completely on weathering the Brusilov offensive. It is still likely to be devastating, but not close to being as successful as OTL. It will be interesting to see what effects that will have in Russia.
AH should have no problem with the Brusilov offensive. It was a major success because Conrad had stripped the Galician front to launch an successful offensive in the South Tyrol.
 
don't actually see a Treaty of Brest-Litovsk happening here as long as Falkenhayn and the "Westerners" remain in control, but the Ottomans will get their 1914 border back one way or the other. Puppet states in the Caucasus will depend on how the Russian Civil War goes.
I think Brest-Litovsk still makes a lot of sense here. When Russia inevitably falls into disarray, there's not really anything stopping Germany from advancing as far as they please, and Ukraine is just too valuable to ignore, both in long terms strategic thinking and short term German needs.

Long term it cripples Russia, gives Germany an avenue for a quicker victory if they ever find themselves at war and as a source of raw materials that does not depend on sea lanes. Even the westerners would find themselves pressed to refuse those arguments.

Short term, it has the potential to alleviate food concerns, which would be high on the list of priorities, as well as other resources.

Of course, the cost of all this would have to be considered, but as things stand it's not too high. The main argument against would be manpower, but Germany doesn't really have a shortage thereof ITTL, and occupation duties can also be delegated to AH troops who would not fight on the West anyways.

Lastly, I'd argue that the denomination "westerner" doesn't necessarily hold much weight when analysing their positions on treaties. The proposals to let Russia off with a lenient peace were based on the premise of a still functional Russia that's still a threat, that would accept this peace and let Germany fight France alone. They don't really hold up when you change the context to one in which Russia fought until it imploded, and in which Germany wouldn't be winning much from being lenient.

It's also worth remembering that a central part of German pre -war thinking was the fear of Russia out-industrializing Germany long term, so the opportunity to cripple them wouldn't be let go lightly.
 
But yeah, the spreadsheet shows that for Germany to even come minimaly close to Britain they need to win so hard that it borders on ASB.
True, but they did manage to put some serious food hurt on Britain. Wasn't Britain close to only 6 weeks of food left at one point, near the very end?
-A choice between colonies and reparations would be interesting; I think Germany is likely to favour the latter. It looks less impressive but does far more to keep the French down than taking, say, Morocco and Central Africa.
This is true, but one of the reasons France wasn't crushed by it's indemnity the way Germany was after Versailles is that France still had it's colonial empire to pump for cash, so they were actually able to pay it back pretty quick (also because France wasn't so economically ravaged by the F-P war as germany was by WWI), so reparations might not actually be enough to keep France down if they keep the colonies.
 
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