Villa Pindemonte, 7 April 1848 - Afternoon
The lunch had been delightful, thought Ferdinando, enlivened by many witty repartees. The two Cristinas had been the center of it, but not because they had monopolized the conversation: apparently they shared the gift of being able to involve all the guests, each one in her own peculiar way. Maria Cristina was all fire and ebullience, as usual, while Cristina di Belgioioso, while not lacking a strong tinge of fire herself, was more experienced and skilled in this craft: no surprise there, since she had graduated magna cum laude at the demanding school of the salons of Paris. It was like looking at a gifted young artist and her mentor, mused Ferdinando. Possibly Cristina di Belgioioso was the third advisor his sister needed (1), and in such a case the presence of the Lombard Princess and the friendship that had suddenly blossomed between the two Cristinas were another gift of the genius loci of this magical place. I will buy Villa Pindemonte, decided Ferdinando, and will have a small shrine built in the park: gratitude must be shown for such bountiful gifts. Compared to the Princesses, the two ladies-in-waiting faded a bit in the background, but still their youth and grace were complementing well the fire of the two Cristinas.
It is a pity that Camillo cannot be here, but at least one of us has to work - Ferdinando continued his line of thought, listening with one ear to the table conversation - and it must be said that the men he had invited were a worthy trio. Sir Ralph's experience as a diplomat was not in doubt, but he was proving to be most adept to social events too; young Augusto was also showing his mettle, he had blushed just two or three times today (Ferdinando had to hid a smile) and even when Maria Cristina had pointedly asked him what he had liked most in Venice, he had been able to extricate himself from the trap (2). Then there was Mocenigo, the epitome of patrician suavity and style. Who are you truly, my dear Count, which ambitions lurk beneath your mask? I have met you a few times now, in very different settings, and you have always said the right things, you have taken everything in stride: even when I dropped the bombshell of the unexpected activation of Case Rubicon, you barely hesitated before giving your assent. It says to me that you are not afraid of making decisions, that there is steel under your patrician mask. I also know that your grandfather was the last but one doge, your father prospered under Napoleon, and you prospered as well under Austria: it looks to me that flexibility runs in the family (3), not a bad thing in these times of rapid changes. So, back to the question: are you looking to become the eighth Mocenigo doge, and, most importantly, will you be the doge that Italy and the Republic need?
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The sketches drawn by Signor Fattori since his arrival to Goito on the day of the battle were arranged in a presence room on the ground floor of the Villa, where the young painter was waiting together with colonel Montanelli. Giovanni Fattori had been busy: there were more than 20 of these sketches, all of them a vivid representation of the events. The painter was warmly praised by all for his work. Six sketches were outstanding: Ferdinando at the battle of Goito, waiting for the noise signalling the arrival of the Bersaglieri, Henri's charge at the head of the Carabinieri, a defeated Radetzki offering his sword to Ferdinand, Princess Maria Cristina kissing Henri on her arriva to Villa Pindemonte and the same Princess accepting the crown of Sicily.
Maria Cristina was the first to speak: "My congratulations on a job well done, Signor Fattori. I would like to buy a few of these sketches: Henri's charge, my arrival here and the offer of the crown. If you will accept a commission, I would also like to have them as oil paintings (4). "
"Your Royal Highness is too kind. It would be my honor if you will allow me to present these three humble sketches to you. I would be equally honored by your royal commission, but it will have to be after the end of the war. For the time being, I will have to be a soldier, and draw sketches on my own free time."
Then, bowing to Prince Ferdinando: "Your Royal Highness, I would also beg your indulgence, and ask you to accept the gift of some of my sketches. It would not be a problem for me to make a copy, should your choice overlap with the Princess' one."
"I do gladly accept your gift, Signor Fattori. I think that I would like a couple of oil paintings myself, but only a causa vinta. However, be informed that you will be in my escort for tomorrow's parley. I want a sketch of the parley, and make sure to remember well the expression of my father-in-law when I'll tell him it's time to surrender Verona"
Mocenigo was not a man to stay behind the others: "I will add my congratulations , Signor Fattori, and propose a commission too. Come to Venice for the feast of the Ascension, la festa della Sensa, as we call it in Venice. Venice is going to renew lo Sposalizio del Mare, the Wedding of the Sea, for the first time in 50 years: it is only proper, since the fleets of the Republic once again dominate the Adriatic. I will certainly want some sketches of the festivity, but I will also want a large oil painting (5)."
"Once again, I will be honored, Count Mocenigo. If I am not wrong, the feast of the Ascension will be celebrated on the last Sunday in May. Let us pray that the war will be over by that date, and that we will celebrate together the Ascension of Our Lord Jesus Christ, the Wedding and the Victory ."
Villa Pindemonte, 7 April 1848 - After Dark
Ferdinando was busy writing a letter when Count Cavour knocked on the door of his study and entered.
"Welcome back, Camillo. I wasn't sure you would be back tonight. "
"Thank you, Ferdinando. I trust you had a more enjoyable day that I had."
"It was a truly good day: I needed a little holiday, after all. Would you believe I decided to buy Villa Pindemonte? Don't stand there, though: pour us a brandy, and tell me all about the Royal Commission for Social Justice. "The prince smiled, before continuing: "Was it so bad? I trust that you have not signed away all of your property to the benefit of the disadvantaged classes."
"Small chance of that." The count snorted "It was actually very interesting and quite engrossing, as well as very civilized. I am fully convinced that the problem of the poorest classes is real, and must be confronted, but unfortunately at this stage I have many unanswered questions and very little in terms of practical solutions for it. I do agree with Signor Ferrari on one thing, though: the remedial measures set up by the Provisional Government in France are just a temporary stopgap, which is doing little to alleviate the suffering of the poor, and cannot even be kept up for long. The National Workshops are loosing money like a sieve: how long do you think the bourgeoisie will suffer this fiscal drain? In the countryside it will be even worse, since they were already hurting from the bad harvests, and now they have to pay a hefty surcharge on their taxes to finance this experiment, which doesn't bring them any benefit. The demo-socs (6) are unhappy too, because it is not enough, and also because they fear a repeat of the revolution of 1830: the bottom layers of the bourgeoisie and the artisans and laborers marched in the streets and manned the barricades, but got little or no benefit when the "citizen king" sat on the throne and Guizot became the true master of France. This time around they are not going to accept a repeat of that, so the alliance between the moderate liberals and the left is already badly frayed. The elections for the French Assembly are scheduled for the end of the month, and the demo-socs are very confident in a good electoral result, but I think they will be quite disappointed. If I am right, they will be marginalized in the Assembly, and will turn to the streets, which will frighten the moderates and push them toward a devil's bargain with the Legitimists and the Orleanists. The result will be violence in the streets and quite possibly a second revolution, a social one. (7)"
"It is a dire picture you are painting, the more so because I know you are not a pessimist by nature, nor easily frightened. Should we expect civil disturbances in Italy too?"
"I don't think so, for a number of reasons.
The first is that in many ways Italy and France are similar, but there are also very important social and economical differences. Italy is more backward in economy: there is not yet an equivalent in Italy of the class of freeholder farmers who were created in France after the first revolution, and there has not been a migration from the rural areas to the cities as happened in France after the industrialization started to bloom. Our backwardness means that our social problems will not dominate the agenda as much as they do in France, and they can have possibly have easier solutions: talk about a blessing in disguise.
The second is that the revolution in Italy has been quite different from the one in France, and for this you have to thank the Austrians, who have constantly managed to be a magnet for Italian hate over the past 30 years. You always speak about Italian cities freeing themselves through local insurrection: Palermo, Milan, Venice, Parma and Modena, not to mention all the cities in Veneto. This is true on the face of it, and also a very intelligent way to make friends among the insurgents. But what if the insurrections had not been bolstered by a victorious Sardinian army, led by the king and by yourself incidentally, which broke the back of Austrian dominance in Italy? Would Radetzki leave Milan, if you had not crossed the Ticino? He had just pulled his troops out of the city, put the artillery on the Bastioni and was cannonading the city into obedience.
There are republicans in Italy, but certainly they are not a majority, and everyone knows that there is a Republic in Venice only because you have pushed them in that direction. Which is why I am confident that Lombardy will not be a problem: the victor of Goito cannot be refused, because he has been so smart not to make demands, and has imposed no conditions.
And then there is the third reason: we can observe what the French do, judge the effectiveness of their measures in the field of social justice, and plan accordingly. We are going to have a grace period of a few months at least before the social chickens come to roost: we must make the most of it, and find a solution to the conundrum which is baffling France, and Germany too judging from what my uncle wrote me, while our republicans and socialists are mollified by the sweet wine of victory against Austria.
I do not have a plan, yet, but I have some ideas churning in my mind. All these ideas have one word in common: reform.
There is a lot to be reformed in the legal system of Sardinia (8), and even more in the legal systems of the other states you have convinced to sign up for an Italian Confederation. The same applies to economical matters: agriculture must be improved, industrialization must be a priority, commerce must be expanded. All these require changes, momentous ones: it's better not to rush into reforms, but we have some time to plan: I will suggest the delegates here to start thinking about reforms, and it would be a good thing if you do the same with Count Balbo in Turin. Of course, the implementation of these reforms will have to wait for the elections, which are planned for the end of April: an elected parliament is the best tool to implement reforms. In the meantime, I have been told by Count Casati that there are plenty of projects which have been discussed in Lombardy over the years but have been constantly vetoed by Austria. I understand it is the same in Veneto, in particular with regards to the Arsenale in Venice. Public works can employ a large number of unskilled or half-skilled laborers, and this will help. Another suggestion to make to Count Balbo is to have a look at the situation on the docks of Genoa, and see if he can find some way to make things better: Baron Ricasoli tells me that Marquis Ridolfi has been instructed to do the same in Livorno.
There is a saying: "A rising tide lifts all boats", and a prosperous economy will provide such a tide . It will be our task to make sure that all the boats, or at the very least a vast majority of them, get lifted, not just a selected few. I am confident enough that we may defuse the danger of a revolution without the need of repression."
"A cogent presentation: I didn't expect otherwise from you. I may be able to add a fourth buttress to your optimism: the Confederation set-up means that each state will have to take care of suitable measures to reduce the risk of a social revolution. I do agree with you on the necessity to plan the much delayed reforms in the judiciary and in the economy, and I will write to Count Balbo to start the process. If there is an opportunity, you should do the same with the Milanese tomorrow, as well as with the other delegations later on. It must be made clear that they are what we plan to carry on in the Kingdom of Sardinia, and it is not an imposition on others. As a matter of fact, I am somehow relieved I have not to decide right now what are good and proper reforms in states which may have social problems which are quite different from Piedmont or Lombardy.
Carry on, Camillo. I know I can rely on you."
Footnotes
The other two being Count Cavour and general Menabrea
Maria Cristina clearly refers to the famous ball at Palazzo Mocenigo, where Augusto fell in love with the young Giustiniani
As a matter of fact, Alvise Francesco Mocenigo did not share the Mocenigo blood: he was born when his mother (who was the wife of Alvise Mocenigo) had a brief relation with an Austrian colonel. Alvise Mocenigo adopted the boy, and raised him as his son and heir. A classic case where nurture trumps nature: the end result was a true Mocenigo.
Giovanni Fattori painted all three subjects between 1852 and 1854. The "Offer of the Crown" can be seen in the Sicilian Parliament, while the other two paintings are in the Royal Museum of Palermo.
The "Wedding of the Sea" can be admired in the Ducal Palace of Venice
The democrats started to be widely known as "democrats-socialists" (or demo-socs for short) only after the elections at the end of April, but apparently the name started to circulate earlier, since Signor Ferrari knows it
Cavour's prediction came true IOTL: the election of April 1848 returned a majority for the moderates, and the demo-socs, feeling marginalized, took the political struggle to the streets. The Luxembourg Commission, which had been established to find a solution for the massive unemployment, never produced anything worthwhile and was dissolved late in May. On 15 June the National Workshops were closed down, leading to massive unrest and barricades in Paris, until the Assembly voted almost-dictatorial powers to Gen. Cavaignac, who declared martial law in Paris and repressed the insurrection between 26 and 28 June (the Bloody Days of June).
IOTL, a reform of the inheritance laws (abolition of fidecommissi, primogeniture, commendams and other relics of the past) was voted by the Parliament in Turin in 1849. The other reforms were voted only after Cavour became Prime Minister. An insurrection started in Genoa, after news of the defeat of the Sardinian army at Novara and the (false) news that Genoa would be ceded to Austria, and was bloodily repressed by Gen. Alfonso Lamarmora.
