Primavera d'Italia: War, Love and Revolution

[NedStark]

France once stable will go highwire immediately, and will probably go conservative o reactionary while getting close to Russia to counterbalance the progressive central Europe block.

France is equally unsettled: I believe that the results of the elections of April would not be substantially different from OTL (let's say 20-25% legitimists of different flavors, 55-60% moderates and 15-20% democrats). IOTL, the months of May and June were the critical ones: French politics turned to the right, and the blame can be shared almost equally between the democrats, who were disappointed by the electoral results and quickly turned to extra-parliamentary opposition, and the moderates, who were convinced that the only danger to the republic would be come from the left. I would argue that the news coming from Italy, where the moderates and the democrats have apparently found a modus vivendi, might influence the politics in the Assembly too, the more so if the combo of diplomatic rapprochement and personal efforts I have outlined in my last post is put in place. I am not saying that French politics will be totally changed by what is happening in Italy, but there will be some influence for sure (and hopefully it will be a positive one: avoiding or at least minimizing the Bloody Days of June would be a great outcome).

I would say a surviving Second Republic led by Lamartine or De Cavaignac - which would be without its traditional monarchical allies for the time being - would have been Italy's best interests. For blocking Bonaparte and the pretenders, just have the Thouret Amendment going differently.

Since it is only mid-1848 now, that option is still feasible.

 

[LordKalvan]

I would say a surviving Second Republic led by Lamartine or De Cavaignac - which would be without its traditional monarchical allies for the time being - would have been Italy's best interests. For blocking Bonaparte and the pretenders, just have the Thouret Amendment going differently.

Since it is only mid-1848 now, that option is still feasible.

The critical decision point in France is coming up very soon: the elections are over, and the results have been similar to OTL.
The democrats are obviously unhappy, and the first impulse will be to turn to extra-parliamentary tactics: rallies and marches, concentrated mostly in Paris and Lyon, with the support of the many exiles (Germans, Belgians and most of all Poles) in the capital. This is certain to frighten the liberals (who are already suffering from victory disease) and facilitate the convergence between the same liberals and the monarchists.
Giuseppe Ferrari had already warned of this danger at the convention in Isola della Scala which led to the proclamation of the Italian Confederation

Then Giuseppe Ferrari rose to speak:
"I don't have an additional question, but I have however to deliver a warning to this assembly. As you certainly know, I have just recently arrived from Paris where I could witness the insurrection of 14 February, which led to the abdication of Louis Philippe and the proclamation of a republic in France. As far as revolutions go, it was almost bloodless: the walls of the July Monarchy crumbled down almost immediately under the onslaught of the alliance of liberals and democrats. So far so good, but then the differences between the two wings of the insurgents soon started to become visible. The liberals fought for their rights, to get into the seats of power and to break the grip of the 500 Notables who, under the leadership of Guizot, had governed France for 18 years: they got their prizes, the bourgeois revolution won. Their allies in the fight, the democrats, got nothing. There is just a single democrat in the Executive Committee which is governing France. Be warned, though: the democrats did not fight to become part of the establishment. They fought on behalf of the dispossessed, the day labourers, the unemployed, the destitute, who cannot put food on the table for their families, who cannot find work, who have to live in cramped, filthy, unhealthy tenements in Paris, Lyon, Marseille, and many other French cities. The 18 years during which Guizot ruled France were a time of momentous societal change: in a nutshell, the industrial revolution. Unfortunately, all these changes were governed by laissez faire: thousands of people moved from the countryside to Paris and the other cities looking for work, accepting low pay and long hours to feed themselves and their families; at the same time, artisans, who had always managed a decent way of life, were ruined by the competition of the newfangled factories. Then the economical crisis came, and not just once: the bourgeoisie could weather the storm, but the poor couldn't. Thousands of workers lost their jobs, and had no alternatives. No one was hiring, the government was not helping: they were let to fend for themselves. Even worse, the harvests has been bad for the past two years, and the price of food has outrageously increased. No surprise that they listen to the call for change, that they are ready to man the barricades, to march shoulder to shoulder in the streets of Paris: what have they to loose? They have been used to achieve victory, but now that the bourgeoisie has won, they are easily forgotten. A few paltry measures are passed: National Workshops are set up, public works are started to provide employment, but these measures cost money, and the bourgeoisie resents spending it on behalf of the poor. Taxes are raised, and everyone is howling like a branded calf: there is already significant unrest in the countryside, protests against the hated "45 centimes", the extra money they have to pay. Tax records are burned, tax gatherers manhandled, riots break out. Still, the poor classes in the cities don't have enough to feed their families, and their anger grows with their hunger.
I make this prediction (5): if things do not change, if these wounds are not healed, the liberals will look back to an alliance with the reactionaries, to keep at bay the poor and the hungry; then the masses will raise, and a bloody revolution will start. Think well, delegates, because the clock is ticking: the situation in Italy is not the same as in France, but it is not so different either. Either you will look after the needs of the poorest classes, or you will have to face a revolution here too, and I know on which side I will be. (6)"

I am pretty sure that ITTL the echoes of the convention reached Paris pretty soon (many of the Italian delegates had been exiles in Paris for many years during the 1830s and 1840s) and there is hope that some of the warnings may have fallen on fertile ground. Cavour also plans to send emissaries to Paris very soon, to lobby for goodwill on the French side, also in preparation of the discussions for the peace treaty with Austria: Giuseppe Ferrari and Pellegrino Rossi are two obvious candidates, one with ties to the dem-socs and the other with even stronger ties to moderates and Orleanists. It may appear to be a strange pairing, but Ferrari is not yet moved to the extreme left (this happened in the 1850s, mostly because of the failure of 1848 and the raise of the Second Empire) and Rossi has had his eyes opened by the events in Rome, as well as by what happened in Isola della Scala and Verona.

Let me say that the event in Paris will start to diverge, with the dem-socs less eager to leave the assembly and the liberals and moderates less willing to breach with the left. I think that Blanqui's motion on 10 May for the establishment of a Ministry of Labor and Progress will still be defeated: it was too premature and divisive. OTOH, the Assembly votes a motion condemning Prussian repression of the Polish insurrection in the Duchy of Poznan, and praising the constitutional movements in Southern Germany (neither of this happened IOTL). In the end, the left is a bit less confrontational: they participate to the ceremony for the granting of the flags to the National Guard on 14 May, and the march of 15 May is not a riot: instead of storming the Assembly, a petition is peacefully delivered asking for help for the Polish cause.
Neither of this is a major turning point, but the political situation in Paris is quite less heated than it was IOTL.

Let's hope that the trend continues, and there are no "Bloody Days of June".

 

[NedStark]

The critical decision point in France is coming up very soon: the elections are over, and the results have been similar to OTL.
The democrats are obviously unhappy, and the first impulse will be to turn to extra-parliamentary tactics: rallies and marches, concentrated mostly in Paris and Lyon, with the support of the many exiles (Germans, Belgians and most of all Poles) in the capital. This is certain to frighten the liberals (who are already suffering from victory disease) and facilitate the convergence between the same liberals and the monarchists.

Even if chaos is prevented, note that rural France outside of Paris was very conservative - and France was rural majority (which was why Napoleon III won in a landslide), and this means the conservatives could rely on rural votes. Had the society/demographic structure was like Britain - the democrats could have won a majority.

The biggest problem with national workshops is that it was paid for with taxes raised on conservative rural France - which was the majority at that time.

Therefore, a Thouret Amendment is necessary, it could serve as one check against Restoration - there would be no "Prince President" if it was passed. ITTL, the left could added extra pressure to get it passed.

 

[Tarabas]

Even if chaos is prevented, note that rural France outside of Paris was very conservative - and France was rural majority (which was why Napoleon III won in a landslide), and this means the conservatives could rely on rural votes. Had the society/demographic structure was like Britain - the democrats could have won a majority.

The biggest problem with national workshops is that it was paid for with taxes raised on conservative rural France - which was the majority at that time.

Therefore, a Thouret Amendment is necessary, it could serve as one check against Restoration - there would be no "Prince President" if it was passed. ITTL, the left could added extra pressure to get it passed.

I found accounts of the elections that are really interesting. Not only did the clergy actively campaign for Louis Napoleon, but we have here a lot of examples of electoral fake news. The people of the countryside were told that a "chemical procedure" would have turned the votes for Bonaparte into votes for Cavaignac. As a guarantee for their votes, the peasants fold the paper in a triangle recalling Napoleon's tricorn: if one of such papers turned out in favor of Cavaignac, it would have been proof of the ploy. Also, there were people actively taking guns to guard the places where the votes were kept "to prevent any attempt to subvert the popular vote being made at night".
That being said, thinking of a Thouret Amendment, one cannot forget Prince Henri's endeavors in Italy and how they are viewed in France. Even if General d'Orleans is set to be Prince Consort to Queen Constance of Sicily, how this is seen in France might play a decisive role in passing the amendment, as it is certainly good propaganda for the Orleans "fighting and winning for liberty".

 

[Historymaster]

Even if chaos is prevented, note that rural France outside of Paris was very conservative - and France was rural majority (which was why Napoleon III won in a landslide), and this means the conservatives could rely on rural votes. Had the society/demographic structure was like Britain - the democrats could have won a majority.

The biggest problem with national workshops is that it was paid for with taxes raised on conservative rural France - which was the majority at that time.

Therefore, a Thouret Amendment is necessary, it could serve as one check against Restoration - there would be no "Prince President" if it was passed. ITTL, the left could added extra pressure to get it passed.

I hope a restoration does happen but in the form of a constitutional monarchy.

 

[LordKalvan]

Even if chaos is prevented, note that rural France outside of Paris was very conservative - and France was rural majority (which was why Napoleon III won in a landslide), and this means the conservatives could rely on rural votes. Had the society/demographic structure was like Britain - the democrats could have won a majority.

The biggest problem with national workshops is that it was paid for with taxes raised on conservative rural France - which was the majority at that time.

Therefore, a Thouret Amendment is necessary, it could serve as one check against Restoration - there would be no "Prince President" if it was passed. ITTL, the left could added extra pressure to get it passed.

The countryside is naturally conservative, and not just in France (although the creation of a class of smallholders helped). However, after the elections of April, the left recognized their weakness in rural France and started to work for a better penetration. They made inroads, but it was too late: by the next election of the assembly, Louis Napoleon was already president. I have to disagree about Britain: the British were smart enough to carry on with reforms, this cannot be denied. It resulted however in the balance of power passing from landowner interests to industrial interests, from the countryside to the industrial cities. The Corn laws, for example, were to the benefit of the lower classes, but also to the benefit of the industrialists who could feed their workforce cheaper. The capacity of the left to vie for power at the elections is still not there. OTOH, the region of Europe where I can see such a possibility would be the western German states: Baden, the Rheinlands, the Hesse duchies. It would be not easy at all, and the Rheinlands are still part of the kingdom of Prussia, but it is a possibility.

The luck of Louis Napoleon is that when he came back he made a very poor impression in the Assembly, and was routinely laughed at whenever he made a speech (allegedly, his French had a strong German accent). This is the reason why the first iteration of the Thouret's amendment was terminated by its proponent, and also why Louis Napoleon resigned from the assembly and went back to London. It was the luck of the devil, since he didn't have to take a position on the National Workshops, and also his hands were innocent of the blood spilled during the Paris insurrection of June. When he came back, he was in a position to campaign on both Napoleonic and social values. The second time Thouret's amendment came up, Cavaignac made a terrible mistake refusing to support him: probably he was too much confident in his position as champion of the parti de l'ordre. So it would need Cavaignac supporting the amendment, the left on its own couldn't make it stick. Alternatively, La Martine might be more successful in pushing though his constitutional position on presidential elections (to be handed to the Assembly, rather than having direct popular elections): this would certainly cut the legs of any monarchist revival.

Finally, the National Workshops were not a sustainable long term proposition. They were a plaster put on a gaping wound, but were obviously opposed by rural France (the bad weather of the 1840s had badly affected the countryside) and by the bourgeoisie; at the same time they were not enough to alleviate the conditions of the day workers and the unemployed in the cities. The true problem is to find a solution which might work better.

 

[LordKalvan]

I hope a restoration does happen but in the form of a constitutional monarchy.

With a Cavaignac's presidency, I don't see a chance for a monarchist shift in the 1850s. Add on top that the economy is going to grow significantly at least until 1870, and I think this might be enough to give the 2nd republic foundations solid enough to last.

 

[LordKalvan]

That being said, thinking of a Thouret Amendment, one cannot forget Prince Henri's endeavors in Italy and how they are viewed in France. Even if General d'Orleans is set to be Prince Consort to Queen Constance of Italy, how this is seen in France might play a decisive role in passing the amendment, as it is certainly good propaganda for the Orleans "fighting and winning for liberty".

Good point. Which is also one of the reasons Cavour wants to send a delegation to carry out some spadework in Paris

 

[NedStark]

The capacity of the left to vie for power at the elections is still not there

This is because most of the left's powerbase in Britain could not vote. The 1832 Reforms Act granted voting rights to the middle class, but not the working class.

When I refer to Britain, I mean that had France been an industrial society by 1848, the monarchists would have been crowded out with universal suffrage.

 

[LordKalvan]

This is because most of the left's powerbase in Britain could not vote. The 1832 Reforms Act granted voting rights to the middle class, but not the working class.

When I refer to Britain, I mean that had France been an industrial society by 1848, the monarchists would have been crowded out with universal suffrage.

I am afraid that you are not giving enough consideration the deep differences between France and Great Britain, based on historical reasons, obviously, but which resulted in a different attitude towards government, and towards reforms. The British governments in the post-Napoleonic era carried out a long - and in my opinion successful - series of reforms: the decades between the abolition of the Corporation Act of 1828 and the extension of suffrage to agricultural workers in 1884 changed deeply but constantly the British society, without the revolutionary episodes and the insurrections which characterized the history of France and of the rest of the continent over the same period (curiously enough, both the first and the last step of the great season of reforms were taken by Tory Prime Ministers, while the central portion was mainly inspired by Whigs or Liberal Prime Ministers. The point I want to make is that there was an alternance in power, but both the parties which managed to form a government had leaders who were well aware of the need to implement reforms which would have put society more in steps with the changed times).

Compare this development with what happened in France, where Guizot went in power in 1830, after the bourgeoise revolution which ousted the Bourbons, and staid in power for 18 years, until he was in turn kicked out by another bourgeoise revolution, since during his tenure he had betrayed the principles of the insurrection of 1830 and had slowly moved towards reactionary positions (as demonstrated by his closeness with Metternich in the 1840s).

So I have to disagree: a larger impact of the industrial revolution in France (which anyway had started way later than in the UK) coupled with universal suffrage would not have changed the things so much, and in particular it would not have necessarily prevented a return of the monarchists. IMHO, it's a demonstration of the different impact that reforms and revolutions have.

It doesn't mean that revolutions are not necessary, when there is no other mean to break the mold, only that if there is a path for reforms, it is almost certainly the better way. I also believe that TTL Italian Confederation must look with attention on what has happened and is still happening in the UK and in France: these two are the most advanced nations, in both political and economical terms, and they have confronted and solved (or in some cases failed to solve) problems similar to those the Italian Confederation has to solve in the next future, if it wants to prosper.
IOTL Cavour was aware of this, but the aftermath of 1848 with the triumph of reaction put him in a very difficult position, and almost always he had to make bricks without straw. TTL presents a very different scenario, starting with an impressive string of victories on the battlefield, but also with more popular participation to the victory and also a more reasonable solution for Italian unification. In addition, the external problems (Austria, but also the Pope in Rome) have been solved, or are close to a solution. Which means that Cavour will not be distracted by them, and can concentrate on political and economical reforms, which necessarily must be synergic.

 

[NedStark]

With a Cavaignac's presidency, I don't see a chance for a monarchist shift in the 1850s.

See the OTL Third Republic. It managed to stumbled through the crucial first years thanks to the monarchists' division, and then survived, with the republicans immediately gaining strength right in the secone election.

 

[Historymaster]

See the OTL Third Republic. It managed to stumbled through the crucial first years thanks to the monarchists' division, and then survived, with the republicans immediately gaining strength right in the secone election.

Sadly, for me, yes. Without the accursed division restoration was already written.

 

[NedStark]

The American system would have been fit for a Federal Italy, well, only if the states were republics.

 

[Frrf]

The American system would have been fit for a Federal Italy, well, only if the states were republics.

The American system isn't even a great fit for the US, let alone a completely different country.

 

[LordKalvan]

The American system would be difficult to fit with the Confederation make up, but there is one of the member states that is looking to it for inspiration.
Some modifications will have to be implemented, but possibly less than one would think.

 

[Tarabas]

The American system would have been fit for a Federal Italy, well, only if the states were republics.

I think Italy has the size fit for a unitarian state, but her history calls for a (con)federal State (unless we go for a medieval unification or one in the middle XVIII century at most). From a certain point of view, our TL is all about solving this riddle. I believe I once wrote that a good motto for TTL Italy is the OTL motto of the EU: "Unita nella diversità". In some sense, the first Confederal Chart may bear some resemblance with the Articles of Confederation, with the important exception the a Confederal judiciary and an executive branch will be established by the very first draft. The interaction of the executive with the single states and with the Princeps IMHO will create an interesting dynamic.

 

[LordKalvan]

The interaction of the executive with the single states and with the Princeps IMHO will create an interesting dynamic.

I believe that one of the interesting features will be that while the Lower Chamber will be elected in uninominal colleges, half of the Upper Chamber will be elected and half nominated by the Princes (or by the Chief Executive of the republics).
A kind of slightly modified Westminster system (consider that IOTL all of the members of the Senate were nominated by the king of Italy).

 

[Historymaster]

Will the nominated Upper chambers representative be nominated ex-novo or they will be chosen beetwen trusted members in their own senate if their state has one?

 

[LordKalvan]

Will the nominated Upper chambers representative be nominated ex-novo or they will be chosen beetwen trusted members in their own senate if their state has one?

There will be separate elections for the Confederal Parliament, Lower and Upper Chambers. The Prince or Chief Executive of a member state can directly appoint 2 of the 4 "senators", but if a member of the state parliament is chosen, there will be a by-election to replace him.
Member states rate 4 "senators" each, confederal territories 3 each (1 appointed and 2 elected)

 

[LordKalvan]

The End of the Beginning
Part 8: Preparations

Verona, Guardia Vecchia - 13 May 1848, Afternoon
Cavour had invited for lunch and "discussions" those who he considered the sharpest minds currently present in Verona, and who might be most suitable for his purposes: D'Azeglio, Casati, Cattaneo, Ferrari, Scialoia, Ricasoli, Minghetti, Rossi, Mamiani, Mocenigo.
Lunch was over, and they were sitting at a large table in a conference room, Cavour presiding.
"Gentlemen, I will tell you the true reason for my invitation today. The war is over, there is no way the Austrians will be in a position to continue with it. Our borders are secure, all the goals have been achieved, even the most ambitious. We are waiting for the enemy to ask for a ceasefire, followed by peace negotiations, but in the meantime we have to work harder than before, to strengthen and develop the bonds of the Confederation, to draft constitutions, improve education, infrastructure, develop our economy... well, we need to let Italy enter this XIX century properly." The others chuckled, but for now no one dared to stop Cavour's stream of consciousness.

"These are all daunting tasks, which must be anyhow tackled successfully if we want to win the peace, as Prince Ferdinando is used to say, after having won the war. Alone we defeated our enemies, but peace requires allies more than war. We must reach to foreign states to forge bonds with them, to secure the rightful place for our Confederation in the Concert of Europe. Prince Ferdinando has instructed me to organize diplomatic missions to our neighbors and beyond. The Confederation is an unknown player, not surprising since it was born barely one month ago: we need to prove our mettle as a state respectful of laws and willing to foster peaceful and fruitful relations with everyone."

"Even with the Austrians? We are lucky then that some of us are well experienced in fostering peaceful and fruitful with them" Cattaneo's sarcasm was biting: it was an obvious dig at Gabrio Casati and Alvise Mocenigo. Cavour would have intervened, but
Mocenigo was quicker: he slightly bowed his head to Cattaneo, answering his slur in a cultured, calm voice: "There is a time for a call at arms, and there is a time for politics and diplomacy. Some of us are better at the former, others are better to the latter: both can bring results and strengthen the Italian Confederation, and our standing in the world. My old nurse used to say that the color of a cat doesn't matter: what is important is that they keep the mice out of the house." There was a devilish glint in his eyes, and a thin patrician smile on his lips. Casati limited himself to a snort of appreciation: nothing else needed to be added.

Count Cavour resumed his speech, without acknowledging the byplay:
"The relations with the United Kingdom are good, thanks to the personal friendship between Prince Ferdinando and Prince Albert, but also thanks to the British ambassador in Torino, who has been in Isola della Scala and in Verona since the beginning of April. The Ambassador have witnessed how law and order have been immediately restored in all the member states of the Confederation. The public opinion favors us, and the establishment has seen we are reliable. The Sicilian independence has been informally recognized, and it will become formal once Queen Costanza reaches Palermo, while a diplomatic recognition of the Confederation is still missing, but it is just a matter of time: the British are concerned with the war, and intend to act as mediators between us and Austria."

"Good luck with that. Humbled as they are, the Austrians will always be Austrians, overproud and overbearing". Cattaneo again. "The man is irrepressible." Cavour mused "It is a pity that he is too often abrasive and confrontational: his intelligence and dedication to the cause might produce better results if he could keep his temper under check."

" I believe they've had quite a few reality shocks to deal with in the past few weeks, poor kids. Imagine being Minister President in the worst crisis since Napoleon, with an imbecile for an Emperor and nobody really fit to rule available..." Mocenigo said softly.

"Well, we can't solve their internal problems, I am afraid. Gentlemen, let's get back to our tour of Europe, which is way bigger than Austria, and more important for our future." Cavour said. A pause, and then: "The Swiss Confederation is also friendly: they are still angry with Austria following Metternich's meddling in their internal affairs and his support to the Sonderbund. My mother's relations there are giving us a strong support and can open many doors. Similarly, my distant cousin and close friend Emile de la Rue, head of the bank with the same name in Genova, will provide support and introductions, not just in Switzerland but also in the German states.
It may come as a surprise to some of you, but France is a potential problem which we must defuse before it becomes real. Ostensibly, they are friendly, but their friendship is distant: this attitude is consistent with M. La Martine's policy to keep a low profile on the diplomatic front, and his effort to avoid the impression that the second French Republic is a reincarnation of the first one, but the results of the recent general election pose a risk to complicate things. Count Rossi and Prof. Ferrari are both well aware of the political stand-off in Paris: I would propose to send both of them to France, if they agree, in order to get a first-hand understanding of what's happening there, and also to do some discreet spadework to foster friendship between the French and us. They will travel under Sardinian diplomatic passports, and our ambassador in Paris will obviously give all support."

Everyone nodded in approval.

"Finally, the southern German states. The situation there may be less confrontational than in Paris, but it is very confused.
Austria, which had clearly ruthlessly dominated the old German Confederation is handicapped right now, for reasons which I do not feel necessary to explain." A wolfish smile appeared on Cavour's lips, before he continued: "Prussia is equally handicapped, if to a lesser measure since they were able to crush the Polish insurrection in Poznan: Berlin is still controlled by liberal and democrats, and the king left the city for his palace of Sans Souci. Liberals and democrats cooperate quite well in Baden, and the Grand Duchy is a fully constitutional state now. A similar situation prevails in Hesse Darmstadt and even in Bavaria, although the liberalization has not been as complete as in Baden. A Parliament has been convened in Frankfurt, but there is not a faction which clearly dominates it: liberals and democrats have a slim majority, if they can manage to cooperate together, but there is also a substantial number of nationalists and of reactionaries. I would like to know what to expect from there, see if there is a possibility of opening the door for ties of friendships with the moderate elements, be they liberal or democrats. It would also be beneficial to increase commercial relations with these states, and also with the Rhein Provinz, which is the most industrialized portion of Germany. Would anyone volunteer, or suggest any names for this delegation?"

Baron Ricasoli was the first to reply: "Marquis Capponi travelled extensively the western and southern German states in the early 1840s, but I am afraid that his health would not be up to such an arduous trip today. He still has correspondents there, though, and he can provide me with letter of introduction. I am personally interested in meeting with German industrialists, therefore I am offering myself for this mission."

Signor Minghetti spoke next: "I have visited western Germany and Belgium myself, so I suppose I might be part of this delegation too. I am also interested in opening up a relation with German industrialists, and see if we can kickstart industrialization in Italy too."

"There should also be a Venetian in the delegation, and would volunteer myself were it not for my dogeship. I know count Giustinian is interested in the new-fangled chemical industries, and they are most developed in Germany, so I will take upon myself to propose his name." Count Mocenigo wanted one of his entourage in: there was going to be diplomacy and there were going to be trade opportunities, both of them traditional occupations for the Venetians.
"I will also add that the compelling presentation of Count Cavour forgot to mention another prospective partner: the United States of America. They are far away, but also have a diplomatic presence in Europe, and commercial ties here. The American consul in Venice was most friendly, and supportive of our struggle."

"As was the American Consul in Rome. " Count Mamiani said, with a smile "There is a lot of sympathy for sister republics on the far side of the Atlantic."

"Then I will volunteer myself too." Signor Cattaneo barked a brief laugh "I know Switzerland pretty well, and it is only fair that there is a democrat in the delegation, along these noblemen and bourgeois. I also promise to be on my best behavior, and to avoid creating embarrassments."

"Thank you for your volunteering, gentlemen." Count Cavour said "I will add one of my bright assistants too: signor Isacco Artom, from Asti. He has some relatives in Frankfurt, and speaks an excellent German.
Going back to the delegation to Paris, what do you say, Count Rossi and prof. Ferrari?"

"I do accept, Count Cavour." Pellegrino Rossi replied "I had forsworn politics, after the disappointment of the French revolution and the fall of M. Guizot, but now I am tired of rusticating in Rome without purpose. Let's say that Gen. Ferrari helped me to climb out of my depression, and yesterday meeting my son Odoardo completed the healing: I saw things in Rome and here which gave me much food for my thoughts. I will be your eyes and ears in Paris, and will endeavor to make the most of this trip."

"As I will do" Prof. Ferrari concluded. "I am most intrigued by the developments in France, and I want to see if my earlier pessimism was well founded: in such a case, I'll do my best to ameliorate the situation."

"I was sure you would accept this challenge, and that you both will carry out very well your tasks." Cavour said with a wide smile "I will add two more participants to the French mission: prof. Scialoja, who has the expertise to deal with financial circles in Paris, and sig. Nigra, another one of my bright young assistants."
-----------------------------------------
While Cavour was casting his nets across Europe, Prince Ferdinando was secluded in his study. He was reading for the third or the fourth time the letter he had just received from his father. In a sense it was a déjà vu, and his memory went back to a night of February in Torino when he had been able to convince his father not to abdicate. In another sense, it was a completely different situation: Carlo Alberto in February was a man devoured by his doubts, plagued by his conscience. The Carlo Alberto who wrote the letter he was reading and re-reading was a very different man and king. This letter gave a sense of serenity, of achievement: it had been written by a man at peace with God and with himself, who was aware he had completed all of his obligations, and now wanted only to retire and live his last days in peace, secure in the knowledge that he now could pass the crown to a worthy and proven heir.

Ferdinando was not happy at all with the choice his father had made, but he had to respect his father's decision this time. He folded the letter, and rang a bell. When a footman entered, he said: "Please inform my sister that I would like to have a private dinner with her this evening, and make all necessary arrangements."
----------------------------------------------------
Ferdinando and Maria Cristina were facing each other across a small dining table.
Maria Cristina had not been surprised by the dinner invitation: she had also received a letter from her father, and she, more than her brother, was aware that today represented a rite of passage, marking the end of an era, and the dawn of a new one. But before that, tonight they could afford to be just a brother and a sister, trying to find comfort in each other and to remember fond memories. Very soon they would be different personas: the king of Sardinia and Lombardy and the queen of Sicily.
The dinner passed without many words, and without tears.
At the end, Ferdinando said: "I will go to visit father tomorrow morning. Will you come with me, Maria Cristina?"
"The two of us will be most happy to see Father", she answered, a bright spark in her eyes.

Verona, Teatro Filarmonico - 13 May 1848, Evening
Cavour had dinner with the Lombard delegation, but he scarcely remembered what was said at the table. He had constantly been focused on Paola Litta, and was confident that the lady was not insensitive to his attentions.
Now they were in a box of Teatro Filarmonico, enjoying the performance of a Verdi's opera, Il Nabucco, and again he was barely listening to the music or to the singers. He had always thought women, like everything else in the word, had few mysteries for him, but there was something different in this particular one: she seemed peace and war, order and chaos, cosmos and taxis. It was a very unusual sensation for Camillo Cavour, like being taken by a fever. And a fever it was, burning hot in his veins: a fever of love.