Postscript USA – The Exceptional Nation 1950 - 1979
The period in US history between 1950 and 1970 is frequently described as ‘the long 1950s’ or the ‘Gilded Generation’. These glib soundbites act as a shorthand for whether people view this period with nostalgia or cynicism. The idea of a Gilded Generation comes from the belief that this period represented the zenith of US power and prosperity, and after this it went into a political, economic and even moral, decline from which it never recovered. Reversing this downward trend in American power has been the rallying cry of US politicians, especially on the right of the spectrum, since the 1980s, though many of these same politicians claim to have been warning about it years earlier. While the scale of the decline in the USA is disputed, and when one looks at the living standards of the average US citizen it isn’t clear that there has in fact been a meaningful decline. On the other hand, it is true that in terms of global political power and influence the USA peaked during the 1950s and remained there for a remarkably long time. It was using this power to reshape large parts of the world into capitalist western oriented states that ultimately made the rise of competitors inevitable.
It was industrial might and economics that made this pre-eminence possible. American wealth helped pay for the reconstruction of post war Europe and Asia and as the world rebuilt US businesses exported their goods to every corner of the globe as they converted back to a peace time footing, while at the same time its potential competitors were laid low by the destruction the war had wrought on their infrastructure. This economic boom also generated the tax revenues needed for major infrastructure programs and helped GIs returning from the war to find jobs and homes, which further fed into economic growth. US taxation in the 1950s and early 60s stood at record high levels, and yet this did nothing to restrain rising profits for corporations and rising living standards for their workers. Not every industry turned back to civilian markets, the US retained a powerful military that needed to be supplied with weapons and equipment. This created long standing ties between politicians, military officer and major corporations that became known as the ‘Military-Industrial Cartel’.
emanating from Moscow could portray them as equals with the USA. In the west, and the USA in particular, the Soviet Union was seen as a continental power rather than a global one. Efforts to export the Communist revolution elsewhere in the world had proven erratic at best. Even countries that might have appeared to be natural Soviet allies such as Socialist Italy, Yugoslavia, and Iran all kept themselves at arm’s length throughout this period, keen to follow their own independent path and not be dictated by Moscow. US Politicians such as Senator Joseph McCarthy railed against the threat to the USA from godless communism regardless, going as far as to insist there was a communist fifth column inside the USA and demanding a full congressional investigation into this imaginary problem in the aftermath of the Red Skies crisis. There were certainly Soviet spies working inside the USA and most of them were natural born citizens of the country, but these American agents of the Soviets were largely motivated by money not ideology. McCarthy’s demands to root out anyone who had dabbled in socialism or displayed sympathy towards the USSR, even during that period when the Soviet Union had been a US ally, would have done nothing to curtail Soviet intelligence gathering. McCarthy problem in trying to stoke panic over the Berlin crisis was that while it certainly generated some concern among the US public this was mingled with surprise and annoyance that something so obvious as transport arrangements into East Germany had not already been arranged. Likewise, the detonation of the first Soviet atomic bomb provoked little reaction, as nuclear weapons were still largely regarded as just very big bombs by most people, a view that lingered on even after the Dulu'er bombing.
From the perspective of the historian and politicians who accepted the Gilded Generation concept uncritically this then was an unparalleled era of peace, prosperity and contentment for the USA, with the occasional conflict in other corners of the world barely creating a ripple to disturb the American people. The Long 1950s interpretation does not dispute the prosperity of this period, instead it points out that this peace and plenty led to cultural stagnation and economic complacency, and that this golden era was heavily tarnished by its failure to reach all Americans.
Japanese Americans had lost homes and businesses during the war, with many spending years in detention camps. In the aftermath of the war there was no contrition from the US government and certainly no compensation, despite the number of Japanese Americans who served in the US armed forces and returned home as highly decorated veterans. In the postwar era the Japanese American community in the USA began to emigrate as they continued to face serious discrimination, often excused by the ongoing belligerence of Japan towards the USA and the nations refusal to accept responsibility for the war crimes committed In China and across Asia. The Japanese American emigres found themselves no more welcome in Japan than they were in the USA, and many found Korea to be far more welcoming, especially of those who brought valuable skills and capital to their burgeoning economy.
For black citizens of the USA the war had seen them experience a brief boost in opportunities for jobs and many in the armed forces were exposed to the culture of other countries where while there was certainly racism it was not of the systemic type so prevalent in the United States. After the war the Civil Rights movement grew in numbers and sophistication and in Martin Luther King Jnr it would find one of its most eloquent and effective leaders. During the 1950s the movement only made limited progress, President Kefauver and President Stassen were both seen as dithering on the subject, in the case of the latter his refusal to take decisive action was seen as green light for hardline segregationists in the southern states and led to the open attacks on peaceful protestor by police and vigilante groups. That these were reported by the national news networks forced Stassen to send in the National Guard to restore order in Georgia, alienating the segregationists for siding with the ‘uppity’ blacks and failing to win over progressives who were appalled he had waited so long.
With the arrival of Lyndon Johnson in the White House the Civil Rights movement finally found itself pushing against an open door. President Johnson was sympathetic to the movement and earnestly determined to pass a comprehensive Civil Rights Act during his time in office. He faced considerable resistance in Congress, but passing the act remained a central plank of his plans for his second term and with his victory in 1964 its passage some form was in inevitable, though had he lived it might have involved considerable compromises to do so. His assassination at the hands of a white supremacist led to now President Kennedy passing an act far more comprehensive than he was personally comfortable with, but fully in line with Johnson’s ambitions. It outraged segregationists in Congress, but with some of the most vocal opponents having to fend off stories in the press that tried to link them to the assassin or the organizations he had been affiliated with most decided it was better to keep their heads below the parapet, though they certainly weren’t about to embrace racial equality as an ideal. The assassination also ended the long career of FBI Director J Edgar Hoover. Accusations emerged from within the FBI that Hoover had repeatedly ignored intelligence pointing the danger posed by white supremacist organizations, while pouring massive resources into digging up dirt on black civil rights leaders.
The leaders of the civil rights movement were keenly aware that changing the law was at best a start, changing attitudes and beliefs would be a far more difficult proposition. There were significantly different positions on how such change should be achieved and there were radicals such as Malcolm X who believed that the different races could never achieve equality, because the white race was on fact the inferior one. The story of his change of heart has become the subject of much cynicism, however Malcolm X was a man of deep religious faith and his accounts claim that while undertaking the Haj, the pilgrimage to Mecca that all Muslims seek to complete, he saw people of many different races and nations coming together and he saw this as sign that different races living in harmony was possible if god willed it so. Whatever the full explanation Malcolm X did soften his attitude to equality between the races after his pilgrimage, which did not sit well with some members of his organization the Nation of Islam. Two young men attempted to gun him down while he was making a speech at a meeting of the Nation of Islam, and it was nothing more than luck that he survived. That the attack came from within the Nation of Islam was a shock and there were those who tried to claim it was a false flag operation perpetrated by the FBI, CIA, or some other shadowy government organization. While Malcolm X was recovering, he was frequently visited by Martin Luther King and while no one could claim they were now friends their relationship became much more co-operative when Malcolm X returned to public life. Playing off his own more conciliatory rhetoric against the still fiery Malcolm X allowed Martin Luther King to make more headway in achieving change than he might have alone, though using the analogy of ‘good cop, bad cop’ would have attracted the wrath of both men.
While there were certainly white Americans who actively supported the Civil Rights movement it was not their cause at the end of the day and middle-class white teenagers looking to rebel against the established norms embraced by their parents looked elsewhere for a cause to rally around. In the end those who didn’t just turn their attention to music and popular culture found it in the birth of the environmental movement. From the early 1960s many scientists began to issue warnings about the impact of industrialization on the natural environment, themes that were taken up in high profile books that were decidedly less academically rigorous and more histrionic than the scientific papers they were inspired by. That embracing the environment also allowed this nascent counterculture to attack the very corporations their parents seemed beholden to made it even more attractive. The movement was referred to dismissively as ‘flower power’, but to the surprise, and in some cases dismay, of its adherents it did steadily move into the mainstream of US culture and politics in the 1970s. This was facilitated by the fact that politicians who might have been expected to vehemently impose this drive were becoming concerned about the increasing US dependence on imported oil from the Middle East and the increasing power of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries that sought to control the global price of oil, without much regard to the desires of the USA. This embrace of energy efficiency and the fight against pollution not only upset some of the more revolutionary elements in the movement, but also exasperated US business leaders who found themselves forced to deal with a slew of new regulations as well as increasingly militant union activity.
Pinning the end of this era to 1970 is a somewhat arbitrary choice, the expansion of economies in Asia and Europe, coupled with a failure by the US to modernize heavy industry, and for manufacturers of consumer goods to respond to changing market trends, led to increasing competition in international markets that user producers were slow to respond to. This spread to domestic markets throughout the 1970s and the somewhat panicked reaction of many US corporations saw wages squeezed and volatility on Wall Street whenever some major company posted results that fell short of the often-inflated expectations of the stock market. This upsurge in imports and decline in exports saw the US balance of trade began its inexorable slide into the red, to the consternation of many in Washington, though no one had any clear solutions to the problem.
In terms of US politics 1972 marks a much clearer inflection point as this was the year when the Washington Post published the Cuba Papers, revealing the full sordid details of the US involvement in ‘stabilizing’ the island. Some sort of congressional investigation was inevitable but given that politicians on all sides had at least tacitly supported the US military presence in Cuba many pundits predicted that Washington would close ranks and seek to bury the matter as swiftly as possible. Some Republicans however could not ignore the fact there had been Democratic Presidents in the White House throughout the entire period and were determined to go on the attack. Lyndon Johnson was beyond the reach of any investigation, but the Republicans hoped that by attacking President Kennedy and other members of his administration they could wrest control of the Whitehouse and Congress away from the Democratic Party. This ambition was thwarted in 1972 for a variety of reasons, Kennedy’s plan for health care reform, the moon landing and the fact that the economy remained relatively buoyant. It also didn’t help the Republican cause that several of the most likely frontrunners for the Republican nomination were connected to the ‘Cuban Crisis’ by the media. This did not dismay those inside the party who weren’t just looking to oust the Democrats but what they saw people in their own party who had become far too comfortable with a status quo that was jeopardizing the economic security of the USA and by extension its paramount status in the world. The overall impact of this was that Walter Mondale won the 1972 Presidential election, narrowly, and continued the Democratic control of the White House for four more years. This failure led to yet more fierce arguments inside the Republican party and further polarization.
The Mondale Presidency opened with the US withdrawal from Cuba, and it was every bit the disaster that had been predicted by the Pentagon. The divisions between the communist insurgent groups prevented them mounting a coherent campaign to take over the island, while without US support the Cuban military began to disintegrate. The result was back and forth fighting that left large parts of the Cuban population displaced and desperately looking for escape. The US had retained their long-standing base at Guantanamo Bay despite the general withdrawal and it was soon swamped with refugees. Regrettably some extremists managed to infiltrate the hapless civilians and conducted an attack on the base that prompted a harsh response after sixteen US servicemen were killed. Guantanamo Bay was soon ringed with multiple layers of barbed wire fences and minefields and the refugees were forcibly relocated to camps further inland. Many displaced Cubans chose to make the crossing between Cuba and Florida, hoping to find shelter there and perhaps aid from the existing Cuban American community in the state. The refugees, representing the entire spectrum of Cuban society, politically left and right, honest citizens and criminals, received a frosty reception and plans to deport them back to Cuba provoked large scale unrest and large numbers escaped the overwhelmed detention facilities in Florida and fanned out across the southern states, surviving as best they could.
The refugee issue was as much of a political disaster as it was a humanitarian one. Congress passed the health care bill, but this was seen as the last act of the Kennedy presidency rather than as a success for Mondale and outside of support for the lunar exploration program Mondale struggled to advance his own agenda. The Republicans also faced issues as radical elements, led by recently elected Senator Ronald Reagan, pushed back against the passage of legislation that might have been expected to pass through ‘on the nod’ with bipartisan support. Many ordinary voters remained dubious about the radical prescription for the US economy being pushed by these radicals. What was pejoratively called ‘Reaganomics’ was not seen as a vote winner and explains why the far more conservative Nelson Rockefeller became the Republican nominee for the Presidency in 1976, where he won comfortably. The whole of President Rockefeller’s entire first term could be described as comfortable. He proved an adept horse trader, managing to assemble sufficient bipartisan support to pass the few major pieces of legislation he put forward. This created the superficial impression that it was back to business as usual for US politics.
The Soviet invasion of Iran in 1979 initially reinforced Rockefeller’s position, no one was interested gambling on any of the Democratic contenders for the Presidency in 1980 and there was broad approval for the administration’s approach to containing the conflict in Iran and pushing back against the Soviets. Within months of Rockefeller’s second inauguration the crisis in the Middle East would escalate massively and plunge the US into a dark decade where nostalgia for an idealized past that had never existed became a national obsession.