Fantasque Time Line (France Fights On) - English Translation

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700
August 19th, 1940

Taranto
- Admiral Cavagnari makes a point of going on site to gather the opinions of his principal subordinates on the lessons to be learned from the first major sortie of the squadron. Their conclusions, written down, are unequivocal. Even with five and soon six battleships the Italian fleet is not able to venture far from its bases, because of the
air superiority of the Franco-British. On August 15th, it was very lucky, but this will not happen again. Its possibilities of action are therefore limited to areas where it could be protected by land-based fighters: it still cannot consider playing a role in the defense of Sardinia. If the Duce really wanted to see it assume a posture other than that of fleet in being or of last rampart of the Peninsula, he must be aware that this implies, at the very least, the lasting neutralization or conquest of Malta and Corsica. Operations that would in turn imply having at least local air superiority...
In the afternoon, Cavagnari presents Mussolini with a watered-down version of the report (there will be no question of Sardinia). No doubt put in a good mood by the success of the supply of the Dodecanese and the good news from East Africa (he will not be informed of the fall of Tobruk until the evening), the Duce seems to accept the conclusions of his sailors. He explains to Cavagnari that with the imminent arrival of the first stukas given up by Hitler, the upcoming return to active service of the Macchi 200 fighters and of the first squadrons of SM.79 torpedo bombers, the Allied air forces and fleets will have to be careful. When all of them will have been weakened, we will be able to think about
the case of Corsica and Malta...
 
701
August 19th, 1940

Aegean Sea (Porto Lago), 20:30 (GMT+2)
- Convoy C14, now reduced to three transports, takes the road back home escorted by the three destroyers of the 2nd Squadron and the units of MariEgeo, recalled to Italy. In spite of the Allied submarine threat, it takes the most direct route. All day, it benefits from the ASM protection of the Cant Z.501 and Z.506 of Porto Lago. Cruising at 10 knots, it enters the Antikythera Strait the next day at about 20:30 and will then accelerate to cross a good part of the Ionian Sea at night.
Kept away by the patrols of the torpedo boats of the 8th Squadron and the MAS of Leros, the HMS Proteus cannot approach and has to be satisfied with warning of the departure of the convoy.

Suez, 21h00 (GMT+2) - Arrival of the two auxiliary cruisers El-Djézaïr and Ville-d'Oran. They will continue their journey to Port Said the next day.
 
702
August 19th, 1940

Libya (Cyrenaica)
- Tobruk, evacuated, falls without resistance in the hands of the 16th British Brigade while the 4th Indian Division and the French 86th ID cleans up what remain of the Marmarica and Cirene divisions.
Inland, the allied mobile columns reach the crossing of the Trigh Capuzzo and the Trigh el Abd. They are partly supplied by a noria of French (Fokker T-VII, Potez 621 and D-338) and British (Bristol Bombay and other Imperial Airways antiquities) transport planes, which land at El Adem.
 
703
August 20th, 1940

Alger
- In order to mark the continuity of the Republic and to respond to the propaganda that Laval's GPEF is beginning to orchestrate, the first Council of Ministers held in Algiers is particularly highlighted, under the presidency of Albert Lebrun, President of the Republic. Neither Lebrun nor the President of the Council, Paul Reynaud, had premeditated that the Council would be held on the very day that Laval signed the armistice!
At the end of the Council, Paul Reynaud, surrounded by Georges Mandel, Léon Blum, Edouard Daladier and Charles de Gaulle, makes a brief statement in which he comments on the political situation in Metropolitan France without mentioning a single name. Journalists will remember, however, the official way of designating those whom many call "the Lavalists", others, more simply, "the traitors"; for the government, they are "misguided politicians acting in a manner contrary to the honor and the very interests of France and the French."
At that time, the members of the legal government were still unaware of the signing of the armistice agreement by Laval. As soon as the agreement is announced, Roland de Margerie had Dr. Marcel Junod, head of the delegation of the International Committee of the Red Cross, come to the building on rue Michelet where the Foreign Office is located.
The note that Margerie gives to Dr. Junod has obviously been prepared for several days. Its brevity gives it more force: "The French Government requests the International Committee of the Red Cross, in Geneva, to transmit to the Reich Government the following note.
"The French armed forces, wherever they may be, apply to their prisoners the provisions of the Geneva Conventions. They would be forced to renounce them if the German armed forces, in the name of the so-called armistice concluded with a de facto authority, treated their French prisoners as "francs-tireurs". In which case the German combatants and prisoners would themselves be held as francs-tireurs and treated as such by the French armed forces. The Reich's reply is expected within twenty-four hours.
"
Less than twenty minutes later, the same request is made by Margerie to the Swiss minister [1], Walter Stucki, since the Confederation represents in Algiers, after Paris, the interests of Germany and Italy in Algiers, as it represents those of France in Berlin. During this time, Dr. Junod sends a message in commercial code to the headquarters of the Geneva institution - and therefore readable by all.
At 23:30., Dr. Junod reaches Margerie at his personal residence: "I have the answer from Berlin."
- So?" asks Margerie.
- The Reich Chancellery itself replied, "Die Franzosen können ruhig schlaffen. Ihre Frage ist ohne Nötigkeit. Die Sachen sind selbstverständlich."
- The French can rest easy. Their question is, uh... without necessity. The things are self-evident. Did I translate it right?"
- Perfectly," replied Junod, confederately bilingual.
- Well, that shows us how much these gentlemen care about the puppets who believe themselves to be their accomplices and their so-called armistice!"
Dr. Junod, feeling bound by the neutrality of his country and by the rules of the ICRC, thinks no less of it, but refrains from any comment.

[1] Following a tradition that lasted until 1945, Switzerland was represented abroad not by embassies, but by legations, nor by ambassadors, but by ministers.
 
704
August 20th, 1940

Western Mediterranean
- The very recent submarine Alessandro Malaspina (C.F. Mario Leoni) hits with a torpedo the liner Groix (9,957 GRT), going from Algiers to Bône. The ship survives, but cannot take part in Operation Marignan, for which it was intended. It is replaced by the Compiègne. The escort of the convoy reacts and depth charges the Malaspina for a long time, which, damaged, will be unavailable for several weeks.
 
705
August 20th, 1940

Malta
- The GB I/23 and II/23 are joined by the GB I/31, also equipped with LeO-451, as well as the GB I/63 and II/63, on Martin 167. These five bombing groups are provisionally gathered (GB I/23 and II/23 had to join Cyprus before September 2nd) for Operation "Punishment", complementary part of "Judgment".
 
706
August 20th, 1940

Aegean Sea, 01:50 GMT (03:50 GMT+2)
- The corridor where the convoy C 14 can pass is wide enough for the submarines to be obliged to bet on the right latitude. The choice of the Dauphin is not the right one and the convoy crosses its patrol area without being detected.
07h43 GMT (09h43 GMT+2) - More fortunate than the Dauphin, the Fresnel spots the Italian vessels north-north-east of Heraklion while on their bow and can therefore get closer to them by diving. But luck deserts him as he has just gained a launching position. The door of the tube n° 2 remains stuck and the torpedo starts at the tube without being able to be launched. The exhaust gases invade the front compartment, which has to be abandoned; several sailors are slightly intoxicated. Two other torpedoes are launched normally from tubes 1 and 3, but they miss their targets, especially as the bubbling air coming out of tube 2 alerts the Italians. The Fresnel has to evade the reaction of the torpedo boat Libra. It will only have to overhaul its tubes, but that does not make it any less the fifth submarine destroyed or out of action in six days (of which the submariners' accounts will make a full week of it, stating that "on the seventh day, the Poisse had rested").
13:31 GMT (15:31 GMT+2) - Forced to remain underwater due to the presence of two Cant Z.501s, HMS Parthian cannot move into an attack position. But it does not hesitate to report the convoy. With the message from the Fresnel, the Allies can now predict the route of the convoy with great precision.
18:29 GMT (20:29 GMT+2) - Convoy C 14 approaches the Antikythera Channel and gradually increases its speed to 13 knots. The destroyers Sella (on the port side) and Crispi (on the starboard side) are leading the way. The cargo ship Capo Faro and the AMC Barletta and Brindisi, sailing in line in this order, are flanked on the port side by the destroyer Espero and the torpedo boats Libra and Lupi, and on starboard by the destroyer Ostro and the torpedo boats Lince and Lira. The destroyer Borea closes the march.
 
707 - Battle of Kythira
August 20th, 1940

Ionian Sea
- The French destroyers of the 6th, 8th and 10th DCT left Tripoli the day before at 22:55 GMT and set course for Antikythera. Making 28 knots, they arrive not far from the island at around 18:00 GMT. Standing to the west of the line between Cape Tenare (aka Matapan) and Cape Spada, the ships split into three groups to watch over the 42 nautical miles that separate the island of Kythira from Crete, to the southeast, with the small Antikythira in the middle. The 6th DCT (Mogador, Volta) patrols the south, between Antikythira and Crete. The 8th DCT (L'Indomptable, Le Malin) operates in the south-southwest of Kythera. Finally, the 10th DCT (L'Audacieux, Le Fantasque, Le Terrible) is in the west of Antikythira, so as to be hidden by the island.
18:49 (GMT+2) - A lookout on Le Fantasque spots the C14 on the starboard bow, as it passes the northern tip of Antikythira.
At first sight, the encounter looks relatively unbalanced: facing the 41 138 mm guns and 65 550 mm torpedo tubes of the seven French destroyers, the Italians only have 20 120 mm guns and 26 533 mm torpedo tubes for their five destroyers, plus 12 100 mm guns and 16 450 mm tubes for the four torpedo boats [1].
The first round is to the advantage of the destroyers of the 10th DCT. Having communicated to the 6th and 8th DCTs of the discovery of the enemy convoy, Admiral Lacroix immediately states: "I'm attacking. Follow me!" The three destroyers rush to the attack, taking the surprised Italians under their under fire. The Fantasque quickly hits the Sella several times, while Le Terrible (C.F. Bonneau) does the same to the Espero. On the other hand, L'Audacieux (C.F. Derrien) cannot do better than frame the Lupo.
The second round sees an Italian reaction as lively as it is effective. All the ships increase their pace and, including auxiliary cruisers and cargo ships, begin to emit smoke to make the task of the enemy gunners harder. Above all, two torpedo boats counter-attack without hesitation. The Libra points decisively at the Terrible, forced to abandon the Espero to deal with this new adversary. The small torpedo boat takes a 138 mm shell which destroys its forward 100mm gun, but manages to launch its two starboard torpedoes; it goes down to launch its port torpedoes when a new shell put the tubes out of action, mowing down the servants. The Terrible is forced to maneuver to avoid the two torpedoes and the Libra takes advantage of this to disengage. Meanwhile, the Lupo throws itself at the Audacieux and also launches her two starboard torpedoes; dodging a little late, the Audacieux is only able to avoid one of them, the other one hitting it at the extreme front. The blow is not fatal, but it forces Le Terrible to intervene to protect the injured ship and keep the Lupo at bay. Meanwhile, Le Fantasque, abandoning the Sella, which was hit five times, burning in three places but remaining maneuverable, shifts its fire to the Espero with the same precision. Already hit by Le Terrible, the Italian sees its speed reduced to 12 knots. The Fantasque, in order to finish it, tries to torpedo it, but it underestimates the speed that the Espero could still give and the three torpedoes launched miss their goal. However, one of them hits the Capo Faro in the stern! Nailed on the spot, the cargo ship immediately begins to sink by the stern.
Meanwhile, the 8th DCT joins the battlefield: L'Indomptable (C.V. Barthes) engages the Francesco Crispi while Le Malin (C.F. Deprez) faces the Ostro. Not engaged, the two other torpedo boats of the 8th Squadron (Lince and Lira) hurry to cover the rear port side of the convoy, where the 6th DCT has just intervened.
The Volta (C.F. Jacquinet) sends a few salvos on the Borea, putting its double 120 mm aft turret out of action. The French ship then abandons its adversary, convinced that it would sink [2]. As for the Mogador (C.F. Maerten), it engages the two auxiliary cruisers. It hits the Barletta with a shell, then immobilizes the Brindisi by placing two shells in its machine. It is then that the Lince and Lira go on the attack, at the same time as the Lupo and Libra (convinced that they had sunk one of their opponents - the Audacieux - and definitely repelled a second one - Le Terrible). The small ships launch their torpedoes on the port side - except for the Libra, whose tubes are out of order but which joins the attack anyway. Six torpedoes are heading towards the Mogador and Volta. The two large destroyers avoid five of them. The sixth (probably from the Lira) explodes in the wake of the Mogador, damaging its port propeller while it is hit by two 100 mm shells from the torpedo boats. The latter do not withdraw unharmed. All are shaken by the salvos of the Mogador and Volta, the most of which being the Lince, which bursts into flames in the middle, and the Libra, which loses its last two 100 mm guns and whose stern is ravaged by fire. The latter then gets rid of its depth charges and the successive explosions make the French believe they have sunk it.
However, they are urged to be cautious. In fact, the Lince (while managing its fire) and the Lira set out again on the starboard side of the convoy and launch a new attack, which is certainly unsuccessful, but which will allow the destroyer Crispi to free itself from the embrace of the Indomptable, forcing it to maneuver tightly to avoid four torpedoes. In return, the destroyer places a shell on the bridge of the Lira, where only the ship's commander remains unharmed, and hits the Lince twice more. There again, the French sailors believe, in good faith, that they have sent one of their small adversaries to the bottom, cleanly swallowed up by the smoke screens that had been stretched out since the beginning of the engagement.
The commander of the Crispi, in charge of the convoy, then gives the order to the ships that could still do so to seek their own salvation. In addition to his own ship and the Sella, the four torpedo boats, the Borea and the Barletta, forgotten for long enough, will to be able to get away at 14 knots. The auxiliary cruiser Brindisi, immobilized, scuttles itself after having saved its honor by firing a few salvos, and the destroyers Espero and Ostro, unable to disengage, sacrifice themselves to hold the attention of the French. The Espero launches its torpedoes on the Fantasque: this gesture of defiance earns it a hail of shells administered by the latter and the Volta. Stopped by further hits to his engines, his commander orders the evacuation and scuttling, but the two Frenchmen are slow to notice and fire new shots that increase the loss of life. The Ostro duels with Le Malin, the issue of which is uncertain for a long time, but then the superiority of the French ship's artillery speaks. The Malin finishes by launching three torpedoes at its slowed down opponent, thus avenging, without knowing it yet, the Actéon. Only one torpedo hits, but it is enough to send the Ostro to the bottom.
Still in control of the battlefield, the French are convinced that they had sunk the Brindisi and Capo Faro, three destroyers and two torpedo boats. In fact, their success is
less brilliant, since only two destroyers went to the bottom, but all the surviving Italian ships are more or less damaged. The night is not very old, the French take the time to collect the survivors before heading back to Tripoli at 24 knots, a speed that L'Audacieux can still make... in reverse, so as not to tear off its wounded bow.
On the Italian side, the defeat is obviously considered glorious, since (at least according to the communiqué) two French light cruisers are sunk! The four torpedo boats of the 8th Squadron are all rewarded for their valiant conduct: the Lupo and Lira, authors of a successful torpedoing, will receive the Silver Medal for Military Valor, the Lince and Libra will be awarded the Bronze Medal. As individuals, their four commanders will receive the Silver Medal.
On the French side, the subsequent analyses and the interrogations of the prisoners, even before the verifications made possible by the Italian surrender, lead to a downward revision of the result obtained. The need to reinforce the training for night combat will appear, as well as the interest of a rate of fire higher than that of the 138 mm guns equipping the destroyers. But, for various reasons, these problems were not all solved by December 1941...

[1] It is not necessary to take into account the two auxiliary cruisers, of very weak if not null military valuel.
[2] This tendency to overestimate the results obtained had already been encountered during the raid of the destroyers of the 8th DCT in the Skagerrak and during operation Vado.
 
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708
August 20th, 1940

Libya (Cyrenaica)
- In the confusion of the Italian retreat, Gazala, practically undefended, is easily taken by the British of the 16th Brigade, who advance from Tobruk in pursuit of the Catanzaro division.
 
709
August 20th, 1940

Rethondes
- In the morning, Laval himself signs the armistice in the famous wagon with a German delegation led by Keitel and an Italian delegation led by Ciano. The leader of the GPEF has just spent three days discussing the terms of this document, without obtaining any concessions from his interlocutors.
First of all, the Germans want to "reintegrate the province of Alsace-Moselle into the Reich, unjustly torn from the German Nation and the Germanic Race in 1919.
The rest of France is divided, "until the general settlement of the conflict", into two zones of occupation: the Atlantic Zone includes the Atlantic coastline, from the Spanish border to the Belgian border (the future Atlantikwall), and the Paris region; the Southern Zone includes the Mediterranean coastline between Cannes and the Pyrenees (the future Südwall) and the Lyon Region. The border between these zones runs from the Pyrenees to Alsace-Moselle. Each of the two zones is placed under the authority
the authority of an independent military command, attached to the Oberbefehlshaber West. The Northern coal basin is placed under special military administration.
For its part, Italy obtains an occupation zone from Grenoble to Cannes. Hitler refuses to give Toulon to Mussolini. He has to content himself with letting the Italian press know that this zone of occupation, which corresponds roughly to Savoy and the former County of Nice, "will be called one day soon to join the Italian Motherland."
France undertakes to pay Germany and Italy war reparations "which will be quantified at a later date. In the meantime, it had to provide for the maintenance of the Occupation forces", which represent a sum of 600 million francs per day!
Finally, according to Laval, the French State does not have an army but a "Territorial Security Force" under the command of General Émile Laure. This "Force" is limited to 80,000 men, who can hardly be recruited from amongst the prisoners of war. Laval's recruiting agents (remember that he was the Minister of Defense!) make the rounds of the stalags for this purpose, promising the liberation of volunteers, which explains a good number of recruitments in the FST. The FST never exceeded 50,000 men - it was constantly the victim of a double loss, with some of the enlisted men demanding (starting with Operation Barbarossa) to join the Legion of Volunteers against Bolshevism, while others disappeared one day without a trace to join the Resistance with weapons and ammunition.
Although it does not have an army, the Laval State does have an air force, with proof of this, he has a minister of the Air, Colonel Max Knipping (who was appointed General in early September). The latter theoretically commands 250 aircraft, but the vast majority are wrecks and the others are old-fashioned machines on the verge of being retired. However, to this must be added, as a result of propaganda or provocation, five Messerschmitt Bf 109B graciously offered by Marshal Göring himself, who seems to have thought that he was thus concluding a Peace of the Brave.
 
Honestly, the Collaborationists must be smoking the good stuff if they think that the United States (really, the only neutral that matters) will recognize them over a democratically elected Government that allows their arms industry to make tons of $$...

That said, I seem to recall from way back when that their regime wasn't as long lived as the OTL Vichy regime was, has that changed?
 
That said, I seem to recall from way back when that their regime wasn't as long lived as the OTL Vichy regime was, has that changed?
Depends when you put the end of the Vichy regime: at Case Anton, yes, but at Sigmaringen and/or D-Day, no.
 
710
August 20th, 1940

Reims
- The day of the head of the GPEF is decidedly busy. Indeed, in the afternoon, he signs an agreement in Reims with Otto Abetz called the "Convention de Collaboration", which is supposed to bring France into the New Europe and which in reality specifies the conditions of the German occupation. The clauses of this agreement, obviously leonine, are dictated by Hitler's concerns. In the long term, of course, it is necessary to ensure the submission of France, which should not even be able to hope for revenge. But it is also necessary, in the short term, to allow France to ensure a part of the German arms production, in order to lighten as much as possible the war effort provided by the population of the Reich in anticipation of other operations. These considerations will determine the content of the twenty-four relatively brief articles of the Convention.
The Laval government exercises its administrative authority over the entire territory, but it is stipulated that Germany exercises the rights of the occupying power, which implies that the administration works with it in a "correct" manner. In reality, the Laval government is totally subservient to the Oberbefehlshaber West. Most of the "autonomous" measures that it will take will be aimed at serving the particular interests of members of the government, and/or to repress this or that fraction of the population.
Germany promises to release the prisoners of war (nearly 2 million men) "as soon as the success of the policy of collaboration would be proven" - they would remain in captivity until the end of the war, apart from a few symbolic cohorts that claimed to justify the policy of prisoner/worker exchanges (one for two...) implemented by Laval. Moreover, in flagrant contradiction with the Geneva Conventions, the prisoners will be massively used in the German armament factories and for fortification work, which hardly bothers the Secretary of State for Prisoners that Laval appointed on the sidelines of the signing of this Convention, Georges Scapini. President of the association of the Blinded of the War (he had been wounded during the Other War), he was above all one of the founders, with Fernand de Brinon, of the France-Germany committee. His role is, in theory, to see to the proper treatment of French prisoners, but he mainly tried, during his tours of the stalags, to act as a recruiting agent to fill the ranks of the Territorial Security Forces.
In addition, the Convention de Collaboration stipulates that the Laval government would hand over German, Austrian or Italian political refugees present on French soil. Insofar as to the extent that it manages to make itself obeyed, it does so, even going so far as to add the most goodwill to the point of adding as many "foreign" Jews as possible (refugees or those who had lost their French nationality).
Laval thinks that with the armistice and the collaboration agreement, he has just secured his future at the head of the country. In fact, with these two signatures, he also secured his future death sentence.

On the same day, Laval appoints a series of ambassadors to the European countries closest to Germany, politically speaking.
- Pierre-Etienne Flandin (who refused to join the government) is to try to succeed Pétain in Spain.
- Henri Barbé becomes ambassador to Slovakia - this former leader of the PCF from 1929 to 1931 founded the PPF with Doriot in 1934, but he was in the process of distancing himself from it to get closer to Déat.
- Jean Coutrot becomes ambassador to Romania [1]
- Charles Pomaret (Minister of Labour until the Sursaut) is appointed to Sofia - for Laval, it is a way to reward one of his under-secretaries of state in his governments of 1931 and 1932.
However, both Coutrot and Pomaret cannot occupy their posts - t least for the time being: indeed, Romania and Bulgaria have not (yet) broken off their diplomatic relations with Algiers.
- Laval himself takes care of relations with Germany (that is, in practice, with Otto Abetz), until October, when he appoints the former collaborator of Paul Reynaud, Colonel Paul de Villelume.
- As for Italy, Laval thinks of sending Victor Barthélemy (PPF) there - but before doing so, he needs Mussolini's approval.

[1] Greatly wounded in the war (his right leg was amputated), Coutrot is an economist. He worked with the Ordre Nouveau of Georges Valois before joining the cabinet of Charles Spinasse, Minister of the National Economy of the Front Populaire. But in 1937, he co-founded (and directed) "Les nouveaux cahiers", an economic and political journal advocating economic collaboration with Germany. Close to corporatism, he is also viscerally anti-Bolshevik. It is this attitude that led to his appointment as ambassador to Bucharest, where the Soviets were enemy number one! It seems that Laval preferred to send an economist to play the role of diplomats than to have him in Paris. At the end of the war, when the Russian forces entered Romania, Coutrot understood that this appointment was only a disguised exile and committed suicide rather than try to return to France.
However, having little to do (like most NEF envoys), the ambassador economist had taken advantage of the previous three years to refine his work on the economy. A true prophet of economic rationalization, he had developed reflections that were to find an echo with... the French government of the Reconstruction, at the end of the 40's, thanks to an embassy attaché faithful to the memory of his unfortunate boss. This is how France will be rebuilt in part thanks to the work of an economist who had rejected the Republic... (From Olivier Dard, Jean Coutrot, De l'ingénieur au prophète, Presses universitaires franc-comtoises, 1999)
 
Depends when you put the end of the Vichy regime: at Case Anton, yes, but at Sigmaringen and/or D-Day, no.
As someone who was born, raised and still lives within relative spitting distance of Sigmaringen, I'm tempted to use that, but let's be real, the Vichy regime ceased to be even remotely relevant with Anton.
 
711
August 21st, 1940

Montoire
- Once the armistice and the Convention of Collaboration had been signed, Hitler honors Laval with a personal meeting. For security reasons, this meeting is organized in a small town in the Loir-et-Cher region, Montoire- where no monument commemorates
the event...
For Pierre Laval, this meeting is the crowning achievement of his policy. It strengthens his position above Déat, Doriot and others, all of whom are trying to conduct underhanded negotiations with the occupier, by affirming his position on the political scene. It is true that he was President of the Council of the Republic, but he manifested since 1936 a more and more virulent hostility to the regime, through the articles of the newspapers of which he is the owner or which support him (Gringoire in particular). A few weeks earlier, he thought it would be better to take over the post of head of a new artificial government, with cumbersome ministers, than to find himself with nothing. With the support of the Germans, he can now hope to play his "partners" off against each other.
But in essence, for Laval, the Montoire meeting is a failure. Far from proposing reasonable views of European strategy, Hitler merely stresses the need for close collaboration between their two governments. Despite repeated questions from the Frenchman, the Führer refuses to give him any details about the future Franco-German peace treaty. All he did is agree to indicate that its clauses - and even the date of its signature - would depend on France's "concrete signs demonstrating its commitment to the New Europe." It seems today that, in the mind of the dictator, these "concrete signs" were to be above all the participation of a significant number of French soldiers (under German command) in the already planned invasion of the Soviet Union. But Laval, far from considering this scenario, imagines that it is a question of establishing close "economic collaboration" and internal political measures aimed at the Jews in particular. In any case, this is how he justifies the establishment of the Statute of the Jews during his trial.
In practice, however, the Montoire meeting leads to a tangible result: it allows the Germans to elegantly get out of a legal-military imbroglio. A very large number of
many French soldiers (figures vary from 500,000 to two million!) were indeed captured without weapons or insignia and carrying a demobilization bulletin hastily written in a village hall, in application of the decree of July 21st signed by De Gaulle for the soldiers who could not evacuate. At first tempted not to accept the validity of these documents, the Germans finally admit it, if only to give back to occupied France a certain amount of work force and allow it to pay the war reparations foreseen by the armistice! Obviously, it costs nothing to Hitler to pretend that these men were liberated free of charge to inaugurate the Franco-German collaboration under happy auspices.
 
712
August 21st, 1940

Ionian Sea
- Deceived by the optimistic report of the French destroyers, the allied air force searches only half-heartedly for the survivors of convoy C 14. Five of the ships of
MariEgeo and the Borea, all more or less damaged, reach Taranto, followed by the Barletta escorted by the Crispi, which took the risk to accompany the slow auxiliary cruiser.
The C14 operation and its annex in the Adriatic thus cost the Regia Marina (not counting the minor damage to the battleships Vittorio Veneto and Giulio Cesare and the heavy cruisers Gorizia and Zara) two destroyers, one torpedo boat and two auxiliary cruisers sunk, three destroyers and four torpedo boats damaged. To this must be added the loss of two cargo ships, or rather three, the Gloriastella being stuck in Rhodes in a very poor state.
 
713
August 21st, 1940

Central Mediterranean
- During the night, the submarine Atropo manages to enter the port of Sirte and evacuates 37 wounded, including four pilots of the Regia Aeronautica.
 
714
August 21st, 1940

Eastern Mediterranean
- While the submarines Bragadin and Corridoni returned to their base on the 18th, the Foca, which did not return and did not give any sign of life, is considered lost. Fearing that it had fallen victim to one of its own mines that it had laid in front of Haifa (which would place its loss around August 12th), the Italian naval authorities prefer to suspend all submarine minelaying. There would be no more question of this before September 1942 - and it will be to put it aside.
As a consequence of this decision, the two old coastal minesweepers of X-class, damage during the Operation BQ, are definitively disarmed in October.
 
715
August 21st, 1940

Libya (western front)
- The French forces, invigorated by the arrival of American vehicles re-launch their offensive from El Machina. The 16th BLM charges towards the sea and the small port of Sirte, to cut in two what remains of the Africa Settentrionale Italiana. The 3rd Chasseurs and the 61st BCC (which no longer have a single D1 tank in their ranks, but is largely re-equipped with American M2A4 light tanks!) continues eastwards, towards Nofilia.

Libya (eastern front) - In Cyrenaica, the French mobile columns coming from El Adem take Mechili. These columns are formed around the 8th Self-Propelled Gun Group, to which are added elements of infantry... in trucks and on board various vehicles called self-propelled guns.
In view of the deteriorating situation, Graziani decides to set up a "redoubt" around Benghazi, between Soluch (south) and Derna (east). Around the 1st Libyan Colonial Division will congregate the remains of the 5th Army of Tripolitania, the CC.NN. of the XXVIII Ottobre and III Gennaio and the survivors of the Catanzaro, which arrived from Tobruk, sowing men on every meter of the Via Balbia, under the blows of the allied planes or of the exhaustion aggravated by demoralization.
 
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716
August 21st, 1940

Berlin
- Wilhelmstraße is careful not to give the Political Department [1] in Bern its answer until twenty-three hours and twenty-five minutes after the french question. It is written in French, still a universal diplomatic language. Joachim von Ribbentrop signs it in person
"The Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Great German Reich wishes to present his compliments to the Head of the Political Department of the Swiss Confederation. He requests him to transmit to whom it may concern the following message:
- By order of His Excellency the Führer and Chancellor of the Reich, the Wehrmacht shall apply the relevant provisions of the Geneva Conventions of 1864, 1906 and 1929 signed and ratified by the German State, to French combatants in uniform, whoever they may be.
- This order has been communicated as of today to the commands of all the fighting units of the Great German Reich, to its territorial authorities, to its police forces and to its diplomatic representations.
- The German Reich believes that it can consider that its combatants, ipso facto, benefit from the reciprocity of these provisions. It expects that confirmation of this will be addressed to it by whom it may concern within twenty-four hours.
- The Swiss Confederation and the International Committee of the Red Cross would be guarantee the application of the above-mentioned provisions.
(signed) Joachim von Ribbentrop
"

[1] Switzerland sticks to its tradition here, too. The ministries - federal and cantonal - are Departments and the ministers are heads of department. The Political Department is in charge of Foreign Affairs.
 
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