August 12th, 1943
Athens - The Royal Government is finally starting the consultations for the formation of a government of national unity. This conference held at the Royal Palace, located in Iródou Attikoú Street, under the Acropolis, was brought forward at the insistence of the British, in an attempt to calm the agitation which rumbles and which already caused serious incidents in the area of Amphilochia.
The ministers of king George II are not in a hurry to meet their rivals. They feel in a position of force, supported by their allies, and know that the time (as well as the course of the course of operations!) plays in their favor. Moreover, they are sure of the loyalty of the army leaders. Indeed, several promising officers from the left-wing partisan movements, such as commander Grigóris Lambrákis*, were removed from positions of responsibility despite the oppositionof the French, who remained in favor of a true "Sacred Union". It is true that the Hellenic royal family, of Germanic descent, did not inherit the democratic fiber of Themistocles, Pericles or Demosthenes!
Notwithstanding these sources of tensions, the "First Athens Conference**" starts under favorable auspice. Indeed, the revolutionary movements, of which ELAS is the armed arm, had to reduce their demands considerably. Initially, it was a question of demanding the election of a National Council of Liberated Greece, with the value of a Constituent Assembly. But such a claim seems irrelevant today, while in Moscow, the Soviets are more preoccupied by the titanic clash which takes place in Ukraine and seem less and less concerned with the moods of the Greeks.
General Sylvestre Audet is the main representative of the allied forces at the Conference, acting once again as mediator. Montgomery does not want to get involved in this vile political cuisine and its "native contingencies. "So much the better!" exclaimed General Panagiotis Spiliotopoulos, who described Audet as "more neutral, closer to national preoccupations and more subtle than the commander of the 18th Allied Army Group". The presence of the French general, not desired by the Royal Government, was following the events in Volos. For the Allies remain divided on the direction that should be encouraged in Greece. The British, led by Churchill, are especially concerned about the risk of communist contagion and wants the return of a strong, even muscular, monarchy. The Americans, insofar as they are interested in this small country, had little sympathy for a monarchy and do not have the same anti-communist prejudices: the ballots will have to decide! Finally, the French, who had the opportunity to arbitrate a dilemma of the same order during the constitutional revision of 1940, feel that a passage by force would be disastrous and encourage a compromise with the moderate democrats and the socialists, who are basically quite close to the SFIO of Léon Blum, Vice-President of the Council. Audet therefore received instructions from Algiers: if he could act to promote such an arrangement, he should not hesitate to seize the opportunity, but remain discreet. Let's see! thinks the unfortunate soldier...
Fortunately, no leading British official attends the conference, except the ambassador Reginald Leeper, who manages the secretariat with his staff. He seems quite happy not to be involved in anything, joking that the meeting will certainly be led by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, so wide does the gap between the Greek parties seems gaping.
There are twenty-six of them around the table, deciding on the future of their country. This large number of speakers reveals the political state of Greece, which remains painfully divided.
Sophoklís Venizélos came with George Papandreou and three other ministers: Constantin Rentis, Georges Exintaris and Gerasimos Vassiliadis. They represent the royal government (which, they claim, is both legal and legitimate). They are accompanied by some of their political friends: Panagiotis Kanellopoulos (National Unionist Party), Dimítrios Lóndos (People's Party - conservative) and George Sakalis (Progressive Party). But the government has other supporters. These include the representatives of the resistance movements known as "loyalists": Geórgios Kartális (EKKA) and General Komninos Pyromaglou, leader of the EDES, who came with Lieutenant-Colonel S. Metaxás and Captain I. Metaxás. Venizélos can also count on the support of the generals Konstantinos Ventiris and A. Stathátos, who represent smaller anti-communist movements.
Facing them, the block (more or less homogeneous) formed by the socialists and the communists, supported more and more discreetly by the USSR, but very powerful nevertheless. At the forefront are Petros Roussos (member of the Central Committee of the Greek Communist Party) and Alexandros Svolos, president of the Political Committee of National Liberation (PEEA), as well as Angelos Angelopoulos and Nikolaos Askoutsis, members of the said committee. They are supported by Spyros Theotokis, moderate socialist and Resistant (National Party of the people, not to be confused with the Party of the People) and by Ioannis Sofianopoulos (Union of the Left), although they do not share the opinions of their comrades of the CP and the PEEA. The men of the left also came "armed", with the general Stefanos Sarafis (ELAS), whose presence displeases some, and his deputy George Siantos. Their friends from the EAM, Miltiádis Porphyrogénis (secretary general) and Dimitrios Stratis are there as reinforcements.
Finally, between the two blocks, undecided: Alexandros Mylonas, an intellectual exiled during the dictatorship of General Metexas (Agrarian Party) and Phílippos Dragoúmis, a jurist and former minister of Northern Greece in the Tsaldari government.
In the end, Audet muses, Montgomery was not entirely wrong to speak of a "Greek salad". Perhaps he was right to be represented...
.........
It is obviously Sophoklís Venizélos who opens the conference, as organizer, by deploying all his eloquence.
"Gentlemen, I thank you in the name of His Majesty for having joined us.
You all know here the drama that our Nation is going through, and I will not do you the injustice of summarizing it for we have all experienced it in our soul and flesh. I am therefore here with you, surrounded by our faithful Allies who helped us in our struggle (he points with his hand to Leeper and Audet with a smile that makes everyone believe that the English and French are his personal allies) to define jointly the practical modalities of the constitution of a government of National Union representing the whole of our society, in the diversity of its currents but according to the right proportions of their contribution.
This government will have as its main, indeed only, task to win the war against Nazi Germany and to assure Greece its rightful place in a calmed Europe. It is obvious (another polite smile) that this is today the sole aim of all our movements. His Majesty and I are therefore assured of your good will and your desire to work together for the Victory. I therefore invite you to set to work without delay. To begin with, let each one of you express his opinion and say what stone he wishes to contribute.
There follows a silence that is a little too long. The speech apparently arouses moderate enthusiasm.
It is, of course, the communist Petros Roussos who responds.
"Mr. Prime Minister, I thank you for this invitation. It comes a little late, but isn't it said that better late than never? We are happy that Mr. Oldenburg (he presses this foreign name), who for so long supported General Ioánnis Metaxás in his errors, deigns finally to address his people.
The national representation was obviously upset by the fascist invasion, which is perhaps the only good thing that came out of this aggression. And I agree with you on one point, we have a historic opportunity here. Will Greece finally emerge from obscurantism and authoritarianism to return to democracy, to the glory of its history? This is the question that I address to you here and now, on behalf of my comrades, Mr. Prime Minister.
General Audet could not help but gasp, his hands clasped in front of his mouth. "Here we are already." What an unpleasant situation, at least for a military man!
Venizelos does not let on: "Mr. Roussos, I thank you for this answer, which has the merit of sincerity. However, it does not answer the question. Our present mission is not to settle accounts and past difficulties, but to get our country out of the rut. As a first step. We cannot ignore participation in the War and leave our allies to fight the common enemy alone."
- It is true that your government has found in its defeat the support of brave and powerful armies to liberate our country. It is, however, regrettable that their assistance was necessary, and I dare to believe that their governments will know how to prove their friendship to us by remaining neutral in the debate between us.
With that, the representative of the Communist Party throws a strong glance towards Audet, which the latter returns without fail.
- In any case", Roussos continues, "you will agree that our forces have paid and are still paying the ultimate price to liberate the land of Greece. But this liberation is not yet complete. So why is it so urgent to establish the country's new institutions?
Papandreou, who was getting annoyed without showing it, intends to bang his fist on the table and speaks up: "Because, if no one around the table doubts your dedication, the current situation is not sustainable. The courage and actions of ELAS, or EKKA for that matter, are not in question. by the way. But today, the struggle must be carried out within the framework of the national army, and no longer within the framework of movements which, by force of circumstance, are poorly organized, whose efforts are scattered and whose actions are not always under control. You cannot ignore the serious incidents that occurred in July with assassinations committed against third-party movements (Kartális of the EKKA looks up wearily to the sky), nor to the recent problem of Amphilochia. Don't you think that it is possible and desirable to coordinate our actions?
- Regrettable errors and mistakes, which will be sanctioned if necessary... and if they were not provoked", retorts Roussos. "However, I can affirm, Minister, that the people are with us, as shown by the recent uprisings, which began even before the arrival of the troops of... our allies.
- Perhaps you are referring to the events in Kardista?" says Geórgios Kartális, looking ironic, despite the false look that Stefanos Sarafis gives him, with the smile of the butcher sharpening his knife.
- Of these and many others! Don't consider only the facts that suit you, general. Your forces have sometimes even been aggressive towards ours!
Sensing that the debate is degenerating into mutual reproaches, Audet takes it upon himself to intervene:
"Gentlemen, as a... mediator, may I courteously suggest that we return to the subject that brings us together today?
Roussos smiles: "Thank you, general, I greatly appreciate your desire for dialogue, which does not surprise me, coming from the representative of a nation as courageous as yours... Even if your predecessors did not always show the same open-mindedness!"
In London, General Giraud must sneeze - unless he drops something. He surely feels that he is being talked about!
The Greek Communist resumes: "As our friend General Audet suggested, we will get to the heart of the matter. My question is simple, Mr. Prime Minister: you are asking for our help in a noble cause. We cannot refuse." After a brief silence to spare his effect, Roussos exclaims: "However, you cannot deny that the national representation has been seriously mistreated by the previous governments which, for some, pretended to serve Mr. Oldenburg, called the King for some. Before war, our parties (he embraces with a broad gesture of the hand the "left" half of the table) represented an important part of the population. They were never listened to. Better, they have been repressed. Who guarantees that you will not ask us today to make the rope with which you will hang us tomorrow?
- What can you fear, if you are so sure of your popularity? General elections will obviously take place at the end of the conflict and the Greek people will freely choose their future and their leaders.
- I hope so, otherwise we will be forced to take note. You know that many soldiers in the army want change, just like we do!
- Would you like to test our ability to hold the army, Mr. Roussos?" This is Dimitrios Lóndos, of the People's Party.
- At your disposal to test where its loyalty goes!" answers Alexandros Svolos, of the PEAA.
A violent hubbub ensues. Ambassador Leeper tries diplomatically to bring back the calm, without succeeding. Finally, General Audet succeeds, finding his voice as a young officer leading his men in the assault on the German trenches: "GENTLEMEN! Calm down - calm down and listen to me!"
He is delighted (and a little surprised) to get silence. It is true that many of the Greeks present understand more or less French (more than the English of the too calm Leeper).
Whether they understand him or not, the general's rant does not need translation.
And then, France is supposed to be neutral in the affair, and the Sursaut has earned it a considerable prestige... Audet will take advantage of this.
- In the name of France, I think I can say that the problem that divides you here is a problem of confidence.
The sentence is greeted with discreet nods of approval.
- The question is: how can we restore this trust? What would it take for each of you to trust the men on the other side of this table, but who are also Greeks, like you?
Papandreou, with frustration: "You are right, General. Obviously, our... interlocutors don't believe in our word. What do they need?"
Roussos replies to his adversary, not to him, but to Audet: "We need a neutral intermediary. Like you, General, you seem to have the qualities for that. But it would be necessary that it is a Greek, because it is about internal considerations!" he immediately points out.
- In this case, I have a proposal to make to you", answers the general, under the doubtful glance of all and in particular of Leeper. This last one finds that this military encroaches on his diplomat's turf. And he will discover that as a good strategist, Audet has foreseen a reserve.
The general signals to a palace orderly, who opens a door and bows deeply - actually, he almost kneels! Then enters the room a long black dress, from which emerge a heavy cross and an abundant beard. The whole thing is topped by a sharp, piercing and confident look, which is not unexpected in a high dignitary of the Orthodox Church - for it is indeed the Patriarch Damaskinòs of Athens, the Archbishop-Primate of Greece, Dimitrios Papandreou in person***.
The reactions around the table are diverse. Most of the "royalists" open round eyes that leave no doubt as to their surprise. Lóndos signs himself with devotion, as does Kartális, who even moves towards the holy man, whose ring he would gladly kiss. In front, the left hesitates between surprise, indignation and contempt. Saluting the assembly with his right hand in a gesture close to a blessing, the prelate takes his place in the chair of General Audet, who stood up at his entrance and then sat down again a little behind, rather proud of his effect.
- My dear children..." begins the archbishop...
For a moment interrupted by a coughing fit from Roussos, he continues without breaking stride: "For we are all children of God, whatever our opinions! I come to you to bring peace to this assembly and to gather the lost sheep into the flock.
Sarafis, from ELAS, suddenly stands up, red with anger: "This is grotesque! What legitimacy does this man have?"
If Sylvestre Audet's voice has the experience of fighting, the prelate's has been trained by preaching in large churches. He thunders in response: "And what legitimacy do the hundreds of popes who accompany your men, General Sarafis? Who bless them, who encourage them and who, God forgive them, sometimes take up arms with them? And what legitimacy do your soldiers have, they who celebrate masses when none of my popes could join them, or when an enemy bullet has sent the one who would have wanted to, in his black robe, to sit at the right hand side of Our Lord?"
Sarafis, mute, falls back on his seat, then stands up nervously, while the prelate continues: "And you, Mr. Porphyrogenis! Do you not know that six of my bishops have served, and still serve, in your ranks?" It is true that, as the vast majority of Greeks remain very religious, the application of the Marxist-Leninist doxa has been... suspended in the resistance movements.
After a moment, the Damaskinòs resumes: "It is Providence that has guided my steps to this room." Audet smiles inwardly - quite a promotion!
- No one here can deny the positive role that the Holy Church has played in this conflict that is ravaging our land. I have known your sufferings, those that are breaking your hearts at this very moment. At the beginning of this century, I saw the horror of the war against the Bulgarians. I was chased by Metaxás. And yet, despite everything, I continued to spread and defend the word of God, even in the cities of the New World for our emigrant compatriots, and then in front of the guns of the Germans in Athens, because my duty is to defend all Greeks, not only the Christians****! And you, you dare to quarrel, you dare to argue like whining children in these times of tears and blood!
Papandreou suddenly smiles at Audet - a nice touch, general, he seems to say - then launches with his most pleasant voice: "Since the Bishop honors us with his presence, I propose that he serve as intermediary and arbitrator between our parties, to ensure the respect of each claim. His probity is not in doubt for anyone, is it not!"
Roussos is stuck. To refuse is to take responsibility for the breakdown of negotiations, and perhaps civil war. But Moscow is not answering the phone much at the moment. Moreover, did not the Little Father of the People himself, in the Fatherland of Socialism, decree the sacred union with the popes? He says: "Why not, it is indeed a credible proposal. Thank you for your intervention... father."
Venizélos rushes into the breach: "Perfect, in this case, I propose that Father Damaskinòs be appointed Minister without portfolio, general delegate to the National Concord." Proposal which collects, among the expressed reactions, only approvals, which are immediately recorded by the services of Leeper.
- I propose that we make now a short pause", intervenes the English diplomat, who would like to breathe a little to consider the consequences of the coup de théâtre arranged by Audet. "Our spirits have warmed up and we are all thirsty for the magnificent sunshine of your beautiful country. What do you say we have a cup of tea... or coffee... and resume the meeting in half an hour? If the Monsignor will allow it." The interested party simply raises his right hand to signify his agreement.
- Thank you, Mr. Leeper," Venizelos continues. "However, I would like to clarify one last thing first, if you will allow me, dear colleagues and comrades. Mr. Roussos?
The communist nods his head, his lips tight.
- Under the auspices of the Monsignor, we are going to jointly define the modalities of government. This means, of course, that at this moment the government of His Majesty George II is the only legitimate one?
The question is thrown with a smile, but Roussos stubbornly looks at the papers in front of him, with a sullen expression. What to do? Moscow will not wage war on the capitalists, at least for the time being. In Yugoslavia, even Comrade Tito, who seems to be at his best with the French, is negotiating with the reactionaries. For the moment, it is better to compromise...a postponement.
- Yes, of course." At the moment, he lets go with a sigh, to the consternation of Sarafis.
.........
"The rest was relatively simple. Two members of the Communist Party (Alexandros Svolos and Nikolaos Askoutsis) and the socialist Theotokis entered the government as secretaries of state for reconstruction and supply, in exchange for the integration of the ELAS troops into the Greek National Army, whose prestige had become considerable.
Roussos, sensing a trap, used his role in the Central Committee of the CP as a pretext to refuse a government post. He was well advised: stuck in non-decisional positions, but in direct contact with the population, the communists could no longer promise the people wonders while blaming the King and his ministers for everything that went wrong.
In the 1945 elections, held under the protective wing of the army of national unity, the left-wing parties achieved a very respectable score, without however achieving a majority. The USSR did not make the slightest comment - it is true that Stalin had promised his ally Churchill to leave Greece to him.
The civil war had been avoided thanks to the influence of Damaskinòs, and a little thanks to general Audet. This was duly noted by Algiers, as well as by the Greek government. Audet ended the war as an army general and was decorated by the regent Paul in 1948 with the Grand Cross of the Order of the Savior - a distinction usually reserved for heads of state. Who knows what abyss Greece might have fallen into without the intervention of these two men?
However, the post-war period was not idyllic, with scarcity and reconstruction in a country which remained very poor. Feeling abandoned and betrayed by their hierarchy and even by Moscow, some desperate ELAS rebels chose to take up arms again after the end of the war and committed violent actions and attacks against government representatives until 1949. Several of their mountain refuges had to be reduced by the Army, whose troops sometimes included some of their former Resistance comrades. Even today, this period is still shrouded in a cloud of secrecy. But, despite the appeals of some extremist leaders, the governmental agreement held firm and a bloodbath was avoided." (Evelyne Roussel, From Resistance to Union - Greece from 1941 to 1948, La Fabrique, 1987).
* Founder of the Union of Greek Athletes and very active in charitable actions of food assistance. He will escape very little from an attempt of assassination by activists of extreme right in March 1963.
** So named to avoid confusion with the interallied conference of Athens, in November 1943.
*** Not related to the minister, Papandreou is one of the most common names in Greece.
**** Apart from his remarkable intervention on March 25th, 1943, the patriarch helped many Jews. Threatened with death by the Germans for having protested against the deportations, he distributed and had distributed false certificates, thus saving thousands of Romani Jews. Israel made him Righteous Among the Nations.
