9071
August 7th, 1943
Bangkok - An important negotiation has just started in Bangkok. The Gaimusho (Japanese Foreign Ministry) has sent a special delegation to Prime Minister Phibul Songkhram, leader of the People's Party (Khana Ratsadon) and unofficial dictator of the country. After a lot of talk, the Japanese diplomats finally explain clearly - even aggressively - what they want: a large-scale Thai military intervention in their favor in Laos. Indeed, the situation of the Japanese occupying the north of the country becomes critical (even if the word is not used: there is no question of exposing so crudely the difficulties of the Imperial Army). The garrisons, too weak and too dispersed, are cut off from each other and that of Tong Pheung is already under siege. The troops based in Vietnam cannot intervene, because their own situation is very delicate and this province is a priority.
In short, the Thai army has to help its allies by clearing the garrisons. After all, its contribution to the war has so far been very limited: since the conquest of French Indochina, only one Thai division has participated in active operations on the Burmese front. And if the Japanese are weak on the Laotian front, in Bangkok they are in a position of strength and do not hesitate to make it felt. To hear them tell it, all the problems encountered by the Imperial Army in Laos are due to the incompetence and venality of Thai generals who are more concerned with trade and plunder than with war.
Phibulsongkhram listens to this indictment, his face frozen to the point of being disturbing so as not to let his anger show. He is losing face and the shame he feels is the worst of his career. If he doesn't show it, he's already thinking of giving those arrogant Japanese a piece of their mind. As he understands, this attack is actually directed against him. It is not the accusations of violence or large-scale robbery that are repulsive to him. Like any good Thai from the center of the country, he despises the non-native populations, Issarn, Lana, Khmers and Pattanis are, in his eyes, only slaves who should welcome as a gift from Heaven the "protection" of Thailand. However, Phibulsongkhram advocates a strong central power. However, most of the acts he is accused of are carried out by local governors in northeast Thailand and Laos. Men who acted behind the Prime Minister's back without his knowledge and without the state benefiting.
The Prime Minister is smiling, however: Prathet Thai (Thailand, literally "The Land of the Free") would like nothing better than to come to the aid of its friend and ally Japan. Alas - and to admit it is a new humiliation for "Phibun" - the economic situation of Thailand is difficult. The army suffers from a serious lack of means. If the Thai generals put trade before war, it is because they have to feed their men.
Without giving the Japanese time to intervene, Phibulsongkhram continues. The abuses will be reprimanded and the generals who must be punished will be punished. He underlines the clear difference between those who trade for the survival of their men - most of them - and the few black sheep who take advantage of the situation for their own benefit. The Prime Minister throws the Japanese a list of a few names - conveniently, only naval officers - that his services, he claims, already suspect and that will serve as an example.
The Japanese have won this first round and they know it. They can therefore "generously" approve of their host. But now that Thailand's responsibility has been recognized, the Gaimusho envoys demand a swift and powerful intervention by their ally.
This requirement offers a golden opportunity to the First Thai. When Laos was divided into Japanese and Thai influence areas, the Nipponese took the lion's share, as shown by the map that Phibulsongkhram had brought. He proposes a redrawing, a real breakup of Laos into tiny zones. The zone of influence of Thailand doubles compared to the previous division, but it is only formed of multiple confetti. This proposal reassures the Japanese... and the Thais, who prefer that their powerful ally does not take on too much importance in the region. Moreover, the Prime Minister goes even further, proposing that certain areas controlled by the Thais be ceded after the war to the Vietnamese empire. A way of dividing up Laos even further and avoiding turning it into a bone of contention. A solution that pleases everyone around the table. Only the puppet king of Laos, Phetsarath Rattanavongsa, would probably find fault with it. But he has not been invited to the negotiations that will decide the future of his country.
However, a few small material problems remain to be settled before the Thai army can intervene in Laos. It lacks modern equipment. It would be necessary to provide its ally and friend with weapons, guns, tanks, planes, gasoline and even uniforms and rice. These requests cast a pall over the situation, when everyone seemed to be in agreement. The Tokyo envoys being both diplomats and Japanese, they manage to keep a smile on their faces, barely wincing. But the head of the delegation asks for a period of reflection.
Bangkok - An important negotiation has just started in Bangkok. The Gaimusho (Japanese Foreign Ministry) has sent a special delegation to Prime Minister Phibul Songkhram, leader of the People's Party (Khana Ratsadon) and unofficial dictator of the country. After a lot of talk, the Japanese diplomats finally explain clearly - even aggressively - what they want: a large-scale Thai military intervention in their favor in Laos. Indeed, the situation of the Japanese occupying the north of the country becomes critical (even if the word is not used: there is no question of exposing so crudely the difficulties of the Imperial Army). The garrisons, too weak and too dispersed, are cut off from each other and that of Tong Pheung is already under siege. The troops based in Vietnam cannot intervene, because their own situation is very delicate and this province is a priority.
In short, the Thai army has to help its allies by clearing the garrisons. After all, its contribution to the war has so far been very limited: since the conquest of French Indochina, only one Thai division has participated in active operations on the Burmese front. And if the Japanese are weak on the Laotian front, in Bangkok they are in a position of strength and do not hesitate to make it felt. To hear them tell it, all the problems encountered by the Imperial Army in Laos are due to the incompetence and venality of Thai generals who are more concerned with trade and plunder than with war.
Phibulsongkhram listens to this indictment, his face frozen to the point of being disturbing so as not to let his anger show. He is losing face and the shame he feels is the worst of his career. If he doesn't show it, he's already thinking of giving those arrogant Japanese a piece of their mind. As he understands, this attack is actually directed against him. It is not the accusations of violence or large-scale robbery that are repulsive to him. Like any good Thai from the center of the country, he despises the non-native populations, Issarn, Lana, Khmers and Pattanis are, in his eyes, only slaves who should welcome as a gift from Heaven the "protection" of Thailand. However, Phibulsongkhram advocates a strong central power. However, most of the acts he is accused of are carried out by local governors in northeast Thailand and Laos. Men who acted behind the Prime Minister's back without his knowledge and without the state benefiting.
The Prime Minister is smiling, however: Prathet Thai (Thailand, literally "The Land of the Free") would like nothing better than to come to the aid of its friend and ally Japan. Alas - and to admit it is a new humiliation for "Phibun" - the economic situation of Thailand is difficult. The army suffers from a serious lack of means. If the Thai generals put trade before war, it is because they have to feed their men.
Without giving the Japanese time to intervene, Phibulsongkhram continues. The abuses will be reprimanded and the generals who must be punished will be punished. He underlines the clear difference between those who trade for the survival of their men - most of them - and the few black sheep who take advantage of the situation for their own benefit. The Prime Minister throws the Japanese a list of a few names - conveniently, only naval officers - that his services, he claims, already suspect and that will serve as an example.
The Japanese have won this first round and they know it. They can therefore "generously" approve of their host. But now that Thailand's responsibility has been recognized, the Gaimusho envoys demand a swift and powerful intervention by their ally.
This requirement offers a golden opportunity to the First Thai. When Laos was divided into Japanese and Thai influence areas, the Nipponese took the lion's share, as shown by the map that Phibulsongkhram had brought. He proposes a redrawing, a real breakup of Laos into tiny zones. The zone of influence of Thailand doubles compared to the previous division, but it is only formed of multiple confetti. This proposal reassures the Japanese... and the Thais, who prefer that their powerful ally does not take on too much importance in the region. Moreover, the Prime Minister goes even further, proposing that certain areas controlled by the Thais be ceded after the war to the Vietnamese empire. A way of dividing up Laos even further and avoiding turning it into a bone of contention. A solution that pleases everyone around the table. Only the puppet king of Laos, Phetsarath Rattanavongsa, would probably find fault with it. But he has not been invited to the negotiations that will decide the future of his country.
However, a few small material problems remain to be settled before the Thai army can intervene in Laos. It lacks modern equipment. It would be necessary to provide its ally and friend with weapons, guns, tanks, planes, gasoline and even uniforms and rice. These requests cast a pall over the situation, when everyone seemed to be in agreement. The Tokyo envoys being both diplomats and Japanese, they manage to keep a smile on their faces, barely wincing. But the head of the delegation asks for a period of reflection.