Alternate Wikipedia Infoboxes VI (Do Not Post Current Politics or Political Figures Here)
- Status
Page 38: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election
* Page 307: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in South Carolina
* Page 310: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Alabama
* Page 311: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Arkansas
* Page 312: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Florida
* Page 314: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Georgia
* Page 315: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Kentucky
* Page 316: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Louisiana
* Page 317; The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Mississippi
* Page 319: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in North Carolina
* Page 319: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Tennessee
* Page 320: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Texas
* Page 320: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Virginia
Page 39: The 1864 United States presidential election
* Page 321: The 1864 United States presidential election in Vermont
* Page 324: The 1864 United States presidential election in New Hampshire
* Page 325: The 1864 United States presidential election in Maine
* Page 325: The 1864 United States presidential election in Massachusetts
* Page 326: The 1864 United States presidential election in Rhode Island
* Page 328: The 1864 United States presidential election in Connecticut (you are here)
* Page 307: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in South Carolina
* Page 310: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Alabama
* Page 311: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Arkansas
* Page 312: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Florida
* Page 314: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Georgia
* Page 315: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Kentucky
* Page 316: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Louisiana
* Page 317; The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Mississippi
* Page 319: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in North Carolina
* Page 319: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Tennessee
* Page 320: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Texas
* Page 320: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Virginia
Page 39: The 1864 United States presidential election
* Page 321: The 1864 United States presidential election in Vermont
* Page 324: The 1864 United States presidential election in New Hampshire
* Page 325: The 1864 United States presidential election in Maine
* Page 325: The 1864 United States presidential election in Massachusetts
* Page 326: The 1864 United States presidential election in Rhode Island
* Page 328: The 1864 United States presidential election in Connecticut (you are here)
The 1864 United States presidential election in Connecticut in Harry Turtledove's The Guns of the South
The 1864 United States presidential election in Connecticut took place on November 8, 1864, as part of the 1864 United States presidential election. Voters chose six representatives, or electors to the Electoral College, who voted for president and vice president.
Connecticut voted for the Republican Party candidate, incumbent President Abraham Lincoln, over the three other candidates, Democratic candidate Horatio Seymour, Radical Republican candidate John C. Frémont and Independent candidate George B. McClellan.
Lincoln won the Constitutional State by a margin of exactly 7%.
Last edited:
It looks like were going to have two US Presidents in a row to die in office, assuming Chester Arthur still passes away on his actual death date of November 18, 1886.
I do wonder though what a Robert Todd Lincoln presidency would look like and I wonder who would run against him in 1888.
The 1993 Spanish general election was held on the 26th September 1993 to elect the 400 members of the Spanish Congress, the country’s unicameral legislature. It saw the PSOE government, led by the recently elected Prime Minister Josep Borrell, seeking a record fifth consecutive term (though due to the uneven size of the gaps between elections, it had served only 12 years in power).
However, it was largely seen as unlikely to achive this since the PSOE’s popularity had declined significantly since the last election. The coalition it had led had, due to pressure from both the public and its coalition partners the CDS, enacted significant increases in public spending and works projects, most notably the country’s first high-speed train and preparations for the 1992 Olympics to be held in Prime Minister Narcís Serra’s home of Barcelona and the Seville Expo '92 to be held in President Felipe González's home city.
This had come under fire from the new Opposition leader, José Mariá Aznar, for creating a large budget deficit and according to him representing pork barrel spending, and as the economy’s growth started to slow and both fatigue with the PSOE and disillusionment with the CDS for its alliance with the government started to set in, the PPR started to improve its polling numbers. Despite being a little-known politician outside of his home region of Castile & León when he was first elected PPR leader in late 1989, Aznar soon became an extremely popular figure among the Spanish right.
In something of a surprise to the public, President González chose not to run for a third term in the 1992 election, which he eventually admitted after his retirement was due to his belief that positive feelings over the Olympics and Seville Expo would allow the PSOE to defeat Aznar and private consultation with Serra, who wished to resign as Prime Minister after a decade and ascend to the Presidency. However, Aznar defeated Serra, effectively forcing him into political retirement.
The PSOE then held a leadership contest where the two frontrunners were Javier Solana, Serra’s longtime Foreign Minister, and Carlos Solchaga, the former Finance Minister until Jorge Verstrynge of the CDS took up the position in early 1990. Solchaga had long been a standard-bearer of the PSOE right and was critical of Verstrynge’s decision to run up the deficit, as well as being a very recognizable figure among the public; many voters in the party membership, even those who disapproved of his politics, felt he could easily defeat the new PPR leader Francisco Álvarez-Cascos, and so elected him the party leader and the new Prime Minister.
Solchaga served as Prime Minister for almost exactly a year, from July 1992 to July 1993. He worked to establish a conciliatory relationship with President Aznar, moderating but allowing passage of steps to privatize numerous state-owned industries; however, this angered many on the left and damaged the PSOE’s reputation, with even members of his party like Alfonso Guerra vocally criticizing his actions.
His cooperation with Aznar did allow Solchaga to remain in office without Aznar calling a premature dissolution of the Cortes, but three serious political crises crippled his government’s reputation. First, the hard economic policy of the new government caused Spain to enter a recession, for which most voters blamed Solchaga. Second, reporting by the El Mundo newspaper into the GAL death squads that had fought the ‘Dirty War’ (Spanish: La guerra sucia) to try to eliminate the ETA separatist militants in the Basque Country revealed they had illegally established and financed by the Spanish government, which implicated the PSOE-led government still in office. Lastly, during the Ibercorp case, in which governor of the Bank of Spain Mariano Rubio was accused of employing confidential information to gain stock dividends, Solchaga was found to have defended him.
After the Ibercorp case, Solchaga resigned and his Finance Minister Josep Borrell took over. Borrell had been well-known for his efforts to fight fraud and tax evasion, and used this to assert that he would provide a ‘clean slate’ for Spain. In his short tenure as Prime Minister, he oversaw the universalisation of service of Spanish telecommunications and stood up to both Aznar and the European Commission’s attempts to liberalise it before it could be completed. This allowed the PSOE to slightly improve its dire situation before the Cortes was dissolved at the beginning of September 1993.
Regardless of the small boost Borrell’s leadership gave the PSOE, it still lost power by a significant margin and suffered its worst result since 1977. The CDS fared even worse, with only 5 of the 40 seats it had won in 1989 returning members from the party again in 1993.
The PPR was unable to secure a majority, taking 193 seats, but was able to form a government for the first time since 1981. Álvarez–Cascos managed to secure a coalition agreement with the PRD and EAJ/PNV, securing the latter party’s cooperation in exchange for promising continued investigation into the ‘Dirty War’.
World of the Continued United Front
* Second Sino-Japanese War
* Asia after the Second Sino-Japanese War, around 1940
* Chinese Leaders, 20s and 30s
* Sino-Soviet Relations, 1930s to 1950s
* Japan in the 1930 and 1940s, and Pacific Rim Diplomacy in the 1940s
* United States Politics, to 1960
* Indochina and the Second Indochina War
* Indonesia, 1965 to 1989
* Burkina Faso, Angola, and Ethiopia in the First Cold War and Beyond
* Central America, 1989-1990
* Russia, 1990s and 2000s
* Chinese Politics, 1990s
* Chinese Domestic Affairs and International Relations after the First Cold War
* Himalayan Crisis, 2005-2006
* Aftermath of the Himalayan Crisis
* Pakistan, late 2000s
* LGBT Rights in China (and elsewhere), to 2010
Burkina Faso, Angola, and Ethiopia in the First Cold War and Beyond
* Second Sino-Japanese War
* Asia after the Second Sino-Japanese War, around 1940
* Chinese Leaders, 20s and 30s
* Sino-Soviet Relations, 1930s to 1950s
* Japan in the 1930 and 1940s, and Pacific Rim Diplomacy in the 1940s
* United States Politics, to 1960
* Indochina and the Second Indochina War
* Indonesia, 1965 to 1989
* Burkina Faso, Angola, and Ethiopia in the First Cold War and Beyond
* Central America, 1989-1990
* Russia, 1990s and 2000s
* Chinese Politics, 1990s
* Chinese Domestic Affairs and International Relations after the First Cold War
* Himalayan Crisis, 2005-2006
* Aftermath of the Himalayan Crisis
* Pakistan, late 2000s
* LGBT Rights in China (and elsewhere), to 2010
Burkina Faso, Angola, and Ethiopia in the First Cold War and Beyond
(Burkina Faso)
In 1960, Burkina Faso (then called "Upper Volta" gained independence from French imperial dominance. Since independence, the country faced an unstable political situation, with authoritarian rule essentially from the start, and a series of military coups (4 in the 23 years between independence and 1983). In 1983, the country experienced further instability, with a failed coup attempt in February, followed in August by a successful coup by leftist elements in the country's military. The August coup saw Captain Thomas Sankara installed as the President of Upper Volta. Once in power, Sankara instituted an agenda of significant change, in terms of both domestic and foreign policy
A self-described socialist and anti-imperialist, Sankara sought closer relations with the Soviet and Chinese blocs, while denouncing the United States as well as France (which had retained sizable influence and involvement in its former African colonies after they achieved independence in the early 1960s). He also shifted the country's stance on foreign aid, rejecting aid from sources such as the IMF, and generally urging for more in the way of long term developmental aid rather than the sort of short term aid due to potential issues with dependency, distortion, and other factors
Domestically, the Sankara regime engaged in major political and economic reforms. Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (modeled after those established in the Cuban revolution) were established to help carry out Sankara's revolutionary programs across the nation. Education and literacy were strongly promoted, with the number of students attending schools multiplying by nearly six, and with many new schools being built. Various public health initiatives and expansions to the healthcare system were launched, with a major program to vaccinate millions of children (saving thousands of lives annually from meningitis, yellow fever, and measles), as well as building thousands of medical centers in the villages throughout the country, and programs to combat child mortality (which declined by nearly 50% under Sankara). Various agricultural initiatives were launched, including various redistributions of land, and a program to combat Sahel desertification via the planting of millions of trees. And various feminist policies were enacted, with FGM, forced marriage, and polygamy being banned, and with women's employment, education, and general independence being encouraged
Under Sankara, the country (which was then renamed "Burkina Faso" in the spirit of anti-colonialism, since the previous name "Upper Volta" originated from the French colonial name for the territory) saw sizable development, but nonetheless remained a rather poor country, and various issues and divisions in Burkinabe society remained. The wealthier in the country, as well as traditional tribal leaders, were sources of significant opposition to Sankara's revolutionary agenda of land reform and denial of traditional tribal privileges. Sankara's government also saw criticism for violence, civil rights abuses, and other excesses in suppression of counter-revolutionary elements, as well as for the arrest of certain trade union leaders. In 1987, Blaise Compaore, a former close associate of Sankara, led an attempted a coup against Sankara, potentially aided by the French government. The attempt failed, with Sankara narrowly escaping an assassination attempt and rallying loyalist elements of the military and crowds of supporters to put down the coup attempt. But opposition to Sankara's rule persisted
As the USSR withdrew from foreign affairs and then fell altogether, Burkina Faso saw a decline in foreign aid and economic downturn, and this along with the global rollback of communism saw Sankara's opposition emboldened and growing by 1991. Protests and demonstrations grew, and morale in the military was low, leading to fears among the regime of another coup. Fearing a potential civil war (or foreign intervention against his rule), Sankara eventually became convinced that continued rule was not viable, proceeded to reach an agreement with opposition forces to resign and allow multiparty elections, and then fled the country to Cuba
Unlike various other former leaders of communist states in Africa and elsewhere, however, Sankara would remain committed to his revolutionary ideals, as well as retain a degree of popularity among the general public. With the establishment of multiparty democracy in Burkina Faso, several political parties espousing socialism and "Sankarism" emerged. Unpopularity from the reversal of various policies enacted under the Sankara regime, as well as various instances of corruption by the new capitalist government, further aided in Sankarism's continued relevance in the country
By the time of the 2008 election, Sankara had returned to Burkina Faso, and had come to lead an alliance of socialist parties in the election. Economic downturn had given Sankara's alliance a boost, and given it a chance at attaining a majority in the election due to disapproval with the capitalist status quo. The alliance was further boosted by certain proposed actions by the government. Fearing a return to socialistic governance, members of the ruling coalition publicly considered simply disqualifying Sankara and his alliance from running at all - in the end, such measures were not adopted, but the fact that they were seriously considered caused mass outrage, and the Sankarist alliance heavily exploited that event. Sankara went on to win a strong victory in the election. In a last-ditch effort, some in the outgoing government appealed to the military to prevent prevent the transfer of power, but while certain elements in the military appeared open to this, the idea never gained momentum
Sankara's second administration began with various actions that immediately generated international condemnation. Arguing that the opposition had clearly demonstrated an unwillingness to abide by democratic outcomes and further demonstrated support for a military junta, the Sankara administration quickly took action to suppress its opposition, and began assembling a constitutional convention to prevent the opposition from taking power again. These measures generated some opposition, but while often denounced by other countries, the unpopularity of the outgoing government and its flirtations with authoritarian rule itself, along with the successful populist campaign of the Sankaran coalition and Sankara's personal popularity allowed for the government to enact such measures without hugely damaging its own popularity with the masses. Sankara also gained a sliver of credit for the way such reforms were enacted - the country saw a return to socialist rule, but with somewhat more freedoms than seen in various other countries during the cold war, and a somewhat novel political structure. At the national level, a sort of multiparty system was established, though also with a requirement of support for socialism in order to attain legal party status, limiting the range of parties and politics that could compete. Some comparisons have been made to the factional systems within the communist parties of countries like China, Korea, and some others, but the Burkinabe system nonetheless goes even further in terms of ideological diversity and pluralism
It is unclear how well the second Burkinabe socialist revolution will persist, but after over a decade since the revolution, it appears to be in a more secure situation the second time around. In 2013, the country managed a peaceful and orderly transfer of power within the socialist system, with Sankara (then 64 years old) deciding to retire rather than run for reelection (though he'd retain respect and influence as an elder statesperson, and the degree to which the new leadership would seek his advice leads some - including himself - to consider him barely even partially retired in actuality)
Today, Burkina Faso remains a quite poor country, but nonetheless wealthier than most of its neighbors. Sometimes called "the Cuba of Africa" (by supporters, detractors, and the apathetic), this country was the first to experience a socialist revolution after the fall of the USSR and first in the post-USSR world to see a restoration of socialism after an initial fall of socialism, and is upheld by some as a success story (or at least partial success story and optimistic work-in-progress) for development and anti-corruption success in very poor countries, while being upheld by others as yet more proof of the continued threat of the red menace. Burkina Faso today has a certain amount of cooperation, cultural exchange, and assistance with and from China (with its nuclear power plant, built with assistance from China's solidarity voyages initiatives, being a particular pride of the nation), as well as friendly relations with the various other socialist/communist party-ruled countries of the world, though its somewhat geographically isolated nature limits things somewhat
(Angola)
Since the 1500s, Portugal dominated the region of modern Angola as a colony. In the mid 20th century, various different resistance movements to Portuguese imperialism emerged, in the colony of Angola as well as other Portuguese colonies. With the outbreak of the Carnation Revolution in Portugal-proper in 1974, overthrowing the right wing dictatorship that ruled Portugal, the new Portuguese government withdrew from the colonies and accepted their independence
This still left the question of who would rule in Angola, however. By the time of independence, the territory of Angola was divided between a few independence groups, which had taken control of certain parts of the country and had all fought against Portuguese imperialism but also found themselves at odds with each other.
The largest of those factions, and the one which had eventually come to control Luanda (the capital and largest city in the territory) was the MPLA (People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola), led by Agostinho Neto, a leftist organization founded in 1956 as a merger of the Angolan Communist Party and two other pro-independence parties. Another major faction was the UNITA (National Union for the Total Independence of Angola), led by Jonas Savimbi, himself a former member of the MPLA who organized cooperation with China and Korea but split with the MPLA in the late 1960s, having shifted ideologically in a Trotskyist direction after contact with certain Korean Trotskyists during his travels. The UNITA was not an explicitly Trotskyist party, and (despite various skirmishes) was not outright opposed to the MPLA, but took a somewhat critical stance towards the MPLA and leaned towards the Chinese bloc, which created a degree of conflict. The third major faction was the FNLA (National Liberation Front of Angola), an anti-communist and western aligned organization led by Holden Roberto, a descendant of the Monarchs of Kongo (a native African monarchy which had previously ruled in the northern parts of Angola prior to colonization, and up to 1910 as a colonial protectorate. A few other, smaller factions also existed, including the Cabinda separatist FLEC and the Eastern Revolt
Initially, Angolan independence was established via the Alvor Agreement, which sought to establish a transitional government consisting of the big three independence organizations along with Portuguese representatives. But the agreement quickly fell apart, with the factions weary of sharing power with each other, and the MPLA unilaterally declared the People's Republic of Angola after their capture of Luanda. From that point, the MPLA held the dominant position in Angola, though facing armed opposition from the FNLA (supported by the US, South Africa, and Zaire), as well as an uncertain situation with the UNITA
In 1976, conflicts began to emerge within the MPLA. Its leader, Agostinho Neto, was a communist, but sought a somewhat moderate/gradual path of development, and sought generally friendly relations with the USSR but with a general stance of non-alignment in the Cold War. But a growing faction within the party, led by Nito Alves, began to advocate for a more radical approach to domestic policy, as well as closer and more formal alignment with the USSR. As the months passed, these divides continued to grow, with arguments within the party sometimes descending into fistfights, or leading in some cases to open protests in the streets, or even allegations of plots and treachery
Meanwhile, the UNITA was just sort of there, with some presence in Luanda as well as control of territory to the south of MPLA-dominated territory, attempting to negotiate with both factions of the MPLA. Neto had initially been heavily skeptical of the former MPLA splitter-led organization, and had even planned an offensive against them once the FNLA in the north were dealt with. But the escalation of the so-called "fractionalist conflict" between his mainline MPLA leadership and the Alves faction increasingly gave Neto second thought. It would be very unfortunate, after all, if the party were to descend into internal civil war when the actual civil war hadn't even been won yet, and the situation did perhaps create a certain opportunity to try and balance things. He thus proposed a compromise. The Alves faction would be granted concessions, particularly in regards to directly aligning with the USSR, and the policy of non-alignment would be abandoned, and on the other hand, domestic policy would see rather less concession to that faction, and additionally, the UNITA would simply be merged into the MPLA
The proposal was seen as something of a gamble, with some advisors questioning the idea of trying to deal with a factional struggle by throwing a third faction into the mix as well as fearing the difficulty of aligning with the USSR in the first place while uniting with a bunch of vaguely Trotsky-sympathizing militants aligned with China. On the other hand, it was seen as a way to provide a certain balance to the party by avoiding a simple binary divide, as well as an opportunity for Neto's leadership to benefit from leveraging the UNITA in return for it not being simply purged, and then gaining an advantage over the Alves faction with the hopes that this plus the policy concessions and an agreement to not simply purge that faction would calm them down. The UNITA leadership, for their part, were indeed quite happy with the opportunity even when it meant compromising on their own message, and the Alves faction was less happy, but managed to be convinced and intimidated into taking what they could get rather than pushing it further. As for the Soviets, they reluctantly accepted proposals of alignment with Angola - having reservations over the dividedness within the Angolan ruling party, but nonetheless figuring that if they didn't accept Angola, that country would probably end up aligned with China instead (a country the Soviets had at the moment gone back to calling "revisionist"). Thus the proposal was agreed to. The MPLA and UNITA were merged into the "National Union for the People's Movement of Freedom and Total Independence of Angola - Worker's Party" ("UNMPLITA-PT", though most everyone quickly took to simply calling it "the PT" since even the combined acronym is kind of unbearable), and tensions within the new PT began to cool
The Angolan Civil War would carry on on the fringes of the country, with the US and South Africa funding rebels, and with South African forces at times engaging in larger offensives against the Angolan government (with the PT retaliating with support for the South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO) in South African-occupied territory that would later become Namibia. But the Angolans, aided by the Soviets and Cubans, managed to secure most of the country from South African attacks
With Namibian independence in 1990, and the end of the Apartheid regime in South Africa, the war in Angola largely came to an end. The fall of the USSR led to a substantial reduction in foreign aid to Angola, and the PT saw some economic struggle and protest against its rule, but the party managed to weather the storm and hold onto power. Angola has since drifted into close relations with China, among other things hosting a Chinese naval base at Luanda. Angola has benefited significantly from the oil boom and its sizable oil resources - as well as from listening to Chinese economic advisors' urgent suggestions of investing significant portions of the oil wealth into economic diversification for more stable long term growth, which turned out to be quite advantageous in allowing the Angolan economy to relatively quickly go back on the grow after the oil decline in recent years, contrasted to countries like Equatorial Guinea and Venezuela that saw as much as half or more their GDP wiped out and still trending downward. Angola currently is one of the wealthiest countries in Africa, not particularly wealthy on a global scale but a middle income country nonetheless, that has seen marked successes in ending things like extreme poverty. It remains a communist-party ruled single party state, though not dissimilar from the remaining communist-ruled states in regards to being known for having a relatively open and free society for a single-party ruled state. Related, Angola is noted for being rather accepting of LGBT people and rights, especially relative to the norm in Africa, with the country being the second on the continent (after South Africa) to offer some form of marriage-equivalent civil union, as well as having legal protections against discrimination and legal LGBT advocacy groups, with polling suggesting the country is a pretty safe place for LGBT individuals (especially in the capital and larger cities, though in the rural hinterland things can be somewhat less ideal in that regard)
(Ethiopia)
The Ethiopian Empire is an old country. The current (Solomonic) dynasty originated in 1270 CE, and was preceded by the Zagwe dynasty, and then by the Axumite kingdom which dates back to the first century CE, with proto-Axumite civilization potentially being an extension of the D'mt which extended back to the 10th century BCE. Ethiopian civilization is thus one of the oldest in Sub-Saharan Africa, something that modern Ethiopia prides itself on. Another source of pride for the Ethiopian state is its historical resistance to colonialism, being one of just two African countries to largely avoid European colonization, for the most part. In the first Italo-Ethiopian War (1894-96), Emperor Menelik II led an Ethiopian army against the Italian invaders, winning a decisive victory at the Battle of Adwa, and humiliating the Italians. In the aftermath of the war, Italian control over coastal territories contested by Ethiopia (the Eritrea region) was confirmed, but the rest of Ethiopia was guaranteed independence. The second Italo-Ethiopian War (1936-37) resulted in a defeat for Ethiopia that saw fascist Italy occupying the whole country for a few years, but independence would be restored in the early 40s after the western allies pushed the Italians out of East Africa
Ethiopia was ruled (first as regent and then as Emperor) by Haile Selassie for the majority of the 20th century, over a period of time that saw considerable change in the country and world, stretching from before the First World War to the Cold War. Haile Selassie was something of a reformer, seeking various economic and political modernizations - building of infrastructure, banning of slavery, attempting progressive taxation, enacting a parliament with limited power, among other things. He'd also gained criticism, from across the spectrum. Nobles and landowners disliked his reforms, some of which threatened their wealth and traditional privilege. On the other hand, while he passed some reforms, and instituted a government that was in theory a constitutional monarchy, the continued power and influence of the landed aristocracy on one hand, and continued authority of the Emperor on the other hand, led to dissent from more reform-minded citizens. Furthermore, Haile Selassie governed with suppressive policy towards non-Amhara ethnic groups (Harari, Eritreans, Oromos, and others), and policy of favoritism towards the Amharas, generated opposition (including armed opposition) from various ethnic groups
In the Cold War, Selassie initially sought a policy of nonalignment. But during the 50s, American leadership began to seek closer relations with Ethiopia, in the hopes that the country could serve as a bulwark against the Soviet-aligned bloc (with concerns about Egypt and proposals for Sudan-Egypt unification). Ethiopia's growing internal conflict with ethnic separatists, along with issues with periodic famines, led to the leadership increasingly leaning towards alignment with the United States. As time went on, American military and intelligence aid was useful to the Ethiopian state in the goals of keeping ethnic separatist forces suppressed, as well as aiding in the purging of disloyal generals
Ethiopia saw considerable turbulence during the 1980s. With Haile Selassie's death in 1981, Ethiopia found itself with a new Emperor. Amha Selassie took a rather more liberal path than his father, pushing reforms to allow multiparty democracy, increasing the powers of Parliament, and expanding civil liberties. This led to increased instability, however, as ethnic separatists and communists took advantage of increased freedoms to act against the central government, while the landed aristocracy feared the potential for their traditional privileges to be chipped away at as a result of the reforms. With growing internal chaos, the military simply stepped in, declaring a national emergency, suspending Parliament, and detaining the Emperor - with the stated goal of protecting the Emperor from insurgents. Following this, the military instituted a crackdown against dissent and opposition. A few years later, civilian rule would be restored, as an apparent constitutional monarchy, albeit with a constitution agreed to by the military with significant privileges for itself, and various restrictions on expression of dissent. And thus Ethiopian experienced its first period of military rule - it would not be its last, with the military intervening at other points in the future as well
At present, Ethiopia finds itself in something of a hybrid situation, with a theoretical restoration of civilian rule for the past few years, but with a quarter of the lower house and half of the upper house appointed directly by the military, effectively giving the military (along with a few generally right wing pro military parties) majorities in both chambers. The country has, by most accounts, the strongest military on the continent. Internal dissent remains a sizable issue, due to general political dissent, ethnic separatism, and religious strife (with considerable disapproval among the Muslims who make up 1/3rd of the population over the continued status of Ethiopian Orthodoxy as a state religion). Ethiopia's economy is noted as having high rates of growth in recent decades, though it remains a poorer country, and with high levels of inequality
In 1960, Burkina Faso (then called "Upper Volta" gained independence from French imperial dominance. Since independence, the country faced an unstable political situation, with authoritarian rule essentially from the start, and a series of military coups (4 in the 23 years between independence and 1983). In 1983, the country experienced further instability, with a failed coup attempt in February, followed in August by a successful coup by leftist elements in the country's military. The August coup saw Captain Thomas Sankara installed as the President of Upper Volta. Once in power, Sankara instituted an agenda of significant change, in terms of both domestic and foreign policy
A self-described socialist and anti-imperialist, Sankara sought closer relations with the Soviet and Chinese blocs, while denouncing the United States as well as France (which had retained sizable influence and involvement in its former African colonies after they achieved independence in the early 1960s). He also shifted the country's stance on foreign aid, rejecting aid from sources such as the IMF, and generally urging for more in the way of long term developmental aid rather than the sort of short term aid due to potential issues with dependency, distortion, and other factors
Domestically, the Sankara regime engaged in major political and economic reforms. Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (modeled after those established in the Cuban revolution) were established to help carry out Sankara's revolutionary programs across the nation. Education and literacy were strongly promoted, with the number of students attending schools multiplying by nearly six, and with many new schools being built. Various public health initiatives and expansions to the healthcare system were launched, with a major program to vaccinate millions of children (saving thousands of lives annually from meningitis, yellow fever, and measles), as well as building thousands of medical centers in the villages throughout the country, and programs to combat child mortality (which declined by nearly 50% under Sankara). Various agricultural initiatives were launched, including various redistributions of land, and a program to combat Sahel desertification via the planting of millions of trees. And various feminist policies were enacted, with FGM, forced marriage, and polygamy being banned, and with women's employment, education, and general independence being encouraged
Under Sankara, the country (which was then renamed "Burkina Faso" in the spirit of anti-colonialism, since the previous name "Upper Volta" originated from the French colonial name for the territory) saw sizable development, but nonetheless remained a rather poor country, and various issues and divisions in Burkinabe society remained. The wealthier in the country, as well as traditional tribal leaders, were sources of significant opposition to Sankara's revolutionary agenda of land reform and denial of traditional tribal privileges. Sankara's government also saw criticism for violence, civil rights abuses, and other excesses in suppression of counter-revolutionary elements, as well as for the arrest of certain trade union leaders. In 1987, Blaise Compaore, a former close associate of Sankara, led an attempted a coup against Sankara, potentially aided by the French government. The attempt failed, with Sankara narrowly escaping an assassination attempt and rallying loyalist elements of the military and crowds of supporters to put down the coup attempt. But opposition to Sankara's rule persisted
As the USSR withdrew from foreign affairs and then fell altogether, Burkina Faso saw a decline in foreign aid and economic downturn, and this along with the global rollback of communism saw Sankara's opposition emboldened and growing by 1991. Protests and demonstrations grew, and morale in the military was low, leading to fears among the regime of another coup. Fearing a potential civil war (or foreign intervention against his rule), Sankara eventually became convinced that continued rule was not viable, proceeded to reach an agreement with opposition forces to resign and allow multiparty elections, and then fled the country to Cuba
Unlike various other former leaders of communist states in Africa and elsewhere, however, Sankara would remain committed to his revolutionary ideals, as well as retain a degree of popularity among the general public. With the establishment of multiparty democracy in Burkina Faso, several political parties espousing socialism and "Sankarism" emerged. Unpopularity from the reversal of various policies enacted under the Sankara regime, as well as various instances of corruption by the new capitalist government, further aided in Sankarism's continued relevance in the country
By the time of the 2008 election, Sankara had returned to Burkina Faso, and had come to lead an alliance of socialist parties in the election. Economic downturn had given Sankara's alliance a boost, and given it a chance at attaining a majority in the election due to disapproval with the capitalist status quo. The alliance was further boosted by certain proposed actions by the government. Fearing a return to socialistic governance, members of the ruling coalition publicly considered simply disqualifying Sankara and his alliance from running at all - in the end, such measures were not adopted, but the fact that they were seriously considered caused mass outrage, and the Sankarist alliance heavily exploited that event. Sankara went on to win a strong victory in the election. In a last-ditch effort, some in the outgoing government appealed to the military to prevent prevent the transfer of power, but while certain elements in the military appeared open to this, the idea never gained momentum
Sankara's second administration began with various actions that immediately generated international condemnation. Arguing that the opposition had clearly demonstrated an unwillingness to abide by democratic outcomes and further demonstrated support for a military junta, the Sankara administration quickly took action to suppress its opposition, and began assembling a constitutional convention to prevent the opposition from taking power again. These measures generated some opposition, but while often denounced by other countries, the unpopularity of the outgoing government and its flirtations with authoritarian rule itself, along with the successful populist campaign of the Sankaran coalition and Sankara's personal popularity allowed for the government to enact such measures without hugely damaging its own popularity with the masses. Sankara also gained a sliver of credit for the way such reforms were enacted - the country saw a return to socialist rule, but with somewhat more freedoms than seen in various other countries during the cold war, and a somewhat novel political structure. At the national level, a sort of multiparty system was established, though also with a requirement of support for socialism in order to attain legal party status, limiting the range of parties and politics that could compete. Some comparisons have been made to the factional systems within the communist parties of countries like China, Korea, and some others, but the Burkinabe system nonetheless goes even further in terms of ideological diversity and pluralism
It is unclear how well the second Burkinabe socialist revolution will persist, but after over a decade since the revolution, it appears to be in a more secure situation the second time around. In 2013, the country managed a peaceful and orderly transfer of power within the socialist system, with Sankara (then 64 years old) deciding to retire rather than run for reelection (though he'd retain respect and influence as an elder statesperson, and the degree to which the new leadership would seek his advice leads some - including himself - to consider him barely even partially retired in actuality)
Today, Burkina Faso remains a quite poor country, but nonetheless wealthier than most of its neighbors. Sometimes called "the Cuba of Africa" (by supporters, detractors, and the apathetic), this country was the first to experience a socialist revolution after the fall of the USSR and first in the post-USSR world to see a restoration of socialism after an initial fall of socialism, and is upheld by some as a success story (or at least partial success story and optimistic work-in-progress) for development and anti-corruption success in very poor countries, while being upheld by others as yet more proof of the continued threat of the red menace. Burkina Faso today has a certain amount of cooperation, cultural exchange, and assistance with and from China (with its nuclear power plant, built with assistance from China's solidarity voyages initiatives, being a particular pride of the nation), as well as friendly relations with the various other socialist/communist party-ruled countries of the world, though its somewhat geographically isolated nature limits things somewhat
(Angola)
Since the 1500s, Portugal dominated the region of modern Angola as a colony. In the mid 20th century, various different resistance movements to Portuguese imperialism emerged, in the colony of Angola as well as other Portuguese colonies. With the outbreak of the Carnation Revolution in Portugal-proper in 1974, overthrowing the right wing dictatorship that ruled Portugal, the new Portuguese government withdrew from the colonies and accepted their independence
This still left the question of who would rule in Angola, however. By the time of independence, the territory of Angola was divided between a few independence groups, which had taken control of certain parts of the country and had all fought against Portuguese imperialism but also found themselves at odds with each other.
The largest of those factions, and the one which had eventually come to control Luanda (the capital and largest city in the territory) was the MPLA (People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola), led by Agostinho Neto, a leftist organization founded in 1956 as a merger of the Angolan Communist Party and two other pro-independence parties. Another major faction was the UNITA (National Union for the Total Independence of Angola), led by Jonas Savimbi, himself a former member of the MPLA who organized cooperation with China and Korea but split with the MPLA in the late 1960s, having shifted ideologically in a Trotskyist direction after contact with certain Korean Trotskyists during his travels. The UNITA was not an explicitly Trotskyist party, and (despite various skirmishes) was not outright opposed to the MPLA, but took a somewhat critical stance towards the MPLA and leaned towards the Chinese bloc, which created a degree of conflict. The third major faction was the FNLA (National Liberation Front of Angola), an anti-communist and western aligned organization led by Holden Roberto, a descendant of the Monarchs of Kongo (a native African monarchy which had previously ruled in the northern parts of Angola prior to colonization, and up to 1910 as a colonial protectorate. A few other, smaller factions also existed, including the Cabinda separatist FLEC and the Eastern Revolt
Initially, Angolan independence was established via the Alvor Agreement, which sought to establish a transitional government consisting of the big three independence organizations along with Portuguese representatives. But the agreement quickly fell apart, with the factions weary of sharing power with each other, and the MPLA unilaterally declared the People's Republic of Angola after their capture of Luanda. From that point, the MPLA held the dominant position in Angola, though facing armed opposition from the FNLA (supported by the US, South Africa, and Zaire), as well as an uncertain situation with the UNITA
In 1976, conflicts began to emerge within the MPLA. Its leader, Agostinho Neto, was a communist, but sought a somewhat moderate/gradual path of development, and sought generally friendly relations with the USSR but with a general stance of non-alignment in the Cold War. But a growing faction within the party, led by Nito Alves, began to advocate for a more radical approach to domestic policy, as well as closer and more formal alignment with the USSR. As the months passed, these divides continued to grow, with arguments within the party sometimes descending into fistfights, or leading in some cases to open protests in the streets, or even allegations of plots and treachery
Meanwhile, the UNITA was just sort of there, with some presence in Luanda as well as control of territory to the south of MPLA-dominated territory, attempting to negotiate with both factions of the MPLA. Neto had initially been heavily skeptical of the former MPLA splitter-led organization, and had even planned an offensive against them once the FNLA in the north were dealt with. But the escalation of the so-called "fractionalist conflict" between his mainline MPLA leadership and the Alves faction increasingly gave Neto second thought. It would be very unfortunate, after all, if the party were to descend into internal civil war when the actual civil war hadn't even been won yet, and the situation did perhaps create a certain opportunity to try and balance things. He thus proposed a compromise. The Alves faction would be granted concessions, particularly in regards to directly aligning with the USSR, and the policy of non-alignment would be abandoned, and on the other hand, domestic policy would see rather less concession to that faction, and additionally, the UNITA would simply be merged into the MPLA
The proposal was seen as something of a gamble, with some advisors questioning the idea of trying to deal with a factional struggle by throwing a third faction into the mix as well as fearing the difficulty of aligning with the USSR in the first place while uniting with a bunch of vaguely Trotsky-sympathizing militants aligned with China. On the other hand, it was seen as a way to provide a certain balance to the party by avoiding a simple binary divide, as well as an opportunity for Neto's leadership to benefit from leveraging the UNITA in return for it not being simply purged, and then gaining an advantage over the Alves faction with the hopes that this plus the policy concessions and an agreement to not simply purge that faction would calm them down. The UNITA leadership, for their part, were indeed quite happy with the opportunity even when it meant compromising on their own message, and the Alves faction was less happy, but managed to be convinced and intimidated into taking what they could get rather than pushing it further. As for the Soviets, they reluctantly accepted proposals of alignment with Angola - having reservations over the dividedness within the Angolan ruling party, but nonetheless figuring that if they didn't accept Angola, that country would probably end up aligned with China instead (a country the Soviets had at the moment gone back to calling "revisionist"). Thus the proposal was agreed to. The MPLA and UNITA were merged into the "National Union for the People's Movement of Freedom and Total Independence of Angola - Worker's Party" ("UNMPLITA-PT", though most everyone quickly took to simply calling it "the PT" since even the combined acronym is kind of unbearable), and tensions within the new PT began to cool
The Angolan Civil War would carry on on the fringes of the country, with the US and South Africa funding rebels, and with South African forces at times engaging in larger offensives against the Angolan government (with the PT retaliating with support for the South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO) in South African-occupied territory that would later become Namibia. But the Angolans, aided by the Soviets and Cubans, managed to secure most of the country from South African attacks
With Namibian independence in 1990, and the end of the Apartheid regime in South Africa, the war in Angola largely came to an end. The fall of the USSR led to a substantial reduction in foreign aid to Angola, and the PT saw some economic struggle and protest against its rule, but the party managed to weather the storm and hold onto power. Angola has since drifted into close relations with China, among other things hosting a Chinese naval base at Luanda. Angola has benefited significantly from the oil boom and its sizable oil resources - as well as from listening to Chinese economic advisors' urgent suggestions of investing significant portions of the oil wealth into economic diversification for more stable long term growth, which turned out to be quite advantageous in allowing the Angolan economy to relatively quickly go back on the grow after the oil decline in recent years, contrasted to countries like Equatorial Guinea and Venezuela that saw as much as half or more their GDP wiped out and still trending downward. Angola currently is one of the wealthiest countries in Africa, not particularly wealthy on a global scale but a middle income country nonetheless, that has seen marked successes in ending things like extreme poverty. It remains a communist-party ruled single party state, though not dissimilar from the remaining communist-ruled states in regards to being known for having a relatively open and free society for a single-party ruled state. Related, Angola is noted for being rather accepting of LGBT people and rights, especially relative to the norm in Africa, with the country being the second on the continent (after South Africa) to offer some form of marriage-equivalent civil union, as well as having legal protections against discrimination and legal LGBT advocacy groups, with polling suggesting the country is a pretty safe place for LGBT individuals (especially in the capital and larger cities, though in the rural hinterland things can be somewhat less ideal in that regard)
(Ethiopia)
The Ethiopian Empire is an old country. The current (Solomonic) dynasty originated in 1270 CE, and was preceded by the Zagwe dynasty, and then by the Axumite kingdom which dates back to the first century CE, with proto-Axumite civilization potentially being an extension of the D'mt which extended back to the 10th century BCE. Ethiopian civilization is thus one of the oldest in Sub-Saharan Africa, something that modern Ethiopia prides itself on. Another source of pride for the Ethiopian state is its historical resistance to colonialism, being one of just two African countries to largely avoid European colonization, for the most part. In the first Italo-Ethiopian War (1894-96), Emperor Menelik II led an Ethiopian army against the Italian invaders, winning a decisive victory at the Battle of Adwa, and humiliating the Italians. In the aftermath of the war, Italian control over coastal territories contested by Ethiopia (the Eritrea region) was confirmed, but the rest of Ethiopia was guaranteed independence. The second Italo-Ethiopian War (1936-37) resulted in a defeat for Ethiopia that saw fascist Italy occupying the whole country for a few years, but independence would be restored in the early 40s after the western allies pushed the Italians out of East Africa
Ethiopia was ruled (first as regent and then as Emperor) by Haile Selassie for the majority of the 20th century, over a period of time that saw considerable change in the country and world, stretching from before the First World War to the Cold War. Haile Selassie was something of a reformer, seeking various economic and political modernizations - building of infrastructure, banning of slavery, attempting progressive taxation, enacting a parliament with limited power, among other things. He'd also gained criticism, from across the spectrum. Nobles and landowners disliked his reforms, some of which threatened their wealth and traditional privilege. On the other hand, while he passed some reforms, and instituted a government that was in theory a constitutional monarchy, the continued power and influence of the landed aristocracy on one hand, and continued authority of the Emperor on the other hand, led to dissent from more reform-minded citizens. Furthermore, Haile Selassie governed with suppressive policy towards non-Amhara ethnic groups (Harari, Eritreans, Oromos, and others), and policy of favoritism towards the Amharas, generated opposition (including armed opposition) from various ethnic groups
In the Cold War, Selassie initially sought a policy of nonalignment. But during the 50s, American leadership began to seek closer relations with Ethiopia, in the hopes that the country could serve as a bulwark against the Soviet-aligned bloc (with concerns about Egypt and proposals for Sudan-Egypt unification). Ethiopia's growing internal conflict with ethnic separatists, along with issues with periodic famines, led to the leadership increasingly leaning towards alignment with the United States. As time went on, American military and intelligence aid was useful to the Ethiopian state in the goals of keeping ethnic separatist forces suppressed, as well as aiding in the purging of disloyal generals
Ethiopia saw considerable turbulence during the 1980s. With Haile Selassie's death in 1981, Ethiopia found itself with a new Emperor. Amha Selassie took a rather more liberal path than his father, pushing reforms to allow multiparty democracy, increasing the powers of Parliament, and expanding civil liberties. This led to increased instability, however, as ethnic separatists and communists took advantage of increased freedoms to act against the central government, while the landed aristocracy feared the potential for their traditional privileges to be chipped away at as a result of the reforms. With growing internal chaos, the military simply stepped in, declaring a national emergency, suspending Parliament, and detaining the Emperor - with the stated goal of protecting the Emperor from insurgents. Following this, the military instituted a crackdown against dissent and opposition. A few years later, civilian rule would be restored, as an apparent constitutional monarchy, albeit with a constitution agreed to by the military with significant privileges for itself, and various restrictions on expression of dissent. And thus Ethiopian experienced its first period of military rule - it would not be its last, with the military intervening at other points in the future as well
At present, Ethiopia finds itself in something of a hybrid situation, with a theoretical restoration of civilian rule for the past few years, but with a quarter of the lower house and half of the upper house appointed directly by the military, effectively giving the military (along with a few generally right wing pro military parties) majorities in both chambers. The country has, by most accounts, the strongest military on the continent. Internal dissent remains a sizable issue, due to general political dissent, ethnic separatism, and religious strife (with considerable disapproval among the Muslims who make up 1/3rd of the population over the continued status of Ethiopian Orthodoxy as a state religion). Ethiopia's economy is noted as having high rates of growth in recent decades, though it remains a poorer country, and with high levels of inequality
Last edited:
Yes, Arthur will die in office, that, to me, is unaviodable.
Robert Todd Lincoln's Presidency would, in my view, be a continuation of Arthur's Presidency and he won't run in 1888, he didn't even want to be Vice President but only accepted out of loyality to Arthur.
Chester A Arthur is a very interesting figure. Called "Prince Arthur" by opponents for his extravagant tastes and at times playboy lifestyle, he suffered from considerable imposter syndrome when he got the presidency.
One of the most interesting factoids of his life was his correspondence with Julia Sand, a random citizen who just started to write to him from Day 1 with zero respect and courtesy, telling him to get his act together. Arthur eventually visited her and she was so embarrassed she hid, talking to him from behind a curtain. The more I read about him the more she seems batshit crazy and yet she had the President's fondness (and not bad political advice to be honest).
TheAltHistoryGuy
Banned
What if Ren & Stimpy were popular cartoon characters?
NOTE: These characters ITTL are created by Larry Ruperts & Jack Warner in 1942 (Yes, I made these names up). Stimpy's first voice actor, William Hanna was still working with MGM at the time, so he provided vocal effects for him. Don Messick would later give him full-time voice roles in future cartoons.
NOTE: These characters ITTL are created by Larry Ruperts & Jack Warner in 1942 (Yes, I made these names up). Stimpy's first voice actor, William Hanna was still working with MGM at the time, so he provided vocal effects for him. Don Messick would later give him full-time voice roles in future cartoons.
So these two are pretty much what if ren and stimpy were looney tunes characters
A little sneak peak for my new Timeline Viva California - A Concise History of the Republic of California
TheAltHistoryGuy
Banned
Oh, one more R&S character for now. Jimmy the Idiot Boy.
NOTE: Jimmy the Idiot Boy would get his own spin-off show in 2006 due to popularity.
Minor misspell but pretty good there when was the release date what did the length come out as what was the financial performance and how did critics and fans like this
- Status