Alternate Wikipedia Infoboxes VI (Do Not Post Current Politics or Political Figures Here)

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I wasn't entirely satisfied with my previous infobox, so I decided to make a revised version. If you have any questions, comments, or concerns, I'm willing to listen; if you want to try your own hand at it, I have the raw text and am willing to share it.

Side note: this takes place in an alternate timeline where the communist takeover of Grenada never happened, Operation Red Dog succeeded, and Western relations with Rhodesia and Apartheid South Africa became more overtly hostile starting in the late 1970s.
 
I don't know if this is the right place to ask this, but I remember one particular infobox from a while ago that I can't seem to find. It was an alternate version of the Wikipedia page on monarchy from a timeline where the Holy Roman Empire and British Empire both continue to exist, and where monarchy remained the standard form of government. If anyone knows what I'm talking about could I be directed to that page? I was wanting to look back through it since it was very comprehensive and well made but it's bothering me now that I can't find it.
 
I have a quick question: how do I put a new image in a wikibox without running afoul of Wikipedia's image sourcing policies?
There are two main methods:
  • Inspect Element
  • Use Wikipedia code to change an existing picture to the right dimensions, then use Paint or something like it to paste the new image on top.
 
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The 2001 Spanish general election was held on the 28th September 2001 to elect the 400 members of the Spanish Cortes. It came at the end of a tumultuous four-year term with the PSOE-led government of José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero running for election to a second term, which would be its first electoral victory if successful.

The Rodríguez Zapatero government had come to power in contentious circumstances three years prior to the election. From February to September 1998, a centre-right PPR-led government under Prime Minister Francisco Álvarez–Cascos had been in power, but in contrast to the comfortable plurality it had held from 1993 to 1997, it required steadfast support from the centrist and regionalist PRD. When in the summer of 1998 relations broke down between Álvarez–Cascos, a staunch anti-federalist, and Catalan President Jordi Pujol, Pujol convinced the new PRD leader Camilo Nogueira (the first ever non-Catalan leader of the party, ironically) to withdraw support for Álvarez–Cascos’s government.

The new leaders of the centre-left PSOE and left-wing IU, Rodríguez Zapatero (who had narrowly beaten Joaquín Almunia for the leadership) and Francisco Frutos, were much more open to cooperation than their predecessors Javier Solana and Julio Anguita, and sensed an opportunity to retake power during this dispute. Their parties held 199 seats in the Cortes combined, easily enough to bring down the PPR in a vote of no confidence with the support of the minor parties. As a result, a vote of no confidence was called on the 23rd September 1998, and it passed, causing Álvarez–Cascos to lose control of the Cortes. President González invited Rodríguez Zapatero to form a government, which he successfully achieved by the 2nd October 1998.

The decision for a new government to be founded without an election had precedent in Spanish politics, as the PPR had done so in 1974, but it was met with vocal resistance from right-wing Spanish voters, and Álvarez–Cascos remained popular as the PPR leader, calling himself ‘the legitimate Prime Minister’. This discontent allowed him to comfortably lead the PSOE in the polls, which further dissuaded González and Rodríguez Zapatero from calling a new election.

With the encouragement of the IU, Rodríguez Zapatero’s government proved quite radical, as it took back government control of a large proportion of shares of Telefónica, reduced austerity measures and attempted to quell nationalist opposition to the central government. Between 1999 and 2001, it instigated negotiations with the ETA, and issued a public apology for the previous PSOE government’s involvement with the GAL, as well as reforming Catalonia’s statute of autonomy after negotiations with Pujol. It also passed reforms to combat domestic violence, increased the minimum wage, and on the 15th September 2000 passed the world’s first same-sex marriage law, with the LGBTQ activist and advocate for the law Pedro Zerolo and his partner Jesús Santos becoming the first two men in the world to be legally married.

All of these policies proved divisive, with leftists largely having very positive views of the Rodríguez Zapatero government while right-wingers were aggressively opposed to it. His government’s polarizing status also caused damage to the PSOE at the federal level, as it lost control of several regions’ devolved governments by association. Even within the party, the right showed considerable reservations about the party’s direction, and a leaked speech in which President González commented, “When he became leader I believed José Luis could be a moderate, but he seems to me to be very much a radical,” sowed discontent between the party’s wings.

The most seriously damaging moment for the government came during the election campaign itself. On the 2nd September 2001, the Cortes was dissolved and the campaign began, and after the 9/11 terrorist attacks just over a week later campaigning was briefly ceased by both parties. A speech given by Rodríguez Zapatero when campaigning resumed two days after the attacks condemned them and urged people “not to use these attacks as a justification for violence and cruelty”, which many on the right viewed as a veiled attack on the plans being made for an invasion of Afghanistan by the UN and US President George W. Bush. Rodríguez Zapatero subsequently apologized for this and agreed that Spain would ally with the UN on the invasion, which angered leftists and further depressed support for the government. By contrast, Álvarez–Cascos declared that if made Prime Minister again he would “stand steadfastly against” terrorism and “restore political normalcy”.

When the election was held, it was noted for its low turnout of just 69.4%, the lowest figure since the 1933 election and therefore the worst turnout since the Civil Wars as well as a fall of almost 12% from the 1997 election, the worst drop ever seen in Spain. The results saw the PPR win an overall majority in the Cortes for the first time in 24 years and broke the record for the most votes it had ever won, with the PSOE falling to just 120 seats, its worst showing since 1977, and IU suffering its worst result ever (the PCE had last performed so badly in 1963). Álvarez–Cascos was elected Prime Minister by the Cortes for a third time, ending what would be the only break in PPR control of the Cortes between 1993 and 2009.

(I feel it’s feasible Spain would beat the Netherlands to the punch on same-sex marriage ITTL since without the dictatorship it’s more socially liberal than in OTL.)
 
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Page 38: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election
* Page 307: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in South Carolina
* Page 310: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Alabama
* Page 311: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Arkansas
* Page 312: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Florida
* Page 314: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Georgia
* Page 315: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Kentucky
* Page 316: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Louisiana
* Page 317; The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Mississippi
* Page 319: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in North Carolina
* Page 319: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Tennessee
* Page 320: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Texas
* Page 320: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Virginia
* Page 330: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election table (you are here)
Page 39: The 1864 United States presidential election
* Page 321: The 1864 United States presidential election in Vermont
* Page 324: The 1864 United States presidential election in New Hampshire
* Page 325: The 1864 United States presidential election in Maine
* Page 325: The 1864 United States presidential election in Massachusetts
* Page 326: The 1864 United States presidential election in Rhode Island
* Page 328: The 1864 United States presidential election in Connecticut

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This is a election table for the 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Harry Turtledove's The Guns of the South.
 
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The 2005 Spanish general election was held on the 25th September 2005 to elect the 400 members of the Cortes, the unicameral legislature of Spain. It saw the PPR government, led since July 2004 by Mariano Rajoy, seeking re-election to a second term.

Rajoy’s predecessors had been quite controversial, as after returning to the office of Prime Minister in September 2001 Francisco Álvarez–Cascos had committed Spain to supporting the war in Afghanistan, tried unsuccessfully to repeal the same-sex marriage law (with the Supreme Court ruling to keep the law in place), banned the Basque nationalist Herri Batasuna party for alleged association with the ETA, reprivatised Telefónica and overseen the introduction of the euro to replace the peseta as Spain’s currency. Leftist critics had derided Álvarez–Cascos’s earlier assertion that Spain under his rule would be in a period of ‘normalcy’.

When President Felipe González announced he would not run for a fourth term in 2002, Álvarez–Cascos decided to contest the Presidency, which he narrowly won in a contest with the PSOE’s Manuel Chaves. In his place as Prime Minister, Rodrigo Rato was elected. Rato’s government endured controversies which severely dented his popularity, including the Prestige oil tanker disaster in November 2002 which caused severe pollution off the coast of Galicia, Spain’s armed forces participating in the coalition of the Iraq War in 2003 despite 91% of Spanish citizens opposing such a move, and the 11-M train bombings in Madrid being blamed on the ETA despite evidence that they were connected to al-Quaeda, which the public saw as a consequence of Spain’s involvement in Iraq. After the June 2004 European Parliament elections saw the PSOE comfortably defeat the PPR and with the party’s poll numbers declining, Rato was forced to resign as PM by Álvarez–Cascos, taking up the position of managing director of the IMF.

Rato’s replacement was Mariano Rajoy, who at this point had a fairly cordial relationship with Álvarez–Cascos. His government implemented significant tax cuts and benefitted from the unemployment rate falling to a record low of about 7%. This and Rajoy’s popularity among the right as a traditionalist figure who defended practices like bullfighting and the PPR’s neoliberal policy agenda helped it to regain lost ground in the polls.

One of the largest changes between the 2001 and 2005 elections involved neither of the main parties, but instead concerned the Democratic Reformist Party (PRD), a nationalist coalition. After the close 2003 Catalan regional election, the party split over whether to support a centre-left government under Barcelona Mayor Pasqual Maragall with the support of the Republican Left party, or a centre-right government under Jordi Pujol’s successor as CiU leader Artur Mas; its leader Camilo Nogueira supported the former course of action, and Maragall became President. Pujol viewed this as a betrayal and had Nogueira and his supporters dismissed from the coalition, with the more right-wing Catalan nationalist Josep Antoni Duran I Lleida becoming the party’s new leader.

The PRD dissidents led by Nogueira chose to form a new party allied with the provincial Republican Left party, with the endorsement of its leader Josep-Lluís Carod-Rovira. This new party was named Republican Left (Spanish: Izquierda Republicana, Catalan: Esquerra Republicana, Galician: Esquerda Republicana, IR/ER) due to representing the independence of the provinces it runs in as republics and its left-wing political principles in other areas, as well as consistency with the Catalan provincial party. (Unlike the historic party, but like the provincial Republican Left, it uses yellow as its representative colour.) Despite the dramatic split, both parties actually won slightly more seats between them than they had in 2001, and each won a Catalan constituency (with Girona voting against the PRD for the first time since it was founded).

During the campaign, Rajoy focused on defending the need for ‘decisive government’ and warned of a return to the ‘divisive coalition’ of the PSOE, IU and nationalists that had governed previously. The PSOE campaign focused on the PPR’s abuse of its absolute majority and reminded voters of the scandals that had occurred under Rato, though Rajoy used this to accuse them of ‘just attacking past mistakes’. The interplay between Chaves and IU leader Gaspar Llamazares also improved the morale of leftist voters for the possibility of a new left-wing government retaking power, and turnout improved somewhat from the extreme low seen in 2001.

As was expected, the PPR lost its overall majority, but it remained comfortably ahead of the PSOE, and Rajoy was able to renew his government with the support of the PRD and CC.
 
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The Van der Linde gang was an organized outlaw gang that often operated in the Midwestern, Western and Southern United States. Often famous for their robin hood-like activities of robbing wealthy individuals and giving it to the poor. They were popularized by the biography, Red Dead, by Jack Martson in 1927 and the sequel, Redemption and the Revolver in 1935. They were infamous for the Blackwater massacre, which saw 30 dead. The outlaw gang ultimately dissolves in 1899 from internal conflicts and the raid on their camp near Annesburg.

(If anyone is wondering about the image, I had to just place it in there with another editing software since I doubt Wikipedia would like it if I downloaded a copyright image)
 
Page 38: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election
* Page 307: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in South Carolina
* Page 310: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Alabama
* Page 311: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Arkansas
* Page 312: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Florida
* Page 314: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Georgia
* Page 315: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Kentucky
* Page 316: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Louisiana
* Page 317; The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Mississippi
* Page 319: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in North Carolina
* Page 319: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Tennessee
* Page 320: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Texas
* Page 320: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Virginia
* Page 330: The 1867 Confederate States presidential election table
Page 39: The 1864 United States presidential election
* Page 321: The United States presidential election in Vermont
* Page 324: The 1864 United States presidential election in New Hampshire
* Page 325: The 1864 United States presidential election in Maine
* Page 325: The 1864 United States presidential election in Massachusetts
* Page 326: The 1864 United States presidential election in Rhode Island
* Page 328: The 1864 United States presidential election in Connecticut
* Page 331; The 1864 United States presidential election in New York (you are here)

The 1864 United States presidential election in New York in Harry Turtledove's The Guns of the South

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The 1864 United States presidential election in New York took place on November 8, 1864, as part of the 1864 United States presidential election. Voters chose 33 representatives, or electors to the Electoral College, who voted for president and vice president.

New York, the most populated state in the United States, voted for the Democratic candidate, Horatio Seymour, the states former governor. Seymour won the Empire State over the three other candidates, incumbent Republican President Abraham Lincoln, Radical Republican candidate John C. Frémont and Independent candidate George B. McClellan.

Seymour, who had been born in the town of Pompey Hill in 1810 and had served as the states Governor from 1853 to 1854 and again from 1863 to 1864, won New York by a margin of 5.5%.
 
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The 2009 Spanish general election was held on the 7th June 2009 to elect the 400 members of the Cortes, the unicameral Spanish legislature. The PPR-led government of Mariano Rajoy was seeking re-election to a third term.

During the first half of the then-current parliamentary term, the government had been fairly successful; unemployment had remained low, consistent growth had continued and both President Álvarez–Cascos and Rajoy remained fairly popular among the Spanish public. Álvarez–Cascos was re-elected fairly easily in 2007, though the PSOE’s challenger, its new leader Carme Chacón, oversaw a stronger-than-expected contest.

However, in early 2008 signs of severe economic decline were showing- the housing market was slowing down, while commodity prices and unemployment were rising. Rajoy passed an emergency tax cut to try to alleviate this, but doing so only increased government debt due to the reduced incoming revenue. By the third quarter of 2008, national GDP had contracted for the first time in 15 years and the unemployment rate was approaching 20%. Allegations that the ways in which Rajoy government had relaxed financial supervision had enabled banks to violate International Accounting Standards Board standards further damaged the government’s popularity.

On a more personal level, Rajoy had also damaged his own reputation by making comments mocking Chacón for her ‘non-leadership’ during the summer of 2008 just after Chacón had just given birth to her son. Many people felt his lack of sympathy to her situation was sexist, and when Chacón consequently announced she was moving into a new home with a kindergarten in central Madrid to allay concerns about her leadership in response, Rajoy tried to use this as an opportunity to defend himself in a way which further embarrassed his leadership.

What would ultimately be most damaging to the PPR government, however, was the Gürtel case. When this broke in early 2009, it implicated numerous figures associated with the party in corruption, most notably businessman Francisco Correa Sánchez, Rajoy’s Treasurer Luis Bárcenas, and President Álvarez–Cascos. While the allegations against Álvarez–Cascos were largely more minor than other PPR members, naturally they attracted significant attention and protests over them and the declining economic situation broke out.

Initially Álvarez–Cascos denied any wrongdoing and accused the charges of being politically motivated as they came predominantly from the centre-left and pro-PSOE El País newspaper. However, during the spring his popularity had plummeted, and the consensus was that he was most likely guilty. His relationship with Rajoy had also become more fractious during this time due to his vocal criticism of the Asturian PPR, and eventually Rajoy convinced him to resign the Presidency. This made Álvarez–Cascos the first Spanish President to leave office since the Civil War by means other than standing down at the end of a term or dying.

Rajoy’s motive for this was not to run for the Presidency himself, as has become common practice among Spanish Prime Ministers, but to allow for the country’s first ‘triple election’. On the 7th June, the Presidency, the Cortes and the European Parliament delegation were all to be elected, the former two as snap elections (the first snap parliamentary election since 1989 and the first snap Presidential election since 1977) and the latter as a fixed term. Rajoy argued that this was to reduce costs for holding separate elections close together, but also raised the stakes of the election in a way that was expected to benefit the PPR.

Despite Rajoy’s hopes, this was not how the campaign turned out for the PPR. Chacón chose not to run for the Presidency as Rajoy had expected, instead allowing her deputy María Teresa Fernández de la Vega to run for it. Against her, the PPR nominated Pedro Morenés to try to succeed Álvarez–Cascos. Fernández de la Vega’s campaign successfully attacked Morenés for his association with the Businessmen Association, caricaturing him as an incompetent banker of the sort that had provoked the recession.

The election saw the PSOE win the most seats in the Cortes for the first time in 20 years, as well as winning its first overall majority in the Cortes since 1986 and coming just three seats and 25% short of besting its 1982 landslide. The PPR did not perform quite as poorly as predicted by the polls, but still suffered its worst performance since 1989. It even lost badly in its historic stronghold of Galicia, aided by tactical voting for the PSOE, and the only regions that voted more for it than the PSOE were Ceuta and Murcia. Notably, this election was the first (and to date, only) time Spain’s provinces have all voted for one of the two major parties. Fernández de la Vega and Chacón became the first women elected President and Prime Minister of Spain respectively.
 
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The 1987 United Kingdom general election took place on Thursday 7 May 1987 to elect 650 members of the British House of Commons. It gave the Conservative Coalition under the leadership of Geoffrey Rippon the most decisive election victory since that of the Labour Party in 1945, with a majority of 100 seats.

The Conservatives ran a campaign focusing on lower taxes, a crackdown on violent crime and the economy. Campaigning on the slogan "Let's Get On With It", the Tories strongly defended the drastic economic reforms, privatisations and deregulations of Rippon's first term widely referred to as the "Rippon Revolution". They also emphasised that unemployment had just fallen below the 1 million mark for the first time since 1982 and crime was at it's lowest levels since 1980s.

The Labour Party campaigned on issues of violent crime, inequality and the state of public services but were beset by public infighting. Former Home Secretary Shirley Williams, the first female Labour leader and Leader of the Opposition, was a controversial figure in her party and regularly criticised by left-wing colleagues on the Labour benches for her pro-EEC stance and unenthusiastic opposition to many of Rippon's reforms. She was badly damaged by 1986 leadership challenge by Ken Livingstone, which the Conservatives publicised as evidence of her lack of authority.

The Unionist Party under Enoch Powell campaigned on opposition to the Rippon government's pro-EEC stance, and won a toehold in Great Britain by winning Barking off of the Labour Party. The Scottish National Party under Willie McRae campaigned on opposition to the government's renewal of the nuclear deterrent and highlighted corruption scandals in Labour-dominated Scottish Assembly.

To date, the Conservatives have not matched or surpassed their 1987 seat total or voteshare in any subsequent general election.

Who Governs Britain?
1978 UK General Election
 
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