Alternate Wikipedia Infoboxes VI (Do Not Post Current Politics or Political Figures Here)

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Prior to the founding of the Fatimid caliphate, the main population of Ifriqiya were Rums and Africans - that is, Latin-speaking groups. Most of them were Christians (moreover, oriented towards Rome). At the same time, Arabization and Islamization did not quite coincide - urban elites and managers switched to Arabic while maintaining the old faith, while Islam was accepted by nomads and the urban poor who spoke Romance and Berber languages.
The demographics and character of early Islamic North Africa are quite unresearched so it is difficult to be assertive, particularly as the sources that tend to be used have at times questionable objectivity and primarily stem from the 9th Century.

You are correct about the Afariqa speaking Latin however the Rum were a primarily Greek-speaking group. Many of the African elite converted to Islam and became prominent figures in local politics although other did indeed remain Christian. The ruling elite that I was referring to were the likes of the Arab conquering aristocratic families such as the Fihrid dynasty and Aghlabids, along with Berber counterparts that established independent dynasties such as the Hammadids and the Zirids.

Although Arabisation and Islamisation may not have overlapped in every regard, the decline of Christianity does appear to coincide with the spread of Arabity. This applies primarily to urban centres where Arabisation occurred at a faster pace then the interior.
 
You are correct about the Afariqa speaking Latin however the Rum were a primarily Greek-speaking group. Many of the African elite converted to Islam and became prominent figures in local politics although other did indeed remain Christian.
I think there were still few Greek-speakers there - the Hellenization of the Eastern Empire was entrenched after the catastrophe of the seventh century, and the Latin language (and its derivatives) clearly dominated the region - most likely, rums mean the inhabitants of the "Roman colonies", while afarica is a name for villagers and pre-Roman cities.

Although Arabisation and Islamisation may not have overlapped in every regard, the decline of Christianity does appear to coincide with the spread of Arabity. This applies primarily to urban centres where Arabisation occurred at a faster pace then the interior.
Nevertheless, until the middle of the 11th century, the countries of North Africa were Christian countries under Muslim rule. The latter accounted for about 10% of the population at the beginning of the 9th century (despite the fact that immigrants from the east make up 8 percent), 50% in the middle of the 10th century and about 80% by the end of the 11th century. The region became completely Islamic during the reign of Caliph al-Munstasir - when he suppressed the uprising of Emir Muizz in 1051 with the help of the Banu Hilal and Banu Shaiban tribes.
 
Nevertheless, until the middle of the 11th century, the countries of North Africa were Christian countries under Muslim rule. The latter accounted for about 10% of the population at the beginning of the 9th century (despite the fact that immigrants from the east make up 8 percent), 50% in the middle of the 10th century and about 80% by the end of the 11th century. The region became completely Islamic during the reign of Caliph al-Munstasir - when he suppressed the uprising of Emir Muizz in 1051 with the help of the Banu Hilal and Banu Shaiban tribes.
I am not entirely sure of the statistics, I would argue that they appear to diminish the concentration of the Muslim population. I am assuming this is based on the conversion curve by Richard Bulliet? Either way, I would be weary of characterizing the Maghreb as Christian countries under Muslim rule, certainty not by the mid 11th Century.
 
I am not entirely sure of the statistics, I would argue that they appear to diminish the concentration of the Muslim population. I am assuming this is based on the conversion curve by Richard Bulliet? Either way, I would be weary of characterizing the Maghreb as Christian countries under Muslim rule, certainty not by the mid 11th Century.
Well - but do you have statistics or calculations refuting such statements? This would be interesting to look at.
 
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The 1949 Spanish general election was held on the 24th July 1949, to elect 473 members to the Congress of Deputies.

The incumbent government of Prime Minister José Giral had pursued an ambitious agenda during its first four years; as with much of western Europe it had implemented a welfare state, including development plans funded by aid from the Marshall Plan which stimulated its economy, and had started the process of relinquishing its remaining African colonies (though not Ceuta or Melilla).

On social issues, things had been more fraught. Giral had come under considerable pressure to reform the secular constitution and to federalise the country; he condemned such movements due to the Catholic Church’s past support for the Sanjurjo regime, and accused separatist movements (often baselessly) of wishing to roll back the secular Republic.

On the left he also started to face opposition from the communist and anarchist movements, which wished to overthrow the Republic and institute a different state due to Giral’s perceived closeness to the Western powers. The Communists (PCE) managed to gain considerable political capital during the late 1940s since many of its leading figures, particularly Santiago Carrillo, had vocally supported or fought for the Republic in the Civil Wars, while the anarchist National Confederation of Labour (CNT) trade union replaced its pro-Republic leader Juan Manuel Molina Mateo with the anti-Republic Germinal Esgleas and engaged in repeated civil disobedience and strike action against the government to try to improve workers’ pay and rights.

This led to considerable fracturing among the Spanish left, with many voters who had supported Giral’s government in 1945 now wishing for the Republic to be replaced with a government shaped in the image of communism or anarchism. The IR, PSOE and UR fought the election on the pledge of continuing the government, but the PCE was still surging in popularity and the Iberian Anarchist Federation (FAI) also put forward candidates. Esgleas disowned the FAI list both due to Molina leading it and because of his disdain for partaking in the Republic’s electoral politics in the first place, but the FAI nevertheless won a small amount of seats in Congress, even topping the polls in Molina’s home province of Murcia.

The communists and anarchists’ surge proved an effective rallying point for the right, which had started to moderate its ardently pro-Catholic attitudes while continuing to support constitutional reform to restore the Church as an important part of Spanish society and was also significantly less antagonistic towards the Republic’s new welfare state provisions than many had expected. Consequently, the Radical Republicans (PRR), the main right-wing party in the postwar Republic, surged in the polls.

The PRR was now led by Luis Recasens, a prominent legal philosopher who like Alcalá-Zamora (who had resigned due to ill health in late 1948 and died in 1949) was aligned with the republican right and was an opponent of the Sanjurjoists. Recasens’ academic background helped him come across as a more intelligent and flexible thinker than the left-wingers, and he surprised many people by being willing to bend on the issue of federalism- as he put it in one speech, ‘I would rather Spain were pragmatic but together than principled but apart’.

Despite Giral warning of a potential breakdown of the governing coalition and saying there was 'no alternative' to another IR-led government, the governing coalition lost its majority in the 1949 election and the PRR took a plurality of seats. Since the left retained a large plurality, Giral continued as Prime Minister by forming a minority government, with Recasens allowing this, privately telling his supporters that he would be able bring down Giral’s government with the support of the far left and the right ‘in due course’.

As it turned out, the Congress elected in 1949 would be one of the shortest-serving in the Republic's history, as a vote of confidence in March 1950 saw the PCE and FAI abstain and the Giral government fall. With no practical alternative government available, President Martínez Barrio dissolved the Congress and a new election was held that May.
 
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The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Kentucky in Harry Turtledove's The Guns of the South

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The 1867 Confederate States presidential election in Kentucky took place on November 5, 1867, as part of the 1867 Confederate States presidential election. State voters chose 14 representatives, or electors, to the Electoral College, who voted for president and vice president.

Kentucky would vote in its first Confederate States presidential election, having joined the Confederacy in 1866 following a plebiscite which resulted in Kentucky joining the Confederacy with Missouri voting to remain with the United States.

The state would be won by the Confederate Party candidate Robert E. Lee, running with Albert Gallatin Brown. The ticket defeated Patriot Party candidate Nathan Bedford Forrest, who was running with Louis Wigfall. The Lee-Brown ticket would win 55.1% of the popular vote against the Forrest-Wigfall tickets 44.9%, a margin of 10.2%.
 
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The crisis of the 9th century was period of massive instability for the Roman empire were by its other name it suggests that the regency following the death of Heraclius II in 830 resulted in nobles and general figthing to be the regent of Heraclius eldest surviving son , Tiberius , the crisis was caused due to the early death of Heraclius II following him killing his eldest son in a rage merely two years after the byzantine Dabuyid war of 809-827 had ended , the crisis officialy started with Berber emperor Gwafa of Roman egypt destroying a roman army and killing the regent Michael causing even more chaos soon the empire was attacked by external enemies as generals fougth to be regent until Bardas overthew the Heraclian dynasty causing in pro Heraclian revolts in Armenia , Syria and other provinces all Heraclians managed to escape except for Heraclonas who was sent to prison in crimea in hope of luring one of their brothers back but Heraclonas escaped and with Help of Alexander reclaimed the throne and stabalized the situation dealing with a revolt from his brother putting an end to the crisis.
 
Excerpts from The Lights Are Out: War in Europe 1939-40
"The decision to invade Poland in the autumn of 1939 was not easily taken by Adolf Hitler. With direct negotiations over Danzig and the Corridor stalling, and the outbreak of war looking inevitable, the German leader still lacked his most important piece; a pact either with the Western Powers or with the Soviet Union. For the former, Hitler's conviction in Franco-British non-intervention contributed significantly to this; to the Fuhrer, the West had proven itself weak and incapable of decisively intervening in Germany's 'sphere of influence' in Central/Eastern Europe. Further, the non-committal stance of Chamberlain's government over Polish independence had indicated to the German dictator that Western support was not forthcoming; and if London did not act, France would be unable to prosecute a war independently. Despite the attempts of independent actors in the German government and the foreign service (including Hermann Göring) to reach an accord with France and Britain, Hitler's ambivalence and disgust at the ostensible weakness of the Western democracies limited these actions.

Negotiations with the Soviet Union, on the other hand, were stalling. Under Foreign Commissar Maxim Litvinov - a Jew - tepid negotiations over non-aggression and the division of Eastern Europe into spheres-of-influence were initiated in early-1939 under orders from Josef Stalin. Litvinov's own negotiations with the Western Powers over collective security (against German aggression) had themselves stalled after Munich, and the General Secretary of the USSR was beginning to seek out peace-at-all-costs, even if it had to come from the Kremlin's ideological foe. Thus, the Foreign Commissar led secret talks into August with his German opposite, Joachim von Ribbentrop, all whilst frantic attempts to conclude a similar pact with Paris and London were being similarly discussed. However, ideological differences, mutual distrust, and the opening of a possible Franco-Soviet-British rapprochement in mid-August slowed the unenthusiastic Moscow-Berlin negotiations even further, with Litvinov narrowly managing to convince his superior that a Western agreement recognizing Soviet concerns was close to being concluded.

Thus, Hitler in August 1939 stood without the benefit of a non-aggression pact in either the East or West, and with the decision to invade Poland on August 26th being concluded on August 23rd, the possibility of a two front war had become a significant possibility. The Fuhrer himself indicated in his last table talk before the outbreak of the conflict that he held reservations over opening a campaign in the East with "Germany's rear being unguarded and open to assault". Intervention by the Soviet Union, now considered a probable event in the case of war, was dismissed by Hitler (and much of his general staff) as a low-risk possibility; the USSR was itself weak, decrepit, and above-all Jewish, and without any indication of support from London or Paris, the Germans forces would find themselves "walking over a standing corpse" once their campaign in Poland was concluded.

Hitler's only concern therefore was a Western intervention; one which could lead to a more internecine and sanguine conflict than the Great War; a war of barbed wires, gas, and mass aerial bombardment. Nevertheless, the dictator had to take providence into his own hands, as he always had, and launch his invasion of Poland with the possibility of Western intervention and total destruction - after all, were not the Western democracies confused and divided, and the Eastern Slavs a diseased and decaying lot?

Therefore, on August 26th, 1939, Adolf Hitler gripped any misgivings he held and thrust Germany into the arms of fate..."

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The 1950 Spanish general election was held on the 21st May 1950 to elect 473 members of the Congress of Deputies. At the time, it was the closest an election had been held to the previous one under the Second Republic.

The election was called after Prime Minister José Giral lost a confidence vote over the budget proposed by the ruling coalition. It had introduced significant spending increases in order to appease the PCE and FAI, but prompted mass protests from both the left and the right- the right felt it was financially unviable while leftists believed it did not go far enough, and both generally opposed Giral’s government and saw this as an opportunity to bring it down. The PCE and FAI both mostly abstained over the budget and several UR and nationalist members either voted against it due to suspicions of collaboration with the left or abstained.

Giral and PSOE leader Rodolfo Llopis ran a campaign accusing the far left of wishing to install a Soviet-aligned government and the PRR of being apologists of the Sanjurjo regime due to Recasens’ advocacy for amnesty for former nationalists if they renounced the monarchy and fascist regime; in a well-publicised speech, Giral warned that ‘they need only say a few words and they can start the path to destroying the Republic all over again’.

While this speech galvanised support for the IR to some extent, it contributed to the UR’s new leader Concha de Albornoz (the daughter of Álvaro, its previous leader) and President Diego Martínez Barrio distancing themselves from Giral; Martínez Barrio gave a speech for the UR where he emphasized the party wished to allow ‘reconciliation’ with those nationalists who were willing to disclaim their ideology. This was seized upon by the press and damaged the government’s campaign.

Equally crucial to the left’s defeat was PNV/EAJ leader and Basque nationalist José Antonio Aguirre. Aguirre threw his party’s support behind Recasens, and surprisingly proved a useful figurehead for Spanish Catholics as well as Basque ones due to his support for the Republic and his Catholicism, an unusual combination in Spanish politics at the time.

The far left were struggling; many leftist voters were angry at the prospect of Recasens becoming Prime Minister and saw the way the PCE and FAI had abstained on the confidence vote as allowing this. The CNT advocated abstention and Germinal Esgleas remarked during the campaign that ‘an intolerable government will give way to an anarchist Spain’, which further made the anarchists appear complicit in the right’s potential victory; it also undermined the parliamentary campaign of Molina Mateo and the FAI, which lost all but four of its seats.

The PRR was not quite able to win an absolute majority of the vote, but it took 216 of 473 seats, only 21 short of one; de Albornoz entered talks with him to form a new government, and the UR and PNV largely supported his government, giving him a majority in exchange for significant moderation of the PRR platform.
 
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I don't post alot of my other worldbuilding projects, mainly because I want to get them nice and 'presentable' before I post in places like the forums. But here is an older one of mine of my "Wacky World"... one of many.
 
"You know... this Marx guy might have a few good ideas..."
"Nikolai!"
"Hey, I'm just saying... in the off chance that we end up losing a war to some Asian country and have to deal with unrest at home only to then have the revolutionaries turn their guns on us, why not jump ship and join them?"

Conversation between Nicholas II of the Russian Empire and his wife sometime in 1900.
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