This timeline will get more notice here. I'd leave it as is for now, with Driscoll as the shooter.
Yeah, Driscoll does make it ASB. Nice update otherwise.
I like the Driscoll bit, as long as the rest of the timeline plays out without any other time-travelers shooting important officials.
Paul Driscoll makes it near-litterally ASB.
All right, noted. I'll leave it as it is, and this will indeed be the extent of meddling prescient teleporting Americans in this TL. I fully realise I could make it slightly more plausible, but I just couldn't resist.
Everything else will change based purely on the personalities of the people involved and the butterfly effect.
I got this gut feeling Weber is going to be worse than Hitler.
The first chapter suggests that he was ultimately defeated, but it looks like a much naster war in the process.
Well, it does say "Rise and
Fall" right there in the title...
As pragmatic and arguably more successful Germany will be ITTL, taking away the bits of it which made it inefficient and unsustainable would be to make the regime Nazi in name only, which as I've stated isn't quite the point of this timeline. As to the precise nature of the "fall", I still haven't envisioned that yet, but I probably will soon.
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(still)
PART 1
Weber acted quickly. He spread the word of Hitler’s death to extant branches of NSDAP, and made enquiries to Hess and Göring, who were still in Austria, asking them to return to Germany. Pooling together their limited funds, Weber arranged for a public funeral for Hitler, conducted on Christmas Eve, where he made a heartfelt dedication to the former leader of NSDAP, and proceeded to shock the assembled supporters with the revelation of “The Great Document”, which he stated that Hitler had bequeathed unto him, outlining the direction of the Party after his death.
When the NSDAP and SA members dispersed following the funeral, Hess took Weber to one side, demanding access to “The Great Document”. Weber agreed to it, and between the two of them, they eventually produced the volume titled Der Deutsche Kampf (The German Struggle), with a heavy focus on anti-Semitism, anti-Communism, and German irredentism.
Figure 6: Cover of the first printing of Der Deutsche Kampf, 1925. [1]
We can see the beginnings of Weber’s machinations from these two events. By organising Hitler’s funeral and setting himself as chief speaker, he had implicitly coalesced attention and authority onto himself, and made it explicit by ensuring Hess’s cooperation in editing Der Deutsche Kampf, which he also employed, enforcing that his name was printed directly underneath Hitler’s in all printings. The message was clear – he, Friedrich Weber, and no other, was the successor to Hitler, and he would lead the NSDAP and Germany to complete Hitler’s mission.
Figures 7a and 7b: Himmler (left) and Röhm (right), both dismissed by Weber after the Putsch.
Weber’s stay in prison had not disjointed his continued leadership of the Freikorps Oberland, and he used his hold over this core of the SA to consolidate control. Although the SA had been banned, Ernst Röhm had created the Frontbann as a workaround – wearing the same uniforms and bearing essentially the same insignia, minus the added Stahlhelm. However, the ban on the SA was quickly lifted, and Weber, sensing a potential rival in Röhm, rejected his proposal to reincorporate his 3,000 or so Frontbann recruits into the SA, prompting Röhm to leave Germany for Bolivia, never to return [2]. Göring was instead eventually invited back to Germany to take over his old post commanding the SA, while Weber positioned himself to the fore, having won the support of Hess and Göring. Without the influence of Röhm, Weber moved the focus of the SA away from the “class struggle” and the social reformation of Germany, which he felt “bore the stench of Communism far too much for my liking” to focus on the German racial identity and irredentism [3].
In the meantime, Weber also rejected proposals by Heinrich Himmler, an eager member of the Saalschutz (“Hall-Guard”), essentially a bodyguard force for NSDAP leaders, to convert it into an elite branch of the SA, citing redundancies in the system should another paramilitary branch be set up. Personally, Weber would note he was “deeply disturbed” by Himmler’s fanaticism for the dead Hitler and rumours of his occult obsessions, and was unwilling to let such a figure head any branch of the party, public or otherwise. When the incumbent head of the guard (Erhard Heiden) resigned, Weber instead chose Wilhelm Brückner, a fellow inmate at Landsberg as his chief bodyguard and Schutzführer. It would not be the last he would hear from Himmler [4].
The uncertainty caused by Hitler’s death and the fragmentation of the party had led the NSDAP to suffer at the polls, barely even reaching single digits of seats won in the elections of 1924. Popularity began to resurge with the publication of Der Deutsche Kampf, and Weber exploited the martyrdom of Hitler for all the political capital he could manage, often making public appearances with the Blutfahne (Blood-flag), allegedly stained with the blood of dead NSDAP men, decrying the loss of Hitler as a loss to all of Germany [5].
It is worthwhile here to mention the oratory of Friedrich Weber. While Adolf Hitler was well known for his fiery speeches, exaggerated gesticulations and dramatic rhetoric, Weber was not a trained public speaker, although the sincerity of his funeral address had been a critical factor in gaining the sympathy – and support – of the disunited NSDAP members. Understanding his lack of experience, he contacted Erik Jan Hanussen, an Austrian hypnotist and Hitler’s former mentor in elocution. Weber, in contrast to Hitler, never raised his voice except at key moments, and relied on prolonged, tense, silences to keep the crowd hanging on his every word. Whether his veterinary experience in being able to read subconscious cues contributed to his ability to lead audiences is purely a matter of speculation.
Figure 8: Joseph Goebbels.
Under Weber’s instruction, Joseph Goebbels, a prominent NSDAP journalist and activist, replaced Gregor Strasser as the party’s chief propagandist. The move was strategic for two reasons: Goebbels had expressed doubt over Weber’s repudiation of the class struggle, and it had taken promises of compromise on his hard-line stance and the promotion to appease Goebbels; furthermore, Strasser and the Berlin branch of NSDAP had grown too independent for Weber’s liking and was focusing on intellectualist issues Weber felt the party had no time for. While an astute move, the snub to Strasser would have long-term, violent, consequences.
The NSDAP capitalised on the Barmat scandal, which had struck the ruling party, Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (SPD), to its foundations, claiming Communist infiltration and corruption in the entire democratic system. However, despite these overtures, the NSDAP failed to perform beyond indifferently in the polls, managing a meagre 7 seats in the Reichstag in the 1928 elections. However, events overseas soon tipped conditions in Weber’s favour. Germany suffered greatly when Wall Street crashed in 1929, prompting the Great Depression and massive amounts of poverty and economic uncertainty in the rest of the world.
NSDAP campaigned heavily against the capitalist and democratic system which had brought Germany to fiscal destruction, with Goebbels writing vitriolic article after article about the weaknesses of the SPD-led government. However, poor economic conditions and the discrediting of the central government alone could not ensure the ascendancy of NSDAP. Weber then conducted his political masterstroke – he commanded Göring to use the SA as a force for stability and defend dole lines and maintain order in the streets, which mainly involved fighting Communists. Gobbels and Rosenberg capitalised on this, presenting the SA not merely as an adjunct to the weakened governmental forces, but as a possible legitimate alternative. Any suggestion of a takeover or another putsch, however, was downplayed, with propaganda (occasionally literally) depicting the SA and the government working hand-in-hand. An SA leader named Horst Wessel had composed a patriotic song, Die Fahne hoch, which Goebbels was quick to rename it the Adolf-Hitler-Lied, with the Blutfahne being dramatically raised as the first line – “Die Fahne hoch” (“The flag on high”) – was sung [6].
Under these circumstances, the NSDAP breakthrough finally arrived – of a sort. Come the 1930 elections, the party won 95 seats – the second highest among all of the political parties, and an increase to 1400% of their seats won in 1928. However high this was, it still lagged far behind the SPD with their 144 seats, and was a mere 6 seats ahead of the KPD (Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands, Communist Party of Germany). Still, Weber and the NSDAP had won the initiative, and it was now up to Weber to convert it into momentum.
This is as appropriate a time as any to expound a little on Weber’s personal life. In the frantic campaigning for the 1930 election, Weber was invited to Goebbels’ headquarters publishing the Völkischer Beobachter (People’s Observer), the printed propaganda arm of NSDAP. It was there that he encountered a talented clerical supervisor (not a secretary, as is commonly and wrongly stated) named Wilhelmina “Mina” Kneller. To what extent their meeting was happenstance is a matter of debate; Weber recalled Goebbels making a large show of ordering Kneller to bring in certain documents, and ensuring she was never far from him during the tour. This has been used to support suggestions that Goebbels, not fully trusting Weber at that point, intended to use Kneller as an ‘inside woman’ in the vein of Mata Hari. Mina Kneller’s memoirs are silent on the topic, merely introducing Weber as having entered the offices of Völkischer Beobachter one day. Whichever the case was, Weber was smitten with Kneller, although the two would not marry until the eve of outbreak of war in Poland [7].
Figure 9: Mina Weber (nee Kneller).
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[1] Compare and contrast with
the cover of the first print run of Mein Kampf. The change in title is
not simply a difference for its own sake; while Hitler made an excellent martyr, Weber needed to establish his authority in his own right.
[2] In OTL Rohm did indeed go to Bolivia and ended up holed up in the German embassy during the revolution until Hitler called him, saying "I need you." As Weber already has the loyalty of the SA, Rohm never gets that call.
[3] This change of philosophy, as well as the dismissal of Rohm, means that the threat of the "Second Revolution" never comes about, leading to massive butterflies in the early '30s.
[4] Well, this too, obviously.
[5]
This is indeed a thing, and gains even more currency with Hitler's martyrdom.
[6] The Horst-Wessel-Lied in OTL. Horst Wessel ITTL probably avoids that fatal argument with his landlady.
[7] Mina Kneller is an entirely fictional creation as I don't want to associate any more people with the Nazi regime than I have to. "Kneller" is a cognate of "knell", as in a loud bell; rather apropos for someone in Gobbels' apparat. Her character will be markedly different from Eva Braun's, but I haven't decided her significance to the events of this timeline quite yet.