Chapter 124: Wang Jingwei's Nanjing Nationalist Government (Kuomintang) of the Republic of China (also known as Hankokuo, Hanchukuo, Hankoku, or Empire of Han, Han Empire)
Chapter 124: Wang Jingwei's Nanjing Nationalist Government (Kuomintang) of the Republic of China (also known as Hankokuo, Hanchukuo, Hankoku, or Empire of Han, Han Empire):
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The Wang Jingwei government is the common name of that part of the Kuomintang that split from Chiang Kai-shek during the Chinese Civil War to form the Shanghai (and later Nanjing) government under Wang Jingwei. It was another member state of the Co-Prosperity Sphere located in East and later Central China. While officially part of the Republic of China (just like Chiang, who also claimed to be the sole legal represent of that government just like Wang) neither of the two governments were truly republic or democratic. Chiang Kai-shek's one-party totalitarian dictatorship did only slightly differ from the authoritarian/ totalitarian Coprospism under Wang, and only got worse when Mao's Communist slowly took over the United Front from within. While Wang Jingwei originally got only a smaller portion of the government, the army and navy on his side, he quickly sided with the Co-Prosperity Sphere and managed to even the odds between 1938 and 1940. With Imperial Japanese financially and administration help, as well as massive military support from the other neighboring member states of the Co-Prosperity Sphere Wang managed to surpass his rival Chiang from 1940 onward. The major dispute between both factions was that Chiang was willing to side even with the Communists to unite China under one banner, while Wang believed that the Japanese and other Co-Prosperity Sphere members were the moral superior choice to the Moscow lead Communists. Like Chiang, Wang's own state claimed the entirety of China at first, portraying itself as the legitimate inheritors of the Xinhai Revolution and Sun Yat-sen's legacy as opposed to Chiang Kai-shek's government in central China, but effectively ruled only the coast and later central China. During it's time in the Co-Prosperity Sphere Wang Jingwei accepted the territorial integrity and independence of the other members of the Co-Prosperity Sphere in exchange for their full recognition, economies and military support and therefore gave up his claim on all of China. Since his new claim mostly lay on these lands of the former Republic of China and the Qing Dynasty that was populated by a Han-Chinese majority, the new sate soon became also known as Hankokuo, Hanchukuo, Hankoku, Empire of Han, or Han Empire inside the Co-Prosperity Sphere.

Wang's new state was formed by combining the previous elements of the Kuomintang Government of the Republic of China and the other government types inside the Co-Prosperity Sphere, to create his own nation during the Chinese Civil War that would rule the central Chinese regions all the way towards the eastern coast. The more the war continued the more modern and better administered but at the costs of becoming more and more depending on the Co-Prosperity Sphere and the Japanese Empire to the extend that Wang's government had made huge territorial, economic and influential concessions towards them to become a full recognized and supported member of the Co-Prosperity Sphere. Supported by the Japanese as a pro-Coprospist government, Wang's nation quickly tried to gain international recognition and support in his fight over control against Chiang. Wang's government while loosing some influence and power to the Japanese Empire inside the Co-Prosperity Sphere was from 1941 on soon way more independent and sovereign then Chiang's Chinese United Front, where Mao and his Communist gained more and more control and became a Soviet puppet because they by then solely dependent on supplies and weapons from the Comintern and the Soviet Union. Wang's government itself was favored by the Japanese and the rest of the Co-Prosperity Sphere before Chiang's government, while the international community was split onto who side to support much like in the Spanish Civil War. What worked in Wang's favor was that his forces and allies soon controlled the Chinese coast and every other path into the land with the exception of the Soviet Union border. From then on every nation and state wishing to trade with the huge Chinese marked dependent on good terms with Wang and the Co-Prosperity Sphere, which lead to a recognition of his government and rule by some government and states who would otherwise never have done so.

The Wang Jingwei Government was informally also known as the Nanjing Nationalist Government, the Han Government,Wang Jingwei's Nanjing Kuomintang, Hankokuo, Hanchukuo, Hankoku, Empire of Han, or Han Empire. As one of the two remaining government's that claimed the sole recognition as the Republic of China, the Chinese United Front and the Warlords ruled by them regarded Wang's government as a illegal regime just as he did with them. Other names used for Wang Jingwei's government besides the once already mentioned above were the Republic of China-Nanjing, China-Nanjing, or New China.

While Wang Jingwei was widely regarded as a favorite to inherit Sun Yat-sen's position as leader of the Nationalist Party (Kuomintang, KMT), based upon his faithful service to the party throughout the 1910s and 20s and based on his unique position as the one who accepted and recorded Dr. Sun's last will and testament, he was rapidly overtaken by Chiang Kai-shek as the leader after Sun Yat-sen's death. By the 1930s, Wang Jingwei had been taken the position Minister of Foreign Affairs for the Nationalist Government under Chiang Kai-shek, a position that put him in control over the Sino-Japanese/ Co-Prosperity Sphere relationship. While Chiang Kai-shek focused his primary attentions against the Communist Party of China, Wang Jingwei diligently toiled to preserve the peace between China and Japan/ the Co-Prosperity Sphere, repeatedly stressing the need for a period of extended peace in order for China to elevate itself economically and militarily to the levels of its neighbor and the other Great Powers of the world. Yet despite his efforts, Wang was unable to find a peaceful solution to prevent the Japanese from commencing an invasion into Chinese territory.

On the next national conference of the KMT, Chiang Kai-shek appointed Wang as vice-president of the party, reporting only to himself. Meanwhile, the conflict between the Chinese Nationalists and Communist grew and another possible conflict with the Japanese Empire and the Co-Prosperity Sphere seamed imminent. From his new position, Wang urged Chiang Kai-shek to pursue a agreement with Japan and join their Co-Prosperity Speer on the sole condition that they hypothetical would not interfere with the territorial integrity and internal politics of China, just like they did with every other member state inside the Co-Prosperity Sphere. Chiang Kai-shek was adamant, however, that he would not need outside help and deal with the Communists alone, and that it was his position that, were China to be united completely under his control, any foreign power could be repulsed, including the Co-Prosperity Sphere. As a result, Chiang continued to devote his primary attention to eradicating the Communists and ending the (later first part) of the Chinese Civil War. On late December, Wang Jingwei and several of his closest supporters resigned from their positions and boarded a plane to Hanoi in order to seek alternative means of ending the war.

From this new base, Wang began pursuit of a peaceful resolution to the conflict independent of the Kuomintang under Chiang and spoke with Japanese and Co-Prosperity Sphere diplomats about his ideals, plans and offer. Wang and his supporters began negotiating with the Japanese for the creation of a new Nationalist Government which could end the war against the Communists together, despite Chiang's objections. To this end, Wang sought to discredit the Nationalists in Nanjing on the basis that they represented not the republican government envisioned by Dr. Sun, but rather a "one-party dictatorship", and subsequently call together a Central Political Conference back to the provisorial capital of Shanghai, where he and his supporters had set up a own government with their supporters, in order to formally transfer control over the party away from Chiang Kai-shek. These efforts were quickly supported by the Japanese and the rest of the Co-Prosperity Sphere who saw a chance to get a pro-Coprospist government to rule in china and expel any Soviet Communist or European influence from China and later Asia together. Ultimately, Wang Jingwei and his new allies would establish their new party and government in Shanghai, quickly seize the Chinese Coast and even the former capital of Nanjing in 1940, from where they propagated to be the one true government of the Republic of China, while Chiang had sided with the Communist enemies under Mao to make China a Soviet colony. Wang and his group were also became support from other defecting Kuomintang leaders and militarizes, as well as warlords, like the diplomat Gao Zongwu, who was skeptic at first, but changed his view when he saw the collaboration of all member states of the Co-Prosperity Sphere to fight alongside Wang's state against the Communists. From then on he truly believed that Japan and the other states of the Co-Prosperity Sphere did see China as an equal partner and he became one of the fist politicians under Wang that would be signing the documents of the Basic Treaty that Japan and the Co-Prosperity Sphere had signed with the Wang Jingwei government so that it could become a recognized member state. The treaty revealed to many Chinese that Wang's movement was sincere and that his growing administration made necessary changes for the future, like a land reform and creating a social state to bring modern administration, industrialization and a path in the future for China.
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In theory, the Reorganized National Government controlled all of the Republic of China, or former Qing Dynasty, but the dependence from Japan and the Co-Prosperity Sphere soon forced the new government to except Manchukuo, Mengjiang, Yankoku, Taikoku, Yikoku and Tibet together with their claimed territories and to recognize them all as an independent state with their own ethnic now independent groups (even if some of these were also Han-Chinese just with a new name given to them by the Japanese and the Co-Prosperity Sphere) and fellow members of the Co-Prosperity Sphere. In actuality, at the time of its formation, Wang's Government controlled only Shanghai, but soon gained Kinagsu (Jangsu), Chekiang (Zhejiang) and Fukien during the Japanese-Co-Prospherity Sphere Coastal Campaign. With the liberation of the province of Anhwei (Anhui) and Kiangsi (Jiangxi) Wang's forces were able to liberate the capital of Nanjing (Nanking) that would from now on serve as their own seat of government instead of the provisional capital of Shanghai. They further advanced into Honan (Henan), Hupeh (Hubei), Hunan and Kweichow (Guizhou). The rebellion against Chiang in the provinces of East Sikang (Xikang -also Sikang or Hsikang- Army at the western border towards Tibet), Sichuan (formerly romanized Szechuan, where a local Clique took up arms against Chiang) and Chungking (Chongging, where parts of the Hunan Clique hand fled to and now tried to reestablish a autonomic rule) shortly after discredited Chiang's United Front further and at the same time gave more legitimization to Wang's government.

Because they heavily dependent on the push and control against the Chinese United Front, Wang Jingwei's Government's actual borders waxed and waned as they and the Japanese/ Co-Prospherity Sphere forces gained or lost territory during the course of the war. Until December 1941 with a new Japanese/ Co-Prosperity Sphere offensive Wang's Government had extended its control deeper into Central China, controlling the most industrialized, most urban, most populated and most economic important centers in China by now, that helped fuel their growing centralization and military growht against Chiang's United Front.

While the conquered city of Nanjing was made the official capital of Wang Jingwei's Chinese government, the city itself was still rebuilding itself after the devastating battle of both Chinese Kuomintang governments and armies over it's control. Until the Japanese (mostly their army) had finished the rebuilding (with quiet some Japanese architectonic aspects and influences, just like in most of the new cities they were building inside the Co-Prosperity Sphere), the Government of Wang Jingwei turned to Shanghai (the former provisional capital) as its primary focal point of government where most ministries and administration were still located. With its key role as both an economic and media center for all China, close affiliation to Western Imperial powers even despite the Japanese invasion, and relatively sheltered position from attacks by KMT and Communist forces alike, Shanghai offered both sanctuary and opportunity for Wang and his allies' ambitions. Once in control of Shanghai and Nanjing, the new regime quickly moved to take control over those publications already supportive of Wang and his peace platform, while also engaging in violent, gang-style attacks against rival news outlets. By November 1940, the Wang's Kuomintang Nationalist Party had secured enough local support to begin hostile takeovers of both Chinese courts and banks still under nominal control by the KMT in Chongqing or Western powers. Buoyed by this rapid influx of seized collateral, Wang's Government under its recently appoint Finance Minister, Zhou Fohai, was able to issue a new currency for circulation (the Shanghai/Nanjing Yuan alias the Han Yuan, later Han Yen). Thanks to it's mostly independent economic, huge support in industrialization by the Japanese and the other Co-Prosperity Sphere members, the new banknotes were quickly accepted and backed (just like every Yuan and later Yen with their new banks) inside the Yen-Block by the Imperial Japanese Yen and the Bank of Japan, with a exchange rate to the Japanese Yen of 1:1).

The administrative structure of the Wang's Government included a Legislative Yuan and an Executive Yuan. Both were under the president and head of state Wang Jingwei who was supported by Japanese political entities formed by Japanese political advisers and military commanders there to help him. After obtaining Japanese approval to establish a national government, Wang Jingwei ordered the 6th National Congress of the Kuomintan to establish this new government in it's rightfull capital Nanjing. The dedication occurred in the Conference Hall, and both the "blue-sky white-sun red-earth" national flag and the "blue-sky white-sun" Kuomintang flag were unveiled, flanking a large portrait of Sun Yat-sen. On the day the new government was formed, and just before the session of the "Central Political Conference" began, Wang visited Sun's tomb in Nanjing's Purple Mountain to establish the legitimacy of his power as Sun's successor (a position he felt cheated of by Chiang). Wang had been a high-level official of the Kuomintang government and, as a confidant to Sun, had transcribed Sun's last will, the Zongli's Testament. To discredit the legitimacy of Chiang'st, Wang adopted Sun's flag in the hope that it would establish him as the rightful successor to Sun and bring the government back to Nanjing. A principal goal of the new regime was to portray itself as the legitimate continuation of the former Nationalist government, despite the growing Japanese influence. To this end, Wang's government frequently sought to revitalize and expand the former policies of the Nationalist government.

Wang's new government was afforded administrative powers in the regions of China it' controlled and soon his rule at the Chinese Coast was seen as independent and important even by some powers outside the Co-Prosperity Sphere. This lead to a true explosion of diplomatic efforts by the new government -which could not directly contribute to a total military victory over Chiang and his forces- to be internationally recognized as the sole true government of China. Wang even traveled to Tokio in 1941, together with Mengjiang Khanate Kahn Demchugdongrub to persuade the Japanese and other leaders of a Co-Prosperity Sphere that a final push against Chiang would be needed before the Chinese Civil War could end with their victory. Unfortunately for Wang, his visit coincided with the Axis Central Powers invasion of the Soviet Union, a move which further emboldened officials in Tokyo to pursue total victory in China, rather than accept any king of peace deal. Sadly at this moment their remaining forces were already preparing the Southern Expansion and the Axis Central Power attack on the Soviet Union convinced the Japanese Army that a final push in China and then North was the better decision right now. In the end, Konoe eventually agreed to provide a substantial loan to the Nanjing government as well as promising him that a new offensive in China against Chiang would begin before any major push of the Co-Prosperity Sphere Armies anywhere into Central and Northern China. As a slight conciliation, Wang was successful in persuading the Japanese to secure official recognition for the Nanjing Government from the Axis Central Powers and thereby a majority of Europe at the moment, followed by some independent Asian, Central and South American nations. A few months later Wang Jingwei, together with Emperor Puyi of Manchukuo and Khan Demchugdongrub from the Mengjiang Khanate would once again visit Tokio together with many Army Commanders and Generals from the Asian mainland to convince the government in Tokio that a final push against the Chinese United Front and the Soviet Unions other allies in the region like Mongolia as well as against the Soviet Union itself should be prepared because of the ongoing Axis Central Powers victories against Stalin in Europe. Now they claimed was the time to finish off the Bolsheviks in the north of Asia.

As a result of general chaos and wartime various profiteering efforts of the conquering Japanese armies, already considerable illegal opium smuggling operations expanded greatly in the Reorganized Nation Government's territory. Indeed, Japanese forces and Zaibatsu conglomerates themselves became arguably the largest and most widespread traffickers within the territory under the auspices of semi-official narcotics monopolies. While initially too politically weak to make inroads into the Japanese operations, the plan of the Japanese government to incorporate some collaborationist governments more actively into the war effort meant that this had to change. As a result, Wang Jingwei and his government were able to gain some increased control over the opium monopolies in China, just like Puyi had in Manchukup. Negotiations by Chen Gongbo were successful in reaching an agreement to cut opium imports from Manchuria and Mengjiang in half, as well as an official turnover of state-sponsored opium monopolies from Japan over to the Reorganized Nationalist Government. But because of financial concerns, the Wang's government itself sought only limited reductions in the distribution of opium throughout the remainder of the Chinese Civil War. With the permission of the Japanese and Co-Prosperity Sphere other Armies and Governments involved in China for Wang's government, a monopolistic economic policy was applied, to the benefit of Japanese supported zaibatsu and local representative. Though these companies were supposedly treated the same as local Chinese companies by the government, the president of the Yuan legislature in Nanjing, Chen Gongbo, complained that this was untrue in the view of some Japanese officials.

Wang's Government of the Republic of China also featured its own embassy in Tokio, Japan (as did the rest of the Co-Prosperity Sphere just like their capitals had embassies of the other members inside them). Despite this Wang's Government received little international recognition, only being recognized by the other members of the Co-Prosperity most of the Axis Central Powers, the Soviet Union (to lower the tense relations with Japan and the Co-Prosperity Sphere, but at the same time Stalin also recognized Chiang's government and the Chinese United Front) as well as some minor states in Asia, Central and South America. Until July 1941, the Wang's Nanjing Government was recognized as the legitimate government of China by most of this states that by now had recognized the Wang Jingwei government as the legitimate government of the Republic of China. The other members of the Co-Prospherity Sphere and Wang's Nanjing government regime recognized each other and maintained diplomatic and trade missions within each other's territories. After Japan established diplomatic relations with the Holy See in 1941, they and the Co-Prosperity Sphere friendly regimes in Europe Italy pressured Pope Pius XIII to recognize the Nanjing regime and allow a Chinese envoy of Wang's government to be appointed to the Vatican, but he refused to give in to these pressures. Instead the Vatican came to an informal agreement with Japan that their apostolic delegate in Bejing would pay visits to Catholics in the Co-Prosperity Sphere government's territory and convince them to cooperate with the new authorities and governments as law obeying citizens. The Pope also ignored the suggestion of the aforementioned apostolic delegate, Mario Zanin, who recommended in October 1941 that the Vatican recognizes the Wang Jingwei government as the legitimate government of China. The Fascist French Empire, despite being part of the pro-Co-Prospherity Sphere Axis Central Powers, resisted Japanese pressure and also refused to recognize Wang's government as well as the member states of Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam, while French diplomats in China remaining accredited to the government of Chiang Kai-shek (because of the Indochina invasion and liberation by Japan).


(Japanese build Type 94 tankettes in service of Wang Jingwei's Nanjing Nationalist Kuomintang Government as parts of the first Imperial Han Tank Division)

During its existence, the Reorganized National Government nominally led a large army that was estimated to have included 800,000 to 1,000,000 at first (later up to 4,000,000), along most of the navy and parts of the air force. Not really equal numbers compared to the 1,700,000 soldiers (later 3,600,000) that Chiang's government and the warlords allied to him had, plus the 300,000 (later up to 9,300,000) Chinese Communists inside the Chinese United Front. Massive support for Wang's government came from Japan and the rest of the Co-Prosperity Sphere, who send volunteers numbering 4,200,000 soldiers together with modern equipment, tactics, strategies and supply to help out Wang's forces. Because of this support Wang's land forces possessed possessed huge armor and artillery inside their ranks, unlike the armies of the United Front who were primarily an infantry force. Military aid and assist from Japan in the "Co-Prosperity Sphere–China Military Affairs Agreement" that they signed also included other members of the Co-Prosperity Sphere. All military matters were the responsibility of the Central Military Commission in Shanghai (later Nanking). In reality, many of the army's commanders operated outside of the direct command of the central government in Nanjing. One of the problems of Wang's army was that the majority of its officers were either former National Revolutionary Army personnel or warlord officers from the early Republic era. Thus their reliability and combat capability was questionable, and Wang Jingwei was estimated to only be able to count on the loyalty of about 10% to 15% of his nominal forces. Among the reorganized government's best units were three Capital Guards divisions based in Nanjing, Zhou Fohai's Taxation Police Corps, and the 1st Front Army of Ren Yuandao. To increase this ratio, Japanese officers and commanders were put in charge of most units and routed out any communist, Chiang-loyal or otherwise not trust worthy element inside the leading ranks, just like they did in most member states of the Co-Prosperity Sphere.

The majority of the government's forces were armed with a mix of captured Nationalist weaponry and a amount of Japanese equipment, the latter mainly being given to Nanjing's best and most loyal units. The lack of local military industry for the first years of the war meant that the Nanjing regime had trouble arming its troops. The Japanese Army therefore quickly established industries with Japanese capital help as joint ventures by them and the local government to get rid of such shortages. The first major delivery for Wang's forces were motorcycles armored cars and Type 94 tankettes to create it's very own mobile, armored and tank forces. The main type of artillery in use were medium mortars, but they also possessed field guns and artillery. Often times, the troops were equipped with the German Stahlhelm, which were used in large quantities by the Chinese Nationalist Army. For small arms, there was at first no standard rifle and a large variety of different weapons were used, which made supplying them with ammunition difficult. The most common rifles in use were the Mauser 98k and the Hanyang 88, while other notable weapons included the Czech ZB-26 machine guns. Only at the beginning of the year 1942 would the Japanese inside the Co-Prosperity Sphere start to standardize measures, weight and equipment throughout the Yen Block. Along with the great variation in equipment, there was at first also a disparity in sizes of units. Some "armies" had only a few thousand troops while some "divisions" several thousand. There was a standard divisional structure, but only the elite Guards divisions closer to the capital actually had anything resembling it. In addition to these regular army forces, there were multiple police and local militia, which numbered in the hundrets of thousands, but were deemed to be completely unreliable by the Japanese for the first years. In an attempt to improve the quality of the officer corps besides using Japanese officers and commander, multiple military academies had been opened, including a Central Military Academy in Nanjing and a Naval Academy in Shanghai. In addition there already had been other military academies established inside themselves Co-Prosperity Sphere, most notable the one in Beijing (Yankoku) and Guangzhou (Taikoku).

A small navy was established with naval bases at Shanghai, Lien-Kiang and Amoy (with close ties to the Yankoku Navy in Quingdao, Weiheiwai and Taku, or the Taikoku Navy in Guangzhou but it mostly consisted of destroyers, light cruisers and small patrol boats (mainly bought from outdated Japanese Navy ships) that were used for coastal and river defense. Captured Chiang Nationalist cruisers like the Ning Hai and Ping Hai were handed over to the government by the Japanese, becoming important propaganda tools. However, the main purpose and goal of these fleets was to support the Imperial Japanese navy in securing the trade and coasts of the Yellow, East and South Chinese Sea (later including the Philippine Sea) to secure the trade-routes to the Southern Resources Areas. In addition there were two regiments of marines, one at Shanghai and the other at Amoy. An Air Force of the Reorganized National Government was established in May 1941 with the opening of the Aviation School and receiving three aircraft, Tachikawa Ki-9 trainers. In the future the air force received additional Ki-9 and Ki-55 trainers as well as multiple transports. Plans by Wang Jingwei to form a fighter squadron with Nakajima Ki-27s did come to fruition and later bomber crews were added with own machines. The only two offensive aircraft they did possess at first were Zupolev SC bombers which were flown by defecting Nationalist crews, but soon Japanese build newer models arrived. Wang's Government's army was primarily tasked with fighting the forces of the Chinese United Front army, garrison and police duties in the occupied territories. It also took part in anti-partisan operations against Communist guerrillas, such as in the Hundred Regiments Offensive, or played supporting roles for the Imperial Japanese Army (IJA).

During the conflicts in central China, the Japanese utilized several methods to recruit Chinese volunteers. Japanese sympathizers including Nanjing's pro-Japanese governor, or major local landowners such as Tao-liang, were used to recruit local peasants in return for money or food. Japanese forces and the Reorganized National Government used slogans like "Drop Your Weapons, and Take the Plow", "Oppose the Communist Bandits" or "Oppose Corrupt Government and Support Wang's Government" to dissuade guerrilla attacks and buttress its support. The Japanese and Wang used various methods for subjugating the local populace. From 1939 onward the Japanese army attempted some populist policies, including:
  • land reform by dividing the property of major landowners into small holdings, and allocating them to local peasants;
  • providing the Chinese with medical services, including vaccination against cholera, typhus, and varicella, and treatments for other diseases;
  • ordering Japanese and Co-Prosperity Sphere soldiers not to violate women or laws;
  • dropping leaflets from planes, offering rewards for information (with parlays set up by use of a white surrender flag), the handing over of weapons or other actions beneficial to the Co-Prosperity Sphere cause. Money and food were often incentives used; and
  • dispersal of candy, food and toys to children
Buddhist leaders inside the occupied Chinese territories ("Shao-Kung") were also forced to give public speeches and persuade people of the virtues of a Chinese alliance with Japan, including advocating the breaking-off of all relations with Western powers and ideas. In 1938 a manifesto was launched in Shanghai, reminding the populace the Japanese alliance's track-record in maintaining "moral supremacy" as compared to the often fractious nature of the previous Republican control, and also accusing Generalissimo Chiang Kai-Shek of treason for maintaining the Chinese United Front alliance with the Communists. In support of such efforts, in 1941 Wang Jing-wei proposed the Qingxiang Plan to be applied along the controlled course of the Yangtze River. A Qingxiang Plan Committee (Qingxiang Weiyuan-hui) was formed with himself as Chairman, and Zhou Fohai and Chen Gongbo (as first and second vice-chairmen respectively). Li Shiqun was made the Committee's secretary. Beginning in July 1941, Wang maintained that any areas to which the plan was applied would convert into "model areas of peace, anti-communism and rebuilders of the country" (heping fangong jianguo mofanqu).

In support of his government Japanese advisers, military and economical personal to help modernize Wang's army, government and economy came to Hankoku. With the unconditional opening of all states of the Co-Prosperity Sphere to the Japanese merchants and Zaibatsu, many engineers, mechanics and even farmers came with them to settle in newly build colonial cities. Most of the Japanese settlers and colonizers at first lived in the coastal provinces close to the Home Islands. With nearly 100,000 Japanese coming to Hankoku each year nearly 280,000 already lived in Wang's new nation that despite Japanese efforts opposed of being Hankokuo for now since Wang saw his nation still as a successor to the Republic of China with all it's ethnic and religious groups being it's citizens, not just the Han.
 
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Chapter 125: The Eastern Crusade against Bolshevism
Chapter 125: The Eastern Crusade against Bolshevism:

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“The Russians have defeated themselves in the First World War, they will do so again this time.” - German Emperor Wilhelm III

The Axis Central Powers Invasion of the Soviet Union was starting on Sunday, 22 June 1941, during the Second Great War. The operation started because of the escalating conflict between the Axis Central Powers and the Comintern lead by the Soviet Union. The main goal of the involved members of the Axis Central Powers was to gain some territory and be quicker than the Soviets who had already massed their own forces to strike them by now. While some of the Axis Central Power members hoped to gain territory (mostly these already bordering the Soviet Union), the main objective was to free the local minorities and reinstall the Russian Tsardom. The plan also involved seizing the oil reserves of the Caucasus and the agricultural resources of Soviet territories to further boost the Axis Central Powers war effort. The German High Command began planning an invasion of the Soviet Union in July 1940 (under the codename Operation Otto), which the Emperor authorized on 20 December 1940. Over the course of the operation, about four million Axis Central Powers personnel, the largest invasion force in the history of warfare, invaded the western Soviet Union along a 2,900-kilometer (1,800 mi) front. In addition to troops, the Axis Central Power forces employed some 600,000 motor vehicles, and between 600,000 and 700,000 horses for non-combat operations. The offensive marked an escalation of the Second Great War, both geographically and in the formation of the Allied coalition (including the Western Allies and the Comintern united against the Axis Central Powers).

Operationally, German forces achieved major victories and occupied some of the most important economic areas of the Soviet Union quickly, mainly in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, and inflicted, as well as sustained, heavy casualties. Despite these Axis successes, the German offensive stalled in the Battle of Moscow and the Soviet winter counteroffensive that pushed German troops back. Despite this initial setback the support for the Axis Central Power in the liberated regions of the Kingdom of White Ruthenia (Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic) and the Kingdom of Ukrainia (Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic), where they would be welcomed with open arms. Most importantly, the operation opened up the Eastern Front, in which more forces were committed than in any other theater of war in world history. The Eastern Front became the site of some of the largest battles, most horrific atrocities, and highest casualties for Soviet and Axis Central Powers units alike, all of which influenced the course of both the Second Great War and the subsequent history of the 20th century.

Right from the beginning the so called Crusade against Bolshevism was also painted as a fight to liberate the people of the Soviet Union, not only from the Soviets, but from the whole tyrannical regime. Therefore the so called Committee for the Liberation of the Peoples of Russia (by exiled citizens and later collaborators and freed prisoners of war) was established, to organize the resistance against Stalin's regime. It was led by Vladimir Kirillovich, the Grand Duke of Russia (Cyrillic: Влади́мир Кири́ллович Рома́нов; the Head of the Imperial Family of Russia, a position which he claimed from 1938 the son of Grand Duke Kirill (Cyril) Vladimirovich of Russia, who himself was the son of Grand Duke Vladimir Alexandrovich of Russia, a grandson of Emperor Alexander II and a first cousin of Nicholas II, Russia’s last Tsar. This by heritage made Vladimir Kirillovich the legitimate successor and the head of a revived Imperial Family in a future Tsardom, since with the death of his father on 12 October 1938, Vladimir assumed the Headship of the Imperial Family of Russia. In 1938 there were suggestions that he could be made regent of Ukraine once, but he rebuffed the idea, saying he would not help dissolve Russia. However, the Russian people suffered under the tyrannic rule of Josef Stalin and when the Germans brought Vladimir from Saint-Briac-sur-Mer in Brittany where he was living to Königsberg in East Prussia, where the Committee for the Liberation of the Peoples of Russia declared him that they wished him to be the new ruler of a free Russian state. Unable to deny the wish of his people Vladimir accepted under the condition that the new Russian Empire would be a constitutional monarchy influenced by the Fascist Royalist/ National Monarchist ideals of multicultural Austrofascim and Fascist Monarchism with it's democratic elements. The Committee for the Liberation of the Peoples of Russia agreed and many of the later captured 5,000,000 Red Army troops, mostly Russians, but also Ukrainians and other minorities were eager to switch sides during the conflict. They would form the Russian Liberation Army that under Tsar Vladimir would use the old Flag of the Russian Empire or it's naval ensign as their flags.
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Why June 1941? I thought the invasion was delayed IOTL due to the Yugoslavian and Greek campaigns. I would think the Axis would try to launch earlier due to weather.
 
Chapter 126: The Axis Central Powers-Soviet relations of 1939–40
Chapter 126: The Axis Central Powers-Soviet relations of 1939–40:
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Ever since the Soviet Union attack on Finland in 1939 the Soviet Union relations towards the Axis Central Powers had worsened. The German protection towards Poland and the Baltic States, the backing of Romania to not give up Bessarabia, the creation of the United Baltic Duchy and the support for the Neo-Ottoman Empire created tensions all the way from northern Europe to the Middle East between both factions. But even without this tensions normal relationships would have never been possible. The Fascist Royalist/ National Monarchist leading the Axis Central Powers arose from Fascism/ Nationalism, ideas opposing the Socialist/ Communist ideology because they had similar goals and views and were therefore competitors in Europe and the rest of the World. Further more many European Monarchies (the other part of the ideology) as well as militaries and civil members of western European states had not yet forgotten how the Bolsheviks had treated the Tsardom and it's royal family, or even many of it's own minorities and citizens. In the eyes of many in the civilized world from Europe all the way towards America, the Soviet Union under Josef Stalin looked like the empire of the Devil himself, surprisingly fitting in red colors as some would say.

Despite the tensions and aggression, both parties tried to prevent a full-out open war, believing that it could be their downfall and only lead to a victory for the Allied democratic powers. Because of this both parties agreed to limit their earlier mutual hostility and their conflicting ideologic views for a short time during 1940 and 1941. This truce however was undermined by Axis Central Power propaganda inside the soviet union to rise the citizens up in open rebellion and by Soviet attempts to destabilize and conquer the Baltic, Scandinavian and Balkan regions or Europe. As time went by it became clear that both sides were trying to mass massive forces at each others borders to launch a first strike against the other as soon as possible and the Axis Central Powers would beat the Soviets in doing so by a few weeks or months at least. The pact before had also been stalling time on sides of the Axis Central Powers to finish the New Bagdad Railway, the Teheran Railway from where they tried to trade over yet neutral Persia to bypass the British blockade and force new troops in the Middle East against the British Empire and the Axis Central Powers alike. When both sides collided against each other in Eastern Europe more often and involved into each others internal politics, it was clear that a new war in Europe would begin soon, a war unlike any other before.
 
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Why June 1941? I thought the invasion was delayed IOTL due to the Yugoslavian and Greek campaigns. I would think the Axis would try to launch earlier due to weather.
Same reason OTL, mess in the Balkans, plus huge logistics and forces in Africa. So there is no time to strike sooner then OTL at all TTL, but the overall strategy and plans differ verymuch.
 
Chapter 127: The German invasion plan
Chapter 127: The German invasion plan:
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Stalin's reputation as a brutal dictator contributed both to the Axis Central Powers justification of their assault and their faith in success; many competent and experienced military officers were killed in the Great Purge of the 1930s, leaving the Red Army with a relatively inexperienced leadership compared to that of their German counterparts. The Axis Central Powers often emphasized the Soviet regime's brutality when targeting the Slavs with propaganda. They also made use of the fact that the Red Army was preparing to attack the Axis Central Powers in Europe, and that their own invasion was thus presented as a pre-emptive strike. In the middle of 1940, following the rising tension between the Soviet Union and Germany over territories in the Scandinavia, East Poland and the Balkans, an eventual invasion of the Soviet Union seemed to the leadership of the Axis Central Powers to be the only solution. While no concrete plans were made yet, the German Emperor Wilhelm told one of his generals in June that the victories in Western Europe finally freed his hands for his important real task for the future and security of Europe: the showdown with Bolshevist's once again. With the successful end to the campaign in France General Friedrich Marcks was assigned to the working group drawing up the initial invasion plans of the Soviet Union. The first battle plans were entitled Operation Draft East (German: Drang nach Osten). His report advocated the Arkhangels-Astrakhan line to be the operational objective of any invasion of the Soviet Union. This goal would extend from the northern city of Arkhangelsk on the Arctic Sea through Gorky and Rostov to the port city of Astrakhan at the mouth of the Volga on the Caspian Sea. The report concluded that this military border would reduce the threat to the Axis Central Powers from attacks by enemy bombers and that by then Stalin's Regime had to be weak enough so that the Russian Empire could deal with the rest with a little Axis Central Power support.

Because Emperor Wilhelm was warned by his general staff that occupying "Western Russia" once again like in the First Great War would create "more of a drain than a relief for Germany's economic situation", he anticipated compensatory benefits, such as the demobilization of entire divisions; the exploitation of the liberated Ukraine as a reliable and immense source of agricultural products; the use of the russian labor to stimulate Germany's overall economy; and the expansion of territory to improve Germany's efforts to isolate the United Kingdom, when it's last possible ally on the continent would be gone. Wilhelm was convinced that Britain would sue for peace once the Germans triumphed in the Soviet Union, and if they did not, he would use the resources available in the East to defeat the British Empire with the full power of a Axis Central Powers Continent of Europe.

On 5 December 1940, Hitler received the final military plans for the invasion on which the German High Command had been working since July 1940 under the codename "Operation Otto". Wilhelm, however, was dissatisfied with these plans and on 18 December issued a imperial order, which called for a new battle plan, now code-named "Operation Crusade". The operation was named after medieval Crusades of Europen Knights into the Pagan Regions of Eastern Europe. The invasion was originally set for 10-20 April 1941, though it was delayed for over a month because of the campaigns in Africa and the Balkan peninsula and to allow for further preparations and because of better weather. The invasion plans drawn up by the German military elite were colored by hubris stemming from the rapid defeat of France at the hands of the "invincible" Imperial German Army and by ignorance tempered by traditional German stereotypes of Russia as a primitive, backward "Asiatic" country, ever since the Russian defeat against the Japanese in 1905 and then again in 1939. Red Army soldiers were considered brave and tough, but the officer corps was held in contempt. The leadership of the Imperial German Army paid little attention to politics, culture and the considerable industrial capacity of the Soviet Union, in favor of a very narrow military view. The Axis Central Powers believed that they would defeat and weaken the Soviet Red Army enough so that the Russians who would once again side with their Whites (White Knights against Bolshevism) would be able to defeat the rest in what was planned as a new version of the Russian Civil War with quiet a different outcome this time.

In autumn 1940, high-ranking German officials drafted a memorandum on the dangers of an invasion of the Soviet Union. They believed the Ukraine and the Russian Empire, just like Belorussia, the Baltic United Duchy and Poland already, would end up as only a further economic burden for Germany. It was even argued by some that the Soviets in their current bureaucratic form were harmless and that the occupation would not benefit Germany. The monarchist however disagreed and so did most of the military staff, knowing that a liberated Soviet Union as a new Russian Empire had only to maintain a minimum of Axis Central Powers garrison forces until they could recruit and train their own militia, police, guards and military. But even at the best possible outcome, a liberated Russian Empire would become a economic dangers of the German Empire. It was predicted that the new state even if only lightly damaged by the war could easily be a economic drain for Germany and the rest of the Axis Central Powers unless its economy was captured intact and the Caucasus oilfields would be seized in the first blow. Then the new Russian Empire could have enough resources to uphold the costs of the Axis Central Powers garrisons and it's own needs as a independent state that had to be reformed and rebuild from the ashes of the Soviet Union. The Red Army's performance against the Japanese Empire and against Finland in the Winter War convinced the Imperial German High Command of a quick victory within a few months. Neither the German Emperor Wilhelm nor the General Staff anticipated a very long campaign but adequate preparations, such as the distribution of warm clothing and winterization of vehicles and lubricants, were still made to be prepared for any chase.

Beginning in March 1941, the Imperial German High Command laid out details for the disposal of the Russian economy after conquest for the Axis Central Powers war effort and continental Europe block. The Europafestung (Fortress Europe) Plan outlined how the entire economic power of the European Continent was to be used after a Russian Empire was part of the Axis Central Powers victory against the Soviet Union. The German military planners also researched Napoleon's failed invasion of Russia. In their calculations, they concluded that there was little danger of a large-scale retreat of the Red Army into the Russian interior, as it could not afford to give up the Ukraine, or the Moscow and Leningrad regions, all of which were vital to the Red Army for supply reasons and would thus have to be defended. The major failure of Napoleon was that he did not focus on liberate the Russian peasants to use them (as the needed legs to uphold the Russian state) against the Russian leadership to bring the Empire down. The German Emperor Wilhelm and his generals agreed on where Germany should focus its energy; from the Untied Baltic Duchy directly to Leningrad, the former St. Petersburg had to be taken first, so that Tsar Vladimir could once again rule and proclaim a anti-Bolshevik, anti-Soviet government there to spark the fire of rebellion. Another important region to be liberated was the Ukraine for it's grain, but some Axis Central Powers Generals feared that this might overstretch their assault lines and therefore the plan later involved correcting the otherwise overstretched front-line and to defeat the Red Army while doing so. From there the Axis Central Powers would march onto Moscow and deal the final blow to the Soviet Union.
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(Eastern Crusade Plan)
 
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Chapter 128: German preparations
Chapter 128: German preparations:
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The Germans had begun massing troops near the Soviet border even before the campaign in the Balkans had finished. By the third week of February 1941, 1,680,000 German soldiers were gathered in assembly areas on the Romanian-Soviet border. In preparation for the attack, Emperor Wilhelm and Emperor Otto had secretly moved upwards of 3 million Axis Central Power troops to the Soviet border regions. Additional Imperial German Air Force operations included numerous aerial surveillance missions over Soviet territory many months before the attack. Although the Soviet High Command was alarmed by this, Stalin's believed that the Axis Central Powers were unlikely to attack so shortly after the Fall of France and the Balkan region, while they still were at war with the British Empire in Africa, this believe would be resulted in a slow Soviet preparation.

This fact aside, the Soviets did not entirely overlook the threat of their German neighbor, as well before the German invasion Marshal Semyon Timoshenko referred to the Axis Central Powers as the Soviet Union's "most important and strongest enemy" and as early as July 1940, Red Army Chief of Staff, Boris Shaposhnikov, produced a preliminary three-pronged plan of attack for what a German invasion might look like, remarkably similar to the actual attack. Since April 1941, the Germans had begun setting up Operation Haifish (Shark, bombardment of the British Coats by the Imperial German Navy) and Operation Harpune to substantiate the idea that Britain was the real target and a Invasion (Operation Mermaid) planned immediatly. These simulated preparations in Norway and the English Channal coast included activities such as ship concentrations, reconnaissance flights, training exercises and real attacks.

The reasons for the postponement of Barbarossa from the initially planned date of 10-20 May to the actual invasion date of 22 June 1941 (a 38-day delay) are mainly because many German and Axis Central Power logistics were tied down in Africa (mostly planes and trucks) as well as the support for Austria-Hungary and Italy during the Balkan Campaign to finish of Yugoslavia and Greece. It was also true that the German protectorates and puppets of the Kingdom of Poland, the United Baltic Duchy, the Kingdom of White Ruthenia and the Kingdom of Finland, as well as the Austria-Hungarian protectorates and puppets of the Kingdom of Ukrainia, the Kingdom of Romania, the Kingdom of Bulgaria and the Neo-Ottoman Empire needed additional time to prepare to participate in the invasion. Additionally, a unusually wet winter had kept rivers at full flood until late spring.

The Germans deployed one independent regiment, one separate motorized training brigade and 153 divisions for Barbarossa, which included 142 infantry, 20 tank and 18 motorized infantry divisions in three army groups, ten security divisions to operate in conquered territories, four additional divisions to help out the Kingdom of Finland in Scandinavia and two divisions as reserve under the direct control of German High Command. These were equipped with 8,624 armored vehicles, of which 4,086 were tanks, 4,864 aircraft (that huge amounted of the Axis Central Power air forces, the other half was still fighting over Britain), 26,326 artillery pieces, 18,082 mortars, about 600,000 motor vehicles and 800,000 horses. The entire Axis Central Powers forces, 4,2 million personnel, deployed across a front extending from the Arctic Ocean southward to the Black Sea and Caucasus Region, were all controlled by the German High Command and organized into Army Group North (German: Heeresgruppe Nord - Scandinavia and United Baltic Duchy), Army Group Center (German: Heeresgruppe Mitte – Poland to Romania) and Army Group South (German: Heeresgruppe Süd – Neo-Ottoman Empire and Caucasus Region), alongside three Luftflotten (air fleets, the air force equivalent of army groups) that supported these army groups: Luftflotte 1 for North, Luftflotte 2 for Center and Luftflotte 3 for South.

Army Group North was to march through from Finland and the United Baltic Duchy into Russia to take the city of Leningrad (St. Petersburg) were the two forces would link up. Army Group Center, the army group equipped with the most armour and air power, was to strike from White Ruthenia, Ukrainia and Romania into Belorussia and the Ukraine to take the west-central regions of Russia proper, the heavily populated and agricultural heartland of Ukraine and advance to Smolensk and Kiev before continuing onward to Mosco and the southeastern steppes of the Soviet Union towards the Volga. Army Group South was to strike and secure the oil-rich Caucasus. The German forces in the rear were to operate in conquered territories to counter any partisan activity in areas they controlled, as well as provided the attacking forces with supplies such as gasoline and food. The official plan for the Crusade assumed that the army groups would be able to advance freely to their primary objectives simultaneously, without spreading thin, once they had won the border battles and destroyed the Red Army's forces in the border area.
 
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Chapter 129: The Soviet preparations
Chapter 129: The Soviet preparations:
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In 1930, Mikhail Tukhachevsky, a prominent military theorist in tank warfare in the interwar period, forwarded a memo to the Kremlin that lobbied for colossal investment in the resources required for the mass production of weapons, pressing the case for "40,000 aircraft and 50,000 tanks". In the early-1930s, a modern operational doctrine for the Red Army was developed and promulgated in the 1936 Field Regulations in the form of the Deep Battle Concept. Defense expenditure also grew rapidly from just 12 percent of the gross national product in 1933 to 18 percent by 1940. During Stalin's Great Purge in the late-1930s, which had not ended by the time of the German invasion on 22 June 1941, much of the officer corps of the Red Army was decimated and their replacements, appointed by Stalin for political reasons, often lacked military competence. Of the five Marshals of the Soviet Union appointed in 1935, only Kliment Voroshilov and Semyon Budyonny survived Stalin's purge. Tukachevsky was killed in 1937. Fifteen of 16 army commanders, 50 of the 57 corps commanders, 154 of the 186 divisional commanders, and 401 of 456 colonels were killed, and many other officers were dismissed. In total, about 30,000 Red Army personnel were executed. Stalin further underscored his control by reasserting the role of political commissars at the divisional level and below to oversee the political loyalty of the army to the regime. The commissars held a position equal to that of the commander of the unit they were overseeing. But in spite of efforts to ensure the political subservience of the armed forces, in the wake of Red Army's poor performance in the Winter War, about 80 percent of the officers dismissed during the Great Purge were reinstated by 1941. Also, between January 1939 and May 1941, 161 new divisions were activated. Therefore, although about 75 percent of all the officers had been in their position for less than one year at the start of the German invasion of 1941, many of the short tenures can be attributed not only to the purge, but also to the rapid increase in creation of military units.

In the Soviet Union, speaking to his generals in December 1940, Stalin mentioned Hitler's references to an attack on the Soviet Union in Mein Kampf and Hitler's belief that the Red Army would need four years to ready itself. Stalin declared "we must be ready much earlier" and "we will try to delay the war for another two years". As early as August 1940, British intelligence had received hints of German plans to attack the Soviets only a week after the German Emperor Wilhelm informally approved the plans for Barbarossa and warned the Soviet Union accordingly. But Stalin's distrust of the British led him to ignore their warnings in the belief that they were a trick designed to bring the Soviet Union into the war on their side, despite all tensions with the Axis Central Powers. In early 1941, Stalin's own intelligence services and American intelligence gave regular and repeated warnings of an impending German attack. Soviet spy Richard Sorge also gave Stalin the exact German launch date, but Sorge and other informers had previously given different invasion dates that passed peacefully before the actual invasion. Stalin acknowledged the possibility of an attack in general and therefore made significant preparations, but decided not to run the risk of provoking the Axis Central Powers too much before his own preparations for a invasion into Europe were finished.

Beginning in July 1940, the Red Army General Staff developed war plans that identified the Wehrmacht as the most dangerous threat to the Soviet Union, and that in the case of a war with Germany, the Imperial German Army main attack would come through the region north of the Pripyat Marshes into Belorussia, which later proved to be correct. But Stalin disagreed, and in October he authorized the development of new plans that assumed a German attack would focus on the region south of Pripyat Marshes towards the economically vital regions in Ukraine. This became the basis for all subsequent Soviet war plans and the deployment of their armed forces in preparation for the German invasion.

In early-1941 Stalin authorized the State Defense Plan 1941 (DP-41), which along with the Mobilization Plan 1941 (MP-41), called for the deployment of 186 divisions, as the first strategic echelon, in the five military districts of the western Soviet Union that faced the Axis territories; and the deployment of another 51 divisions along the Dvina and Dnieper Rivers as the second strategic echelon under Stavka control, which in the case of a German invasion was tasked to spearhead a Soviet counteroffensive along with the remaining forces of the first echelon. But on 22 June 1941 the first echelon only contained 171 divisions, numbering 2.6–2.9 million; and the second strategic echelon contained 57 divisions that were still mobilizing, most of which were still understrength. The second echelon was undetected by German intelligence until days after the invasion commenced, in most cases only when German ground forces bumped into them. At the start of the invasion, the manpower of the Soviet military force that had been mobilized was 5.3–5.5 million, and it was still increasing as the Soviet reserve force of 14 million, with at least basic military training, continued to mobilize. The Red Army was dispersed and still preparing when the invasion commenced. Their units were often separated and lacked adequate transportation.

The Soviet Union had some 23,000 tanks available of which only 14,700 were combat-ready. Around 11,000 tanks were in the western military districts that faced the German invasion force. However, maintenance and readiness standards were very poor; ammunition and radios were in short supply, and many armoured units lacked the trucks for supplies. The most advanced Soviet tank models – the KV-1 and T-34 – which were superior to all current German tanks, as well as all designs still in development as of the summer 1941, were not available in large numbers at the time the invasion commenced. Furthermore, in the autumn of 1939, the Soviets disbanded their mechanized corps and partly dispersed their tanks to infantry divisions; but following their observation of the German campaign in France, in late-1940 they began to reorganize most of their armored assets back into mechanized corps with a target strength of 1,031 tanks each. But these large armoured formations were unwieldy, and moreover they were spread out in scattered garrisons, with their subordinate divisions up to 100 kilometres (62 miles) apart. The reorganization was still in progress and incomplete when the Axis Central Powers attack, Operation Crusade commenced. Soviet tank units were rarely well equipped, and they lacked training and logistical support. Units were sent into combat with no arrangements in place for refueling, ammunition resupply, or personnel replacement. Often, after a single engagement, units were destroyed or rendered ineffective. The Soviet numerical advantage in heavy equipment was thoroughly offset by the superior training and organization of the Wehrmacht. The Soviet Air Force (VSS) held the numerical advantage with a total of approximately 19,533 aircraft, which made it the largest air force in the world in the summer of 1941. About 7,133–9,100 of these were deployed in the five western military districts, and an additional 1445 were under naval control.
 
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Chapter 130: The Crusade begins
Chapter 130: The Crusade begins:
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At around 01:00 on 22 June 1941, the Soviet military districts in the border area were alerted by NKO Directive No. 1, issued late on the night of 21 June. It called on them to "bring all forces to combat readiness," but to "avoid provocative actions of any kind". It took up to two hours for several of the units subordinate to the Fronts to receive the order of the directive, and the majority did not receive it before the invasion commenced.

On 21 June, at 13:00 Army Group North received the codeword Teutonia, indicating Barbarossa would commence the next morning, and passed down its own codeword, Gotenland. At around 03:15 on 22 June 1941, the Axis Central Powers commenced the invasion of the Soviet Union with the bombing of major cities in Soviet Belorussia and an artillery barrage on Red Army defenses on the entire front. Air-raids were conducted as far as Kronstadt near Leningrad, Kiev in Ukraine, and Sevastopol in the Crimea. Meanwhile, ground troops crossed the border, accompanied in some locales by the United Baltic Duchy, White Ruthenia and Ukrainian amries and fifth columnists. Roughly three million soldiers of the Imperial German Army went into action and faced slightly fewer Soviet troops at the border.

At around noon, the news of the invasion was broadcast to the population by Soviet foreign minister Vyacheslav Molotov: "... Without a declaration of war, German forces fell on our country, attacked our frontiers in many places ... The Red Army and the whole nation will wage a victorious Patriotic War for our beloved country, for honour, for liberty ... Our cause is just. The enemy will be beaten. Victory will be ours!"By calling upon the population's devotion to their nation rather than the Party, Molotov struck a patriotic chord that helped a stunned people absorb the shattering news. Within the first few days of the invasion, the Soviet High Command and Red Army were extensively reorganized so as to place them on the necessary war footing. Stalin did not address the nation about the Axis Central Power invasion until 3 July, when he also called for a "Patriotic War ... of the entire Soviet people".

In Germany and the rest of Europe, on the morning of 22 June, Axis Central Power propaganda announced the invasion to the waking nation in a radio broadcast with Emperor Wilhelm's words: “The forces of good, the White Knights once again march against the forces of evil, in a march that in it's extent, compares with the greatest the world has ever seen. I have decided today to place the security and future of the Axis Central Powers and a free Europe in the hands of our brave soldiers once again. God with us!" Later the same morning, the Russian Tsar in Exile Vladimir openly spoke about the beginning offensive via radio in his own words ""In this important hour, when Germany and all the free nations of Europe have declared a crusade against Communism and Bolshevism, which has enslaved and oppressed the people of Russia for nearly twenty years, I turn to all the faithful and loyal sons of our Homeland with this appeal: Do what you can, to the best of your ability, to bring down the Bolshevik regime and to liberate our Homeland from the terrible yoke of Communism."
 
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I wonder how much official and unofficial help the Axis will receive from the West now that they are invading the USSR. I expect the Soviets will be in a harder position without Lend-Lease from the US/UK.
 
I wonder how much official and unofficial help the Axis will receive from the West now that they are invading the USSR. I expect the Soviets will be in a harder position without Lend-Lease from the US/UK.
At the moment the West, while not liking/ hating the Soviets will help them out against the axis and switch once the Soviets look lke the most dangerous one, either that or stay mostly neutral unsure yet.
 
Chapter 131: The Crusade - Phase one
Chapter 131: The Crusade - Phase one:
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The initial momentum of the Axis Central Power ground and air attack completely destroyed the Soviet organizational command and control within the first few hours, paralyzing every level of command from the infantry platoon to the Soviet High Command in Moscow. Moscow not only failed to grasp the magnitude of the catastrophe that confronted the Soviet forces in the border area, but Stalin's first reaction was also disbelief. At around 07:15, Stalin issued NKO Directive No. 2, which announced the invasion to the Soviet Armed Forces, and called on them to attack Axis Central Power forces wherever they had violated the borders and launch air strikes into the border regions of the Axis Central Power territory. At around 09:15, Stalin issued NKO Directive No. 3, signed by Marshal Semyon Timoshenko, which now called for a general counteroffensive on the entire front "without any regards for borders" that both men hoped would sweep the enemy from Soviet territory. Stalin's order, which Timoshenko authorized, was not based on a realistic appraisal of the military situation at hand, but commanders passed it along for fear of retribution if they failed to obey; several days passed before the Soviet leadership became aware of the enormity of the opening defeat.

The Imperial German Air Force reconnaissance units plotted Soviet troop concentration, supply dumps and airfields, and marked them down for destruction. Additional Imperial German Air Force attacks were carried out against Soviet command and control centers in order to disrupt the mobilization and organization of Soviet forces. In contrast, Soviet artillery observers based at the border area had been under the strictest instructions not to open fire on German aircraft prior to the invasion. One plausible reason given for the Soviet hesitation to return fire was Stalin's initial belief that the assault was launched without Emperor Wilhelm's authorization. Significant amounts of Soviet territory were lost along with Red Army forces as a result; it took several days before Stalin comprehended the magnitude of the calamity. The Imperial German Air Force reportedly destroyed 1,489 aircraft on the first day of the invasion and over 3,100 during the first three days. Imperial German Air Force staffs surveyed the wreckage on Soviet airfields, and their original figure proved conservative, as over 2,000 Soviet aircraft were estimated to have been destroyed on the first day of the invasion. In reality, Soviet losses were even higher; a Soviet archival document recorded the loss of 3,922 Soviet aircraft in the first three days against an estimated loss of 78 German aircraft. The Imperial German Air Force reported the loss of only 35 aircraft on the first day of combat, but a document from the German High Command puts the Imperial German Air Force loss at 63 aircraft for the first day. By the end of the first week, the Imperial German Air Force had achieved air supremachy over the battlefields of all the army groups, but was unable to effect this air dominance over the vast expanse of the western Soviet Union. According to the later war diaries of the German High Command, the Luftwaffe by 5 July had lost 491 aircraft with 316 more damaged, leaving it with only about 70 percent of the strength it had at the start of the invasion.

Northwest Russia:
During German-Finnish negotiations Finland had demanded to remain neutral unless the Soviet Union attacked them first. Germany therefore sought to provoke the Soviet Union into an attack on Finland. After Germany launched Barbarossa on 22 June, German aircraft used Finnish air bases to attack Soviet positions. The same day the Germans occupied the Petsamo Province at the Finnish-Soviet border. Simultaneously Finland proceeded to remilitarize the neutral Aland Islands. Despite these actions the Finnish government insisted via diplomatic channels that they remained a neutral party, but the Soviet leadership already viewed Finland as an ally of Germany. Subsequently, the Soviets proceeded to launch a massive bombing attack on 25 June against all major Finnish cities and industrial centers including Helsinki, Turku and Lahti. During a night session on the same day the Finnish parliament decided to go to war against the Soviet Union. Finland was divided into two operational zones. Northern Finland was the staging area for the Norway Army, supported by the German and Finnish Army. Its goal was to execute a two-pronged pincer movement on the strategic port of Murmansk, named Operation Winter Fox. Southern Finland was under the responsibility of the Finnish Army, supported by parts of the German Army in Finnland. The goal of the Finnish forces was, at first, to recapture Finnish Karelia at Lake Ladoga as well as the Karelian Isthmus, which included Finland's second largest city Vyborg.


Baltic Duchy border:
On 22 June, Army Group North attacked the Soviet Northwestern Front and broke through its 8th and 11th Armies. The Soviets immediately launched a powerfull counterattack against the German 4th Panzer Group with the Soviet 3rd and 12th Mechanized Corps, but the Soviet attack was defeated. On 25 June, the 8th and 11th Armies were ordered to withdraw to the Pyussa River, where it was planned to meetup with the 21st Mechanized Corps and the 22nd and 27th Armies. However, on 26 June, Erich von Manstein's LVI Panzer Corps reached the river first and secured a bridgehead across it. The Northwestern Front was forced to abandon the river defenses, and on 29 June Stavka ordered the Front to withdraw to the Stalin Line on the approaches to Leningrad. On 2 July, Army Group North began its attack on the Stalin Line with its 4th Panzer Group, and on 8 July captured Gattschina, devastating the defenses of the Stalin Line and reaching the outer regions of Leningrad inside the Leningrad oblast. The 4th Panzer Group had advanced about 176-371 kilometres (109 – 230 mi) since the start of the invasion and was now only about 50 kilometres (31 mi) from its primary objective Leningrad. On 9 July it began its attack towards the Soviet defenses along the Leningrad Outer defences in Leningrad oblast.

Belorussia:
In the opening hours of the invasion, the Imperial German Air Force destroyed the Western Front's air force on the ground, and with the aid of the German intelligense and their supporting anti-communist fifth columns operating in the Soviet rear paralyzed the Front's communication lines, which particularly cut off the Soviet 4th Army headquarters from headquarters above and below it. On the same day, the 2nd Panzer Group crossed the Stutsga River, broke through the 4th Army, after coming trough the challenging Pripyat Marshes, bypassed Sluzk Fortress, and pressed on towards Minsk, while the 3rd Panzer Group bypassed most of the 3rd Army and pressed on towards Polozk and Witebsk. Simultaneously, the German 4th and 9th Armies engaged the Western Front forces in the environs of Bobrusk. On the order of Dmitry Pavlov, the commander of the Western Front, the 6th and 11th Mechanized Corps and the 6th Cavalry Corps launched a strong counterstrike towards Nowogradek on 24–25 June in hopes of destroying the 3rd Panzer Group. However, the 3rd Panzer Group had already moved on, with its forward units reaching Witebsk and Minsk on the evening of 23 June, and the Western Front's armoured counterattack instead ran into infantry and antitank fire from the V Army Corps of the German 9th Army, supported by German Air Force air attacks. By the night of 25 June, the Soviet counterattack was defeated, and the commander of the 6th Cavalry Corps was captured. The same night, Pavlov ordered all the remnants of the Western Front to withdraw towards Minsk. Subsequent counterattacks to buy time for the withdrawal were launched against the German forces, but all of them failed. On 23 June, the 2nd and 3rd Panzer Groups met near Minsk and captured the city the next day, completing the encirclement of almost all of the Western Front in two pockets: one around Minsk and another west of Witebsk. The Germans destroyed the Soviet 3rd and 10th Armies while inflicting serious losses on the 4th, 11th and 13th Armies, and reported to have captured 324,000 Soviet troops, 3,300 tanks, 1,800 artillery pieces.
A Soviet directive was issued on 29 June to combat the mass panic rampant among the civilians and the armed forces personnel. The order stipulated swift, severe measures against anyone inciting panic or displaying cowardice. The NKWD worked with commissars and military commanders to scour possible withdrawal routes of soldiers retreating without military authorization. Field expedient general courts were established to deal with civilians spreading rumours and military deserters. On 30 June, Stalin relieved Pavlov of his command, and on 22 July tried and executed him along with many members of his staff on charges of "cowardice" and "criminal incompetence". On 29 June, Emperor Wilhelm III, through the Commander-in-Chief of the German Army, Walther von Brauchitsch, instructed the commander of Army Group Center Fedor von Bock to halt the advance of his tanks until the infantry formations liquidating the pockets catch up. But the commander of the 2nd Panzer Group Heinz Guderian, with the tacit support of Fedor von Bock and the chief of German High Command Franz Halder, ignored the instruction and attacked on eastward towards Gomel, albeit reporting the advance as a reconnaissance-in-forcee. He also personally conducted an aerial inspection of the Minsk and Wiebsk pocket on 30 June and concluded that his panzer group was not needed to contain it, since Hermann Hoth's 3rd Panzer Group was already involved in the Minsk pocket. On the same day, some of the infantry corps of the 9th and 4th Armies, having sufficiently liquidated the Białystok pocket, resumed their march eastward to catch up with the tank groups. On 1 July, Fedor von Bock ordered the tank groups to resume their full offensive eastward on the morning of 3 July. But Brauchitsch, upholding Emperor Wilhelms instruction, and Halder, unwillingly going along with it, opposed Bock's order. However, Bock insisted on the order by stating that it would be irresponsible to reverse orders already issued. The tank groups, however, resumed their offensive on 2 July before the infantry formations had sufficiently caught up.

Ukraine:
The northern section of Army Group South faced the Western Front, which had the largest concentration of Soviet forces, and the southern section faced the Southwestern Front. The Padolic plains allowed the army group's northern and southern sections a quick advance along the Dnieper deeper into the Urkaine. On 22 June, only the northern section of Army Group South attacked, but the terrain impeded their assault, giving the Soviet defenders ample time to react. The German 1st Panzer Group and 6th Army attacked and broke through the Soviet 5th Army. Starting on the night of 23 June, the Soviet 22nd and 15th Mechanized Corps attacked the flanks of the 1st Panzer Group from north and south respectively. Although intended to be concerted, Soviet tank units were sent in piecemeal due to poor coordination. The 22nd Mechanized Corp ran into the 1st Panzer Army's III Motorized Corps and was decimated, and its commander killed. The 1st Panzer Group bypassed much of the 15th Mechanized Corps, which engaged the German 6th Army's 297th Infantry Division, where it was defeated by antitank fire and German Air Force attacks. On 26 June, the Soviets launched another counterattack on the 1st Panzer Group from north and south simultaneously with the 9th, 19th and 8th Mechanized Corps, which altogether fielded 1649 tanks, and supported by the remnants of the 15th Mechanized Corps. The battle lasted for four days, ending in the defeat of the Soviet tank units. On 30 June Stavka ordered the remaining forces of the Southwestern Front to withdraw to the Stalin Line, where it would defend the approaches to Kiev. On 2 July, the southern section of Army Group South – the Romanian 3rd and 4th Armies, alongside the German 11th Army – invaded the Urkaine after crossing the Dnieper, which was defended by the Southern Front. Counterattacks by the Front's 2nd Mechanized Corps and 9th Army were defeated, but on 9 July the Axis Central Powers advance stalled along the defenses of the Soviet 18th Army along the Bug and Tilugu Rivers.
 
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Chapter 132: The Kidō Butai (Mobile Force)
Chapter 132: The Kidō Butai (Mobile Force):
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While the last preparation for the Kidō Butai (Japanese: Mobile Force) are finished the 1st Carrier Division (Carriers Akagi and Kaga), the 2nd Carrier Division (Carriers Soryu and Hiryu), the 3rd Carrier Divison (Carriers Zuiho and Hosho) and 4th Carrier Division (Carriers Ryujo and Taiyo) as well as the 5th Carrier Division (Reserve Carriers Shokaku, Zuikaku and others) were in position for their operations. Admiral Isoroku Yamamoto of the Combined Fleet smiled as he watched the fleet's position across the map of the Pacific Ocean. He knew of the power of the Allies and the United States as well as the Soviet Union, but the time to strike would never be this good with everyone distracted in Europe and Africa. Therefore he ordered the preparations for Nanshin-ron to be finished and to immediately start the last steps before the initial blow. Additionally each Admiral of the Carrier Divisions and smaller fleets had received a pamphlet written by Yamamoto himself. In it the ground rules to defend the Home Islands and the Co-Prosperity Sphere were added for the coming great war in Asia and the Pacific. A network of well defended island positions should support the fleet and the air force. Like the Katana and the Wakizashi of the old Samurai the strategy was to strike rotating with the own fleet or island based air forces against the enemy. This forces would be supported by the newest and fastest long range submarines. While the own fleet would play bait for the American one the own fighters and bombers could continuously harass the enemy. Therefore distracted the own submarines, even the slower and smallest ones would have a chance to sneak into the enemy lines and target the biggest battleships and carriers as prime targets, while they and the own fleet and air force could support the own Island defenses in chase of any enemy invasion.

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Chapter 133: The Crusade - Phase two
Chapter 133: The Crusade - Phase two:

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On 2 July and through the next six days, a rainstorm typical of Belarusian summers slowed the progress of the panzers of Army Group Center, and Soviet defenses stiffened. The delays gave the Soviets time to organize a massive counterattack against Army Group Center. The army group's ultimate objective was Smolenks, which commanded the road to Moscow and from there on towards Kaluga. Facing the Germans was an old Soviet defensive line held by six armies. On 6 July, the Soviets launched a massive counter-attack using the V and VII Mechanized Corps of the 20th Army, which collided with the German 39th and 47th Panzer Corps in a battle where the Red Army lost 832 tanks of the 2000 employed in five days of ferocious fighting. The Germans defeated this counterattack thanks largely to the coincidental presence of the Imperial German Air Force only squadron of tank-busting aircraft. The 2nd Panzer Group crossed the Dnieper River and closed in on Smolensk from the south while the 3rd Panzer Group, after defeating the Soviet counterattack, closed on Smolensk from the north. Trapped between their pincers were three Soviet armies. The 29th Panzer Division captured Smolensk on 16 July yet a gap remained between Army Group Center. On 18 July, the tank groups came to within ten kilometres (6.2 mi) of closing the gap but the trap did not finally close until 5 August, when upwards of 300,000 Red Army soldiers had been captured and 3,205 Soviet tanks were destroyed. Large numbers of Red Army soldiers escaped to stand between the Germans and Moscow as resistance continued.

Four weeks into the campaign, the Germans realized they had grossly underestimated Soviet strength. The German troops had used their initial supplies and General Bock quickly came to the conclusion that not only had the Red Army offered stiff opposition, but German difficulties were also due to the logistical problems with reinforcements and provisions. Operations were now slowed down to allow for resupply; the delay was to be used to adapt strategy to the new situation. Emperor Wilhelm by now was suspicious in battles of encirclement as large numbers of Soviet soldiers had escaped before. He now believed the Axis Central Power Armies could defeat the Soviet state by economic means, depriving them of the industrial capacity to continue the war and at the same time rise their own population against their tyrannic state. That meant seizing the industrial center of Kharkov, the Donbass and the oil fields of the Caucasus in the south and the speedy capture of Leningrad, a major center of military production, in the north. By doing so all of the Kingdoms of White Ruthenia and Ukrainia could be liberated as well as the Caucasian Soviet Republics and Mohammedan groups there, while Tsar Vladimir could establish his new government.

Chief of the German High Command, General Franz Halder, Fedor von Bock, the commander of Army Group Center, and almost all the German generals involved in Operation Crusade argued vehemently in favor of continuing the all-out drive toward Moscow. Besides the psychological importance of capturing the Soviet capital, the generals pointed out that Moscow was a major center of arms production, the center of the Soviet communications system and an important transport hub. Intelligence reports indicated that the bulk of the Red Army was deployed near Moscow under Semyon Timoshenko for the defense of the capital. Panzer commander Heinz Guderian was sent to Emperor Wilhelm III by Bock and Halder to argue their case for continuing the assault against Moscow but the German Emperor was unsure as long as the flanks for such a spearhead operation were not fully secured.

Northern Finland:
On 29 June Army Norway launched its effort to capture Murmansk in a pincer attack. The northern pincer, conducted by the Norwegian Mountain Infantry, approached Murmansk directly by crossing the border at Petsamo. However, in mid-July after securing the neck of the Rybachy Peninsula and advancing to the Litsa River the combined Norwegian, Finnish and German advance was stopped by heavy resistance from the Soviet 14th Army. Renewed attacks led to nothing, and this front became a stalemate for the next months. The second pincer attack began on 1 July with the German XXXVI Corps in conjunction with the Finnish III Corps to recapture the Salla region for Finland and then proceed eastwards to cut the Murmansk railway near Kandalaksha. The German units had great difficulty dealing with the Arctic conditions. After heavy fighting, Salla was taken on 8 July. To keep the momentum the German-Finnish forces advanced eastwards, until they were stopped at the town of Kayraly by Soviet resistance. Further south the Finnish III Corps made an independent effort to reach the Murmansk railway through the Arctic terrain. Facing only one division of the Soviet 7th Army it was able to make rapid headway. On 7 August it captured Kestenga while reaching the outskirts of Ukhta. Large Red Army reinforcements then prevented further gains on both fronts and the German-Finnish force had to go onto the defensive.

Karelia:
The Finnish plan in the south in Karelia was to advance as swiftly as possible to Lake Ladoga, cutting the Soviet forces in half. Then the Finnish territories east of Lake Ladoga were to be recaptured before the advance along the Karelian Isthmus, including the recapture of Vyborg, commenced. The Finnish attack was launched on 10 July. The Army of Karelia held a numerical advantage versus the Soviet defenders of the 7th Army and 23rd Army, so it could advance swiftly. The important road junction at Loimola was captured on 14 July. By 16 July, the first Finnish units reached Lake Ladoga at Korinoja, achieving the goal of splitting the Soviet forces. During the rest of July, the Army of Karelia advanced further southeast into Karelia, coming to a halt at the former Finnish-Soviet border at Mansila. With the Soviet forces cut in half, the attack on the Karelian Isthmus could commence. The Finnish army attempted to encircle large Soviet formations at Sortavala and Hiitola by advancing to the western shores of Lake-Ladoga. By mid-August the encirclement succeeded and both towns were taken but many Soviet formations were able to evacuate by sea. Further west, the attack on Viborg was launched. With Soviet resistance breaking down, the Finns were able to encircle Vyborg by advancing to the Vuoksi Rover. The city itself was taken on 30 August, along with a broad advance on the rest of the Karelian Isthmus. By the beginning of September, Finland had restored its pre-winter war borders before.
 
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Chapter 134: The Voyage of the Kawa Maru
Chapter 134: The Voyage of the Kawa Maru:
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Nervously watched Captain Hitashi Kogumura the horizon from the Kawa Maru, a Japanese merchant ship with a very special destination across the Pacific Ocean. A look on his watch revealed that the Japanese diplomats must have had send a declaration of war to the governments of Great Britain and it's Asian and Oceanic Colonies, France, Dutch East India, Portugal, the Philippines and the Usa since more then four hours at the other side of the international dateline. That meant that Japanese and allied Co-Prosperity Sphere forces were attacking since nearly three hours feared Captain Kogumura nervous that a Allied warship might spot and stop him before his mission was carried out. Wouldn't it had been for the damn storm in the middle of the Pacific he would already had reached it's target and attacked. Now everything was way more risky and the mission most likely a failure once the first enemy would spot them. Only a few more minutes then the operation could begin. Right before the coast of a certain Central America country the Kawa Maru stopped, still traveling under wrong flag and name.

“Quickly now, every minute counts.” knew Hitashi as they led down the Japanese mini-submarine from inside the cargo room of their transport ship into the dark water that reflected the stars.

“If everything goes like planned we will meet again here in a few hours.” promised Officer Takuma Yokishito as the commander of the mission as he stepped inside the mini-submarine right next to the civil ship and started it. He had trained this mission with the crew a few hundred times, still he was so nervous that he was sweating incredible strong. Waiting for a allied transport ship he followed it close behind the screw, so that it's wave would help cover the small submarine. Navigating even with the periscope was hard, but he could already see the lights of the city at the horizon. With the enemy ship as a disguise to infiltrate the harbor of the city he had make a risky maneuver to let go of this one and follow a nearby other trade ship closely the same way that was heading the right direction. Panama was now behind him, the Pedro Miguel Locks right ahead.
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Now timing was the most important thing since he only hat two shots with each torpedo of the mini-submarine. Aiming carefully Officer Takuma Yokishito shot both torpedoes closely after each other, aiming directly for the locks right ahead of him with the ship nearly completely inside. Painful waiting once again, then a explosion, followed by another. Banzai, the locks were destroyed, the Panama-Chanel unusable for some time, delaying any American and British attempt to go the faster route over the Chanel and force them to take the longer route over Africa or South America. The mission a total success Yokoshito turned his mini-submarine around, ready to retread after this success. If everything had gone like planned the Kawa Maru would by now have lay additional mines in the waters before Panama harbor and the entrance to the Chanel. Just like the Kawa Maru as a Japanese merchant ship, the mini-submarine Koi was used under wrong flags and had American insignia painted at his sides and was colored in the American navy submarine colors. But even then would not help and save Officer Takuma Yokishito right now, because a American patrol ship had spotted him and in the pathway towards the Chanel there was little room to navigate. Officer Takuma Yokishito and his engineer Takeguchi Nutaka would be remembered as the hero of the Panama-Chanel raid in Japanese history after the Kawa Maru had safely returned to Tokio and reported of the successful mission. Unknown to them one of the torpedoes fired by the Koi had hit the allied trade ship inside the locks and not the locks themselves like the other torpedo. Therefore the Panama-Chanel was not as long out of service as hoped by the Japanese even if their mines nearby would cost a few more enemy ship tonnage.
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The biggest struggle for the Axis will be expanding, repairing and converting the railroad network in Russia. While the various client states have tried to build up infrastructure the demands will be high.
 
Chapter 135: The Neo-Ottoman Jihad
Chapter 135: The Neo-Ottoman Jihad:
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General Halil Kut was participating in the so called Crusade against the Soviet Union, as the Neo-Ottoman Empire. But their own assault was much more personal against the Soviet Puppet State that was called the Turkish Soviet Socialist Republic in former Republic of Armenia. He commanded he Armenian Army that would later be known as the Caucasus Army, German: Dritte Orientarmee, Third Orient Army. Using some Azerbaijan spies and saboteurs the Ottomans tried to cut down the Soviet supply and communication lines to mixed success. Luckily but also unknown to the Neo-Ottoman Empire the army of the Turkish Soviet Socialist Republic was poorly trained and equipped by the Soviet Union, that focused most of it's army and best troops in Europe. This together with the initial surprise of what the Neo-Ottomans called the Anti-Soviet Jihad, Anti-Comntern Jihad, or Ottoman Libation Jihad (referring to the Turkish people inside Soviet Central Asia) would lead to a early, easy victory against the Turkish Soviet Socialist Republic. General Halil Kut not only overrun the border region of the Turkish Soviet Socialist Republic and it's small defenses there. Surrounding and encircling some of the Army Divisions of the Turkish Soviet Socialist Republic it was soon clear that these Soviet Turkish lacked Mohammedan faith and heart as General Halil Kut would later phrase it. Thanks to some trucks and tanks from Germany and the mass surrender of some of the Turkish Soviet Socialist Troops, the Neo-Ottoman Empire managed to defeat and re-annex the region into their state two months after the initial assault and war started. From now on Halil Kut's Armenian Army would be renamed the Caucasus Army and attack deep into the Soviet Union Caucasus and Central Asia from now on in a Jihad, a Holy War to liberate the Turkish and Mohammedan people enslaved under the atheist Soviet Union.
 
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Chapter 136: First Skirmishes in the Himalaya
Chapter 136: First Skirmishes in the Himalaya:
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Commander Kyotake Matsukoda of the Imperial Japanese Mountain Brigade had a special task at the start of the war. He and three Tibetan Brigades had come from the Tibetan Empire capital of Lhasa down the southern road towards the Himalaya. Over Do La, Rahing, Kongma, Mangtsa, Chalu and Bam Tso they had arrived in the border town of Tuna. All four brigades were not wearing their military uniforms of the Co-Prosperity Sphere, but civil clothes and all of them had disguised as a trade caravan down this mountain road. Their mission was to infiltrate the Himalaya Mountain Region and secure it for the Tibetan Empire. Their main directive was to infiltrate the British Protectorates of Bhutan, Sikhim and later Nepal to outright annex them for Tibet. Not only had Tibet claims on the region, but the Imperial Japanese Army anticipated that this supposing rebellious guerrilla movement might tie down forces from British India and it's vassals and protectorates that otherwise would be helping out against the main Co-Prosperity Sphere liberation that was invading the suppressed colony of Burma and Malaya soon. Equipped with Yaks to help them transport their supplies and weapons the four Brigades used a variety of different weapons of Co-Prosperity Sphere production or former deliveries to the Chinese United Front by the Allies or the Soviet Union. This way if things would not work out the Empire of Tibet, still neutral could deny any involvement and blame local bandits and rebels for the attacks. Portable anti-tank guns and small artillery together with a few anti-air guns were the heaviest weapons that the Brigades under Commander Kyotake Matsukoda carried with them.
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(Gurkha soldiers)

The initial assaults on helpless towns and farms like Phari Dzong, Chumbi, Kaedum, Yarbakha, Parsang, Tang La, Jisa, Paro, Dilaling, Nathu and Songbe in Sikhim and Bhutan were quiet successful and Commander Matsukoda hoped that the assault on the nearby Bhutan capital of Timphu might soon fall so that they could annex the region. But in the meantime the British Administration of the Dominion of India, quiet concerned with the security of the northern Himalaya Border had brought in Police and Guards from the south over the railroads in Darjiling and Karsiong close to the borders of Sikhim and Bhutan. Now that the forces of Commander Matsukoda faced better equipped enemies their covered invasion was much more challenging and it wasn't before long that they would realize that this was just a delay to bring more of the elite Gurkha Brigades into the area to properly fight and destroy him and his forces. Unable to defeat the elite force and forced to retreat over Tangu across the border into Tibet near Guri again this initial first assault of the Co-Prosperity Sphere to quickly take Bhutan, Nepal and Sikhim was repelled, but it wouldn't be their last attempt to invade the Dominion of India over another route than coming from Burma. During the cause of the Second Great War the Co-Prosperity Sphere would start more assaults, skirmishes and invasions in Burma, the Himalaya and even Kashmir to break the British and European Colonial Rule in India once and for all.
 
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Chapter 137: The Crusade - Phase three
Chapter 137: The Crusade - Phase three:
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Central Russia:
By mid-July, the German forces had advanced within a few kilometers of Kiev below the Pripyat. The 1st Panzer Group then went south while the 17th Army struck east and trapped three Soviet armies near Uman. As the Germans eliminated the pocket, the tanks turned north and crossed the Dnieper. Meanwhile, the 2nd Panzer Group, diverted from Army Group Center, had crossed the Desna River with 2nd Army on its right flank. The two panzer armies now trapped four Soviet armies and parts of two others. By August, as the serviceability and the quantity of the Imperial German Air Force inventory steadily diminished due to combat, demand for air support only increased as the VVS recovered. The German Air Force found itself struggling to maintain local air superiority. With the onset of bad weather in October, the German Air Force was on several occasions forced to halt nearly all aerial operations. The VVS, although faced with the same weather difficulties, had a clear advantage thanks to the prewar experience with cold-weather flying, and the fact that they were operating from intact airbases and airports. By December, the VVS had matched the Imperial German Air Force and was even pressing to achieve air superiority over the battlefields.

Kiev:
Before an attack on Moscow could begin, operations in Kiev needed to be finished. Half of Army Group Center had swung to the south in the back of the Kiev position, while Army Group Center moved to the north from its Dniepr bridgehead. The encirclement of Soviet forces in Kiev was achieved on 16 September. A battle ensued in which the Soviets were hammered with tanks, artillery, and aerial bombardment. After ten days of vicious fighting, the Germans claimed 665,000 Soviet soldiers captured, although the real figure is probably around 220,000 prisoners (many of them would later be part of the Russian Liberation Army under Tsar Vladimir). Soviet losses were 452,720 men, 3,867 artillery pieces and mortars from 43 divisions of the 5th, 21st, 26th, and 37th Soviet Armies. Despite the exhaustion and losses facing some German units (upwards of 75 percent of their men) from the intense fighting, the massive defeat of the Soviets at Kiev and the Red Army losses during the first three months of the assault contributed to the German assumption that the planned attack on Leningrad and later Moscow could still succeed this year.

Leningrad:
For its final attack on Leningrad, the 4th Panzer Group was reinforced by tanks from Army Group Center. On 8 August, the Panzers broke through the Soviet defenses. By the end of August, 4th Panzer Group had penetrated to within 48 kilometres (30 miles) of Leningrad. The Finns had pushed southeast on both sides of Lake Ladoga to reach the old Finnish-Soviet frontier. The Germans attacked Leningrad in August 1941; in the following three "black months" of 1941, 400,000 residents of the city worked to build the city's fortifications as fighting continued, while 160,000 others joined the ranks of the Red Army. Nowhere was the Soviet lovée en masse spirit stronger in resisting the Germans than at Leningrad where reserve troops and freshly improvised Narodnoe Opolcheniye units, consisting of worker battalions and even schoolboy formations, joined in digging trenches as they prepared to defend the city. On 7 September, the German 20th Motorized Division seized Shlisselburg, cutting off all land routes to Leningrad. The Germans severed the railroads to Moscow and captured the railroad to Murmansk with Finnish assistance to inaugurate the start of a siege that would last for over two years. At this stage, Hitler ordered the final destruction of Leningrad with no prisoners taken, and on 9 September, Army Group North began the final push. Within ten days it had advanced within 11 kilometres (6.8 miles) of the city. However, the push over the last 10 km (6.2 mi) proved very slow and casualties mounted. Hitler, now out of patience, ordered that Leningrad should not be stormed, but rather starved into submission. Along these lines, the German High Commnd issued Directive No. la 1601/41 on 22 September 1941, which accorded Hitler's plans. Deprived of its Panzer forces, Army Group Center remained static and was subjected to numerous Soviet counterattacks, in particular the Yelnya Offensive, in which the Germans suffered their first major tactical defeat since their invasion began; this Red Army victory also provided an important boost to Soviet morale. These attacks prompted Hitler to concentrate his attention back to Army Group Center and its drive on Moscow. The Germans ordered the 3rd and 4th Panzer Armies to break off their Siege of Leningrad and support Army Group Center in its attack on Moscow.

Sea of Azov:
After operations at Kiev were successfully concluded, Army Group Center advanced east and south to capture the industrial Donbass region and the Crimea. The Soviet Southwestern Front launched an attack on 26 September with two armies on the northern shores of the Sea of Azov against elements of the German 11th Army, which was simultaneously advancing into the Crimea. On 1 October the 1st Panzer Army under Ewald von Kleist swept south to encircle the two attacking Soviet armies. By 7 October the Soviet 9th and 18th Armies were isolated and four days later they had been annihilated. The Soviet defeat was total; 106,332 men captured, 212 tanks destroyed or captured in the pocket alone as well as 766 artillery pieces of all types. The death or capture of two-thirds of all Southwestern Front troops in four days unhinged the Front's left flank, allowing the Germans to capture Kharkov on 24 October. Kleist's 1st Panzer Army took the Donbass region that same month.
 
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Finally got caught up. God, I am loving the development of the new German Empire, and hope that the neo-Ottomans allow the Jews to move into Palestine. President Dewey will do the US proud.
Regarding Russia, getting the Tsar in power and with all the minority kingdoms will be a huge boost to Axis manpower. Stalin will not survive the attack
 
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