I am just waiting for the moment when instead of breaking the personal union between France and Spain works out.
A man can dream.
A man can dream.
God is a Frenchman - a Timeline (Seven Yrs War POD)
- Thread starter George_Apley
- Start date
1836 Part 5 - Mourning & Succession
1836 Part 5 - Mourning & Succession
The release of the autopsy report paves the way for a period of national mourning that will culminate in the official coronation of King Henri V. The final piece remaining is the as yet unfinished Marshalcy investigation report. Commandant Jean-Alexandre Trogneux has compiled testimony from over two dozen servants, guards, officials, and doctors, as well as from Louis’ son. He sits in his private offices drafting a report that reviews the evening’s events step-by-step. His draft is over a dozen pages long when he begins to receive visits. Officials from both the French Cabinet and the Spanish entourage find Trogneux and inquire about his progress and findings. Secretary Rohan visits multiple times, reinforcing his own theories on the death of the king. The Conde de Nacajuca presses Trogneux from the other direction, reminding the Marshal of the Spanish King’s deep Catholic faith and the damage undue speculation would do for his accession to the French crown. Premier Marçeau’s representatives make clear to the Marshal that an overly comprehensive report could fuel conspiracies and public disorder that would damage the French government. Trogneux, a man of strong devotion to the Church, also consults with the Archbishop of Paris Jacques-Christophe de Pompignan. The commandant withholds any official announcement for several weeks.
Meanwhile the month of May is dedicated to public mourning of Louis XVII. A memorial service is held at Notre Dame de Paris on 14 May, 1836 followed by a funeral procession miles long from the cathedral in central Paris to the recently renovated Royal Basilica of Saint-Denis, where Louis is interred alongside his ancestors. Outside of Paris memorial services are held across France and once word arrives in the colonies, major memorials are held across the French Empire as well, most notably in New Orleans, Montreal, and Pondicherry. Governor-General Pichon of Louisiana, already in France for official business, is the only colonial administrator able to attend the King’s state funeral in Paris. Numerous other dignitaries from the Holy Alliance and the Rhineland are in attendance.
The day after Louis’ burial arrangements begin for Henri’s inauguration. Planned primarily by the Prince of Craon–the highest ranking French counselor to the Spanish court–and the Archbishop of Rheims, great attention to detail is afforded to the requirements of the devoutly Catholic king. Henri is greatly concerned with satisfying the traditional Sacre to the letter and extraordinarily requests that Pope Leo VII to perform the ceremony; being fond of the young monarch, Leo agrees and departs Rome for Rheims. The stately event occurs on 30 May, 1836 before an exclusive crowd of church officials, high nobility, and personal friends of Henri. French court painter Claude Rimbert captures the ceremony in his wall-sized piece Sacre du Roi de France et d'Espagne. The exclusion from the ceremony of the late-Louis’s government officials is glaring, leading to much speculation on the new King’s plans for a France that is generally far more liberal than his kingdom in Spain. Other than the long public parade from Rheims to Paris, Henri declines to hold any elaborate parties for his accession and does not attend any inaugural parties thrown in his honor by several social heavyweights in the Marais. On top of his father’s passing, the death of his great uncle the Comte d’Artois on 4 June lends a solemn tone on Henri’s first weeks.
The day before the Sacre of King Henri, the Marshalcy quietly releases Commandant Trogneux’s investigation report. Relative to the agonizing Trogneux has gone through behind the scenes, the much awaited report is quite perfunctory, tracking with Henri’s public remarks and the autopsy report; the commandant has evidently caved to pressures and omitted much of his findings from the official report. While much of French society accepts the Marshalcy report, factions of liberals believe the five page document reads as incomplete with sketchy details. King Louis’ Secretary of the Maison du Roi Gaspard Mériadec de Rohan–the most vocal anti-Henriste in the French government–is aghast at the report, which he had anonymously heralded in the radical press as “the coming truth of the death of our King.” Rohan is wise enough to avoid any public pronouncements against the report or against the new King, but he puts plans in motion to disseminate his deeply-held convictions on the death of Louis XVII.
The release of the autopsy report paves the way for a period of national mourning that will culminate in the official coronation of King Henri V. The final piece remaining is the as yet unfinished Marshalcy investigation report. Commandant Jean-Alexandre Trogneux has compiled testimony from over two dozen servants, guards, officials, and doctors, as well as from Louis’ son. He sits in his private offices drafting a report that reviews the evening’s events step-by-step. His draft is over a dozen pages long when he begins to receive visits. Officials from both the French Cabinet and the Spanish entourage find Trogneux and inquire about his progress and findings. Secretary Rohan visits multiple times, reinforcing his own theories on the death of the king. The Conde de Nacajuca presses Trogneux from the other direction, reminding the Marshal of the Spanish King’s deep Catholic faith and the damage undue speculation would do for his accession to the French crown. Premier Marçeau’s representatives make clear to the Marshal that an overly comprehensive report could fuel conspiracies and public disorder that would damage the French government. Trogneux, a man of strong devotion to the Church, also consults with the Archbishop of Paris Jacques-Christophe de Pompignan. The commandant withholds any official announcement for several weeks.
Meanwhile the month of May is dedicated to public mourning of Louis XVII. A memorial service is held at Notre Dame de Paris on 14 May, 1836 followed by a funeral procession miles long from the cathedral in central Paris to the recently renovated Royal Basilica of Saint-Denis, where Louis is interred alongside his ancestors. Outside of Paris memorial services are held across France and once word arrives in the colonies, major memorials are held across the French Empire as well, most notably in New Orleans, Montreal, and Pondicherry. Governor-General Pichon of Louisiana, already in France for official business, is the only colonial administrator able to attend the King’s state funeral in Paris. Numerous other dignitaries from the Holy Alliance and the Rhineland are in attendance.
The day after Louis’ burial arrangements begin for Henri’s inauguration. Planned primarily by the Prince of Craon–the highest ranking French counselor to the Spanish court–and the Archbishop of Rheims, great attention to detail is afforded to the requirements of the devoutly Catholic king. Henri is greatly concerned with satisfying the traditional Sacre to the letter and extraordinarily requests that Pope Leo VII to perform the ceremony; being fond of the young monarch, Leo agrees and departs Rome for Rheims. The stately event occurs on 30 May, 1836 before an exclusive crowd of church officials, high nobility, and personal friends of Henri. French court painter Claude Rimbert captures the ceremony in his wall-sized piece Sacre du Roi de France et d'Espagne. The exclusion from the ceremony of the late-Louis’s government officials is glaring, leading to much speculation on the new King’s plans for a France that is generally far more liberal than his kingdom in Spain. Other than the long public parade from Rheims to Paris, Henri declines to hold any elaborate parties for his accession and does not attend any inaugural parties thrown in his honor by several social heavyweights in the Marais. On top of his father’s passing, the death of his great uncle the Comte d’Artois on 4 June lends a solemn tone on Henri’s first weeks.
The day before the Sacre of King Henri, the Marshalcy quietly releases Commandant Trogneux’s investigation report. Relative to the agonizing Trogneux has gone through behind the scenes, the much awaited report is quite perfunctory, tracking with Henri’s public remarks and the autopsy report; the commandant has evidently caved to pressures and omitted much of his findings from the official report. While much of French society accepts the Marshalcy report, factions of liberals believe the five page document reads as incomplete with sketchy details. King Louis’ Secretary of the Maison du Roi Gaspard Mériadec de Rohan–the most vocal anti-Henriste in the French government–is aghast at the report, which he had anonymously heralded in the radical press as “the coming truth of the death of our King.” Rohan is wise enough to avoid any public pronouncements against the report or against the new King, but he puts plans in motion to disseminate his deeply-held convictions on the death of Louis XVII.
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We'll see what happens! I'm planning on putting out a new Europe map in the mid-1840s.
Reminder of where we're at in Europe since the early-1820s
The six western German states for the Rhenish Confederation in the mid-1830s and are close to France. Peloponnesian Greece at this time is an autonomous principality under Ottoman suzerainty.
If you have any questions about Europe in the back half of Louis XVII's reign please ask!
I'm still working on wrapping up 1836 and then we'll be moving on from the immediate death/succession issues!
Reminder of where we're at in Europe since the early-1820s
The six western German states for the Rhenish Confederation in the mid-1830s and are close to France. Peloponnesian Greece at this time is an autonomous principality under Ottoman suzerainty.
If you have any questions about Europe in the back half of Louis XVII's reign please ask!
I'm still working on wrapping up 1836 and then we'll be moving on from the immediate death/succession issues!
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very impressive, I had completely forgotten about the Rhineland confederation and Hanover is also less big than I thought and I thought my card was working it seems not and also maybe highlight the HRP borders to see that it still exists because it looks like there has been a balkanisation
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Hanover lost its western territories as a result of the Six Years War (OTL Seven Years War), the same time Prussia lost its western lands. The Hanover in your reference is based on the post-Napoleonic borders OTL. HRE still exists but it's pretty neutered with the members states holding the cards rather than the emperor. The imperial seat is back with the Habsburgs since 1827 after a hiatus with the Saxon Wettin dynasty. The Rhineland is firmy in France's sphere of influence, Hanover is tightly linked with Britain, and Prussia is increasingly close to Russia. Saxony and Bavaria are the German kingdoms that are most firmly allied with Austria in the mid-1830s.
Schleswig is a duchy directly controlled by the monarchy of Denmark. The Duchy of Holstein is dynastically controlled by Denmark, but officially distinct. As tensions are high between Sweden and Prussia over Pomeranian territories, so too are they high between Denmark and Prussia over Holstein. Scandinavia (particularly Denmark) is relatively stronger ITTL without a strong Prussia and without the Napoleonic Wars. Sweden has clashed with both Prussia and Russia, pushing it closer to France. Denmark may be trending that way as well. It will ultimately depend on how Prussian aggression evolves as they regain their military footing. Remember that Prussia ITTL is a shadow of its OTL self due to its losses in the Six Years War and the depression/suicide of Frederick thereafter. They're finding their regional ambitions again but are cozying up to the Russians to accomplish it.
1836 Part 6 - Nascent Discontent
Nascent Discontent
Scarcely a week after the accession of King Henri, a pamphlet makes its first appearance on the streets of Paris. Attributed only to the mysterious pseudonym Celui Qui Sait (He Who Knows), the pamphlet entitled l’Usurpation claims to be based on sources within the Royal Household and accuses the governments of France and Spain of orchestrating a coverup of the murder of Louis XVII by his son Henri. The Usurpation details the dining room argument between the two kings and accuses Henri of pushing his father with the force to cause his heart failure.
The pamphlet goes on to accuse the Spanish counselors of obstructing the truth, accuses the French cabinet of cravenly capitulating due to political expediency, and accuses the doctors and the marshalcy of omitting key details from their reports on King Louis’s death. As a motive, the author points to the planned Estates General to draft a constitution that could lessen royal powers in France. It is even suggested that King Louis could have threatened to pass over Henri in the line of succession, causing his son to fly into a rage.
L’Usurpation spreads quickly and causes a rising furor among French liberals. While few serious leaders in the liberal movement believe all of Celui’s claims, there are numerous calls in the reformist press for further answers and for the government to address his dangerous accusations. More radical Truthists latch onto l’Usurpation as evidence of a conservative Spanish conspiracy against the people. One truthist publication declares that Henri must submit to trial before the forthcoming Estates General, while another declares him an illegitimate regicidal imposter.
Conservatives pillory the pamphlet as seditious sour grapes. Many conservative publications attack the pamphlet and its cheerleaders as desecrating the memory of Louis XVII. Accusations of lèse-majesté are leveled at the pamphlet’s anonymous author as well as the as-yet unknown printers. There are many calls for mass arrests and suppression of the growing street protests in Paris and efforts underfoot to uncover the mysterious Celui Qui Sait.
Among the high society nobles of the Marais the political divide is evident as always. Some loud conservatives see the opportunity to launch into Henri’s good graces, notably the Duc de Polignac and the Vicomte de Bonald. Aristocratic liberals such as the Marquis de Vence and the Marquis de Condorcet are loath to address the pamphlet directly, but make urgent contact with Premier Marçeau. Among the more apolitical socialites, few will outwardly acknowledge the pamphlet, though there is an undercurrent in Marais salons finding it believable that the dour and lugubrious Henri, well known to have a tinderbox temper, could have done exactly as the pamphlet has described.
By mid-June some sections of Paris are under mob rule as the pamphlet’s influence emboldens angry denizens of the capital. What becomes known as the Paris Succession Revolt locks down areas of the city with barricades and nearly constant protests flood the streets. This poses an immediate crisis for King Henri who understands the need to ingratiate himself with the people of France. He is furious at the libelous pamphlet and rails against the ludicrous press freedoms that writers in France have enjoyed for fifteen years. Henri dismisses the liberal Minister of Justice Alphonse de Grouchy when he refuses to counsel any action against the pamphlet’s disseminators, thereafter ordering the Marshalcy to investigate the pamphlet’s origins and printing locales. The conservative Prince de Craon advises Henri to tread carefully, justifying royal injury investigations under existing French law, rather than overturning the press reforms of his father outright.
The King’s longtime confidante the Conde de Nacajuca strongly suspects the involvement of the former Minister of the Maison de Roi Gaspard Mériadec de Rohan. A warrant is issued for de Rohan under suspicion of lèse-majesté and he is arrested at his home on 27 June. Though de Rohan stridently denies being the author of the pamphlet he is held in the Bastille for several weeks. Without clear evidence to present, de Rohan’s arrest galvanizes the Parisian mobs and the Norman Truthist newspaper l’Exhortation openly calls for the deposition of Henri. Liberal print shops in Paris are raided by the Marshalcy and several are shut down for their publications, though none are found to be printers of l’Usurpation. On 30 June a confrontation between Marshalcy agents and an angry crowd outside the well-regarded liberal paper l’Ami de Tous nearly becomes violent until the publisher Horace Desmoulins settles the crowd and welcomes the Marshals to search his facility.
With social unrest spreading beyond Paris by the end of June, Premier Marçeau visits the Hôtel de Carnavalet and delivers an address that is then published in numerous papers. Marçeau denounces the pamphlet as riddled with fabrication designed to stir discontent and violence the nation as France mourns one king and welcomes the new. He implores the raucous crowds to return to their homes and businesses and to not let their fears poison their futures through disorder. He calls on the people to maintain the French open-mindedness that has helped create so much progress and to not judge a new leader until there are results to judge. Le grand vieux bouc de France is still well-loved by the people of Paris and his words carry sway and contribute to a calming in the streets as July begins.
Behind the scenes Marçeau has seized the opportunity to show Henri that he can be more of an asset than a hindrance in the governance of France. He has made an ally of the trusted Prince de Craon, the new Minister of the Maison de Roi, to persuade the King to navigate a moderate path through the Paris succession crisis. They remind Henri that France is not Spain and political and cultural differences cannot be swept away. The Premier leverages the response to his speech as evidence that the people are considerate in their passions and suggests that a royal commitment to hold the Estates General will do much to calm the nerves of French liberal society. Craon surprises Henri by agreeing with Marçeau and reminds him that disunion in France will be perceived as a weakness by foreign adversaries who are already clamoring for a succession war.
Confronted with unity between the liberal Marçeau and the conservative Craon, Henri accepts their advice. Still, Henri remains strongly opposed to a constitution that would neuter his power, insisting that any such convocation of the estates will be on his terms. On 8 July, after several days of consultation and drafting, King Henri releases the Proclamation of 1836 also known as la première proclamation henriste. Therein Henri begrudgingly attempts to adopt a similar tone to that of the popular Premier. He proclaims to have “no intentions” to reverse the policies of his father and “does not foresee” a need to do so. He promises that “all loyal citizens” will receive the “highest benefits of latin culture” under his reign. Crucially, he commits to following through on the meeting of the Estates General, though he hedges on precisely when it shall be held. Soon afterward de Rohan is released from the Bastille, though he remains under close watch by the marshalcy.
The proclamation is generally well received and quells much of the unrest. Mainstream liberals follow the tack of their Premier, taking a wait-and-see approach to the young King. Radicals make their distrust of Henri well known, but their rhetoric settles as they process the newly aggressive enforcement of lèse majesté laws. Delegates to the Estates General of all political stripes applaud the King’s commitment and await for his call for convocation. Much of the summer of 1836 is focused on drafting proposals for the meeting while the government deals with the new regime. Henri gradually replaces many of his father’s advisors in the government, though Marçeau is maintained as Premier, keeping a liberal face. As the weeks march on many political watchers begin to wonder who is using who; is Marçeau using Henri, or is Henri using Marçeau?
This is the final long narrative for now. The immediate succession saga is over... we will have one more update to finish up other 1836 happenings before moving on to see how Henri navigates both domestic and foreign matters in the first year of his reign. Can he continue to avoid internal unrest and foreign war? Does he want to?
Scarcely a week after the accession of King Henri, a pamphlet makes its first appearance on the streets of Paris. Attributed only to the mysterious pseudonym Celui Qui Sait (He Who Knows), the pamphlet entitled l’Usurpation claims to be based on sources within the Royal Household and accuses the governments of France and Spain of orchestrating a coverup of the murder of Louis XVII by his son Henri. The Usurpation details the dining room argument between the two kings and accuses Henri of pushing his father with the force to cause his heart failure.
The pamphlet goes on to accuse the Spanish counselors of obstructing the truth, accuses the French cabinet of cravenly capitulating due to political expediency, and accuses the doctors and the marshalcy of omitting key details from their reports on King Louis’s death. As a motive, the author points to the planned Estates General to draft a constitution that could lessen royal powers in France. It is even suggested that King Louis could have threatened to pass over Henri in the line of succession, causing his son to fly into a rage.
L’Usurpation spreads quickly and causes a rising furor among French liberals. While few serious leaders in the liberal movement believe all of Celui’s claims, there are numerous calls in the reformist press for further answers and for the government to address his dangerous accusations. More radical Truthists latch onto l’Usurpation as evidence of a conservative Spanish conspiracy against the people. One truthist publication declares that Henri must submit to trial before the forthcoming Estates General, while another declares him an illegitimate regicidal imposter.
Conservatives pillory the pamphlet as seditious sour grapes. Many conservative publications attack the pamphlet and its cheerleaders as desecrating the memory of Louis XVII. Accusations of lèse-majesté are leveled at the pamphlet’s anonymous author as well as the as-yet unknown printers. There are many calls for mass arrests and suppression of the growing street protests in Paris and efforts underfoot to uncover the mysterious Celui Qui Sait.
Among the high society nobles of the Marais the political divide is evident as always. Some loud conservatives see the opportunity to launch into Henri’s good graces, notably the Duc de Polignac and the Vicomte de Bonald. Aristocratic liberals such as the Marquis de Vence and the Marquis de Condorcet are loath to address the pamphlet directly, but make urgent contact with Premier Marçeau. Among the more apolitical socialites, few will outwardly acknowledge the pamphlet, though there is an undercurrent in Marais salons finding it believable that the dour and lugubrious Henri, well known to have a tinderbox temper, could have done exactly as the pamphlet has described.
By mid-June some sections of Paris are under mob rule as the pamphlet’s influence emboldens angry denizens of the capital. What becomes known as the Paris Succession Revolt locks down areas of the city with barricades and nearly constant protests flood the streets. This poses an immediate crisis for King Henri who understands the need to ingratiate himself with the people of France. He is furious at the libelous pamphlet and rails against the ludicrous press freedoms that writers in France have enjoyed for fifteen years. Henri dismisses the liberal Minister of Justice Alphonse de Grouchy when he refuses to counsel any action against the pamphlet’s disseminators, thereafter ordering the Marshalcy to investigate the pamphlet’s origins and printing locales. The conservative Prince de Craon advises Henri to tread carefully, justifying royal injury investigations under existing French law, rather than overturning the press reforms of his father outright.
The King’s longtime confidante the Conde de Nacajuca strongly suspects the involvement of the former Minister of the Maison de Roi Gaspard Mériadec de Rohan. A warrant is issued for de Rohan under suspicion of lèse-majesté and he is arrested at his home on 27 June. Though de Rohan stridently denies being the author of the pamphlet he is held in the Bastille for several weeks. Without clear evidence to present, de Rohan’s arrest galvanizes the Parisian mobs and the Norman Truthist newspaper l’Exhortation openly calls for the deposition of Henri. Liberal print shops in Paris are raided by the Marshalcy and several are shut down for their publications, though none are found to be printers of l’Usurpation. On 30 June a confrontation between Marshalcy agents and an angry crowd outside the well-regarded liberal paper l’Ami de Tous nearly becomes violent until the publisher Horace Desmoulins settles the crowd and welcomes the Marshals to search his facility.
With social unrest spreading beyond Paris by the end of June, Premier Marçeau visits the Hôtel de Carnavalet and delivers an address that is then published in numerous papers. Marçeau denounces the pamphlet as riddled with fabrication designed to stir discontent and violence the nation as France mourns one king and welcomes the new. He implores the raucous crowds to return to their homes and businesses and to not let their fears poison their futures through disorder. He calls on the people to maintain the French open-mindedness that has helped create so much progress and to not judge a new leader until there are results to judge. Le grand vieux bouc de France is still well-loved by the people of Paris and his words carry sway and contribute to a calming in the streets as July begins.
Behind the scenes Marçeau has seized the opportunity to show Henri that he can be more of an asset than a hindrance in the governance of France. He has made an ally of the trusted Prince de Craon, the new Minister of the Maison de Roi, to persuade the King to navigate a moderate path through the Paris succession crisis. They remind Henri that France is not Spain and political and cultural differences cannot be swept away. The Premier leverages the response to his speech as evidence that the people are considerate in their passions and suggests that a royal commitment to hold the Estates General will do much to calm the nerves of French liberal society. Craon surprises Henri by agreeing with Marçeau and reminds him that disunion in France will be perceived as a weakness by foreign adversaries who are already clamoring for a succession war.
Confronted with unity between the liberal Marçeau and the conservative Craon, Henri accepts their advice. Still, Henri remains strongly opposed to a constitution that would neuter his power, insisting that any such convocation of the estates will be on his terms. On 8 July, after several days of consultation and drafting, King Henri releases the Proclamation of 1836 also known as la première proclamation henriste. Therein Henri begrudgingly attempts to adopt a similar tone to that of the popular Premier. He proclaims to have “no intentions” to reverse the policies of his father and “does not foresee” a need to do so. He promises that “all loyal citizens” will receive the “highest benefits of latin culture” under his reign. Crucially, he commits to following through on the meeting of the Estates General, though he hedges on precisely when it shall be held. Soon afterward de Rohan is released from the Bastille, though he remains under close watch by the marshalcy.
The proclamation is generally well received and quells much of the unrest. Mainstream liberals follow the tack of their Premier, taking a wait-and-see approach to the young King. Radicals make their distrust of Henri well known, but their rhetoric settles as they process the newly aggressive enforcement of lèse majesté laws. Delegates to the Estates General of all political stripes applaud the King’s commitment and await for his call for convocation. Much of the summer of 1836 is focused on drafting proposals for the meeting while the government deals with the new regime. Henri gradually replaces many of his father’s advisors in the government, though Marçeau is maintained as Premier, keeping a liberal face. As the weeks march on many political watchers begin to wonder who is using who; is Marçeau using Henri, or is Henri using Marçeau?
This is the final long narrative for now. The immediate succession saga is over... we will have one more update to finish up other 1836 happenings before moving on to see how Henri navigates both domestic and foreign matters in the first year of his reign. Can he continue to avoid internal unrest and foreign war? Does he want to?
Ah, and so we get ever so closer to the great conflagration that I've been waiting for ever since the 1st version of this TL was ongoing.
Great work, looking very forward to how this all unfolds.
Great work, looking very forward to how this all unfolds.
Filippo, son of Ferdinando and the grandson of Felipe, the first Bourbon Duke of Parma.
We'll have to wait and see. The current Duc d'Orleáns has mental disabilities and won't be leading anything.
1836 Part 7 - Year Wrap-Up
Here's the rest of the goings on in 1836 apart from the French succession drama.
| February, 1836 | Vienna-Krakow Railway Opens After several years of experiments with steam engines on railways for connecting industry with natural resources, Austria opens up its first major line between Vienna and Krakow in the winter of 1836. Operated by the Kaiser Franz Nordbahn, the rail line precipitated stations being built in Brunn, Ostrau, and Kattowitz. The 1840s would see the expansion of rail across the Habsburg realm. |
| March, 1836 | Treaty of Areosa By the mid-1830s the British are still seeking new grounds to settle their population. While birth rates remain flat since 1815, the population pressures on resources in Britain and fears of unrest continue to plague the government. The American Dominion is unable to absorb large numbers of immigrants and settlers in the colonies on the Gold Coast of Africa struggle with tropical diseases. North Australia is increasingly developed but expensive and distant. Britain is also constantly seeking new markets for its industrial output. Prime Minister Lucas Cameron lays the matter at the feet of his Foreign Minister, the liberal Thomas Grosvenor, Lord Westminster. By the mid-1830s, Grosvenor has identified Portugal as the best partner for a broad agreement. After over two years of intermittent negotiations, Grosvenor travels to Areosa in the north of Portugal in September, 1835. The resulting agreement is ratified by both countries in March, 1836. The Treaty of Areosa includes a number of provisions:
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| May, 1836 | Chemin de fer du Saint-Laurent Opens The first long-distance railway opens in French Quebec with the linkage of Quebec City, Montreal, and Vaudreuil by the Saint-Lawrence Railway Company. In general, adoption of railways in French America is slower than in Europe, as settlement patterns generally follow navigable natural waterways and built canals. The Saint-Lawrence Railway runs to Toronto by 1845 and Detroit by 1850. |
| August, 1836 | Dominion Negro Industry League Founded In the 1830s social and economic problems for the freedmen in the British Dominion continue, with widespread poverty, vagrancy, and racial violence. In the summer of 1836 several prominent black businessmen and a number of liberal white allies hold a conference in Philadelphia at which they found the Dominion Negro Industry League. This advocacy and philanthropic organization dedicated itself to black businesses and participation in industry. Over time they increasingly become leading voices in opposition to the Repatriation Movement sending black Americans to Sierra Leone. The League headquartered itself in an old meetinghouse in Baltimore, Maryland and grew to become one of the largest advocacy groups for freedmen in the British Dominion. |
| Oct, 1836 - 5, 1837 | France Seaport Revolts French Succession Crisis: By the fall of 1836, Henri V has postponed the Estates General twice since his July Proclamation. French liberals have become increasingly fearful of backsliding under the new king, clamoring in the press for the convocation to be held in fidelity with Louis XVII's January proclamation. Premier Marçeau makes public assurances that the meeting will be held, but the more time passes, the more hollow his promises ring among the liberals. Port communities in northern France halt many luxury shipments in protest of Henri's continued postponement of the Estates General. The Véristes Normandes, among the most radical reformists in France, use their power on local councils to whip discontent among their constituencies. Sailors and stevedores at Le Havre, Rouen, and Cherbourg engage in work stoppages to protest the continued postponement of the Estates General. After a bloody clash at Le Havre in November between government marshals and the striking workers, the protests spread throughout northern ports, including in Flanders and Brittany. Attempts in the late-autumn to expand the reach of these labor protest to French colonial ports in Quebec and Louisiana are unsuccessful, but they do spark much conversation going forward in colonial society about rights and self-determination from the top-down governance in French America. Several more violent clashes take place in northern ports while government forces secure western and southern ports and shipping traffic is successfully redirected by the spring of 1837. When the Estates General is finally scheduled for May 1837, the wind is taken from the sails of the work-stoppage protests. All Truthist delegates from Normandy, Flanders, and Brittany are barred from the convocation and resulting protests are authoritatively crushed. |
| 1836 | Reclusionism Takes Root in New England Throughout the 1830s, liberal countercultures begin to emerge in the British Dominion, particularly in conservative New England where a generation of youth find themselves living in factory campuses under the economic foot of floor leaders and the moral foot of boarding supervisors. The overarching name of the counterculture movement is known as "Reclusionism" after an essay written in 1836 by Andrew Edwards Baldwin of Northampton, MA. Under reclusionist thinking, industrialization breeds autocratic pollution of the body, soul, and environment, and reclusionists seek to create a "quilted economy" of independent, self-sufficient communities that trade among one another, independent of the machinists and penny pinchers of the booming factory towns. The movement is considered an organic one, largely without leadership, and it rapidly becomes a popular escape for factory toilers. Reclusionists seek to replicate the "simpler times" before the advent of industry. Although critics would often conflate them, reclusionism is markedly distinct from break-away religious communities such as the Seraphim in Meredith, NH. What both movements have in common are their found roots in the backlash against industrialization. One of the most successful founders of a reclusionist community is Robert Emerson Bliss of Concord, MA who purchases land on the outskirts of Lancaster, MA and, with his extended family and followers, builds a sprawling farm called Chocksett Fields. Chocksett Fields is among the first and largest of the so-called "patchwork towns" on the "quilted map" of New England. Other patchworks pop up throughout New England in the late-1830s, some small farms, others growing communities. Chocksett Fields succeeds at incorporating as a town of its own by 1850. By the late-1840s several long-established municipalities have also adopted the ideology of reclusionism. The movement produces numerous sub-cultural trends in fashion and literature well into the mid-19th Century. |
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