GIAF: 1837-1838 -- Preparing for War
The
Coalition of Austria, Russia, Prussia, and Saxony declares war against Henri of France and Spain in December, 1837 to prevent the solidification of Franco-Spanish union and the strengthening of its hegemony over Europe. By the new year the rest of the
Holy Alliance, including Naples, Parma, Venice, and Savoy-Sardinia, declare war against the coalition as a bloc. The Rhenish Confederation votes in February, 1838 to grant the Alliance use of their infrastructure and safe-passage through their territories, but stop short of declaring war against the Coalition. A volunteer
Deutsche Korps of Rhinelanders does mobilize in France early in the new year. Rome adopts a similar policy to the
Rheinbund for the Papal States, while the Dutch, Danes, and Swedes announce their neutrality along with Great Britain, Hanover, and Portugal. Europe has not been at war since 1817 and warring parties are eager to test their forces against one another.
The French are able to mobilize quickly given the professionalization of the French Royal Army and the well-established network of reserve divisions that can be swiftly activated across the arrondissements of France. Recent experiences in North Africa have given many French officers and sergeants valuable experience and many of the field and general officers still remember Talleyrand’s War. Spain’s continued policy of rotating regiments to the colonies in America makes for an experienced force, but generally more familiar with internal actions rather than field formations. Indeed, the War of French Succession marks the first time in many decades that Spanish troops fight in large numbers outside of Iberia and the Spanish Empire. To enhance the Spanish contribution, a number of French officers are sent to Spain to recruit and train new regiments that will join French and Italian divisions on the northern and southern European fronts.
Austria’s army has undergone its own modernization in the last two decades since Talleyrand’s War, modeled in part after the reforms made by France under the Marquis de Lafayette in Louis XVII’s early reign. Nobility no longer have a monopoly on officer commissions and the officer ranks also display a strong level of ethnic diversity, not just German, Hungarian, and Czech. Many Poles, both native to Silesia and Galicia or migrants fleeing Russian despotism in the Commonwealth, are in leadership roles in the Austrian military as well as Croats and Serbians, whose mettle in combat was clearly demonstrated in Talleyrand’s War. Prussia and Saxony both have a reputation for well-formed and drilled troops, but Prussia is also known for failing in spite of its professionalism and Saxony hasn’t used its army in war since the 1760s. Russia, despite its great size is slow to mobilize, partly due to the large commitment of troops that are committed to occupying and pacifying central Asia. Russia has the most conservative military on the continent, having had astonishingly little recent engagement with the armies of Europe other than relatively brief wars against Austria and Sweden. Tsar Paul II is eager to showcase his army’s abilities after their experiences fighting against the Kazakhs, Turkmen, and Uzbeks east of the Caspian Sea.
Regarding naval strength, the French far outstrip any of their opponents, in spite of having mothballed a large number of older warships in the late-1820s. King Louis XVII had directed the Royale to begin experimenting with modernizing warships in 1829, producing a number of iron-plated and steam-paddle warships by the mid-1830s. France also engaged in a modernization and refurbishment campaign to prepare more than three-dozen hulking ships-of-the-line from the 1810s for modern warfare. The Spanish likewise have a formidable force at their disposal, as Henri mirrored many of his father’s naval policies in Spain. Naples is the weak link in the Holy Alliance’s navy, with few modern warships in its aging fleet.
Compared to France and Spain, the Coalition hardly compares with naval power. The Austrian fleet has greatly deteriorated in the last twenty years as resources increasingly poured into rebuilding the army after the defeat in Talleyrand’s War. The ability of the Austrians to project any power beyond the Adriatic is slight. Russia’s navy is in better shape than Austria’s, but the Russians lack any tradition of power projection on the high seas and have few tempting targets close to any of their naval bases in the Baltic and Black seas. Prussia’s naval forces are even weaker than Austria’s, almost entirely made up of older corvettes and frigates designed more for customs duty than fleet action. It is this weakness that leads the Coalition to so aggressively court Great Britain to join their war against the French.
Despite decades of frequent economic hardship and political upheaval, the British remain a significant naval power and use their mastery of the seas to maintain their far-flung colonial empire. As France is well-aware, British disengagement on the continent of Europe has not led to a deterioration of their military acumen. What Britain has done though, is downsize their naval assets, maintaining 1st-rate warships mainly for deterrence and homeland defense. The Royal Navy has a large number of state-of-the-art frigates of various classes that experiment with durability and speed using iron plating and steam power. The British also build a fleet of armed clippers in the envied Dominion shipyards of North America; these ships are astonishingly fast and nimble enabling them, in theory, to tackle much higher rated opponents given the proper conditions.
The strong rebuff to the Coalition by the governing isolationist wing of the Whig Party and the monarch is not echoed in all corners of British society. The much reduced Tories and a number of loud internationalist Whigs mount a very public campaign arguing that the time for Britain’s self-imposed seclusion has passed and that it’s time to remember the proud history of an English Queen standing against a mighty Catholic armada and to strive towards that history. While this faction is small, it has enough influence to force the government to be considerate in its policies, lest the public be won over by the hawks. The King does order Hanoverian troops to be placed on high alert and to defend their homeland should any party violate their neutrality. Just as the Coalition pressures Britain to join them, France lobbies hard, if quietly, for continued British neutrality.
The winter of 1838 proves to be a harsh one, leaving any thoughts of early campaigning in the realm of fantasy. As their men mobilize and train, leaders busy themselves planning their opening moves for the spring. Marechal
Pierre de Maupeou takes overall command of Alliance efforts on the German front, while Marechal
Bernard de Breme assumes command in Italy. Austria plans a major opening push in the Po Valley to be conducted by General
Heinrich von Schrattenbach, while the Prussians, Saxons, and Russians prepare the thrust into the Rhineland under the overall command of Russian General
Alexander Dobrovolsky. The firm neutrality of Hanover and nominal neutrality of Franconia and Bavaria means that any German front between the Alliance and Coalition will be confined to the 90 kilometer border between Hessia and Saxony, setting up a race to place armies and break through into more politically open ground…