From Exile to Triumph: a Western Roman Timeline

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter XL

The years that follow the reconquest of Africa represent a period of changes for the entire Mediterranean world. The following chapter represent the first part of an overview of the Roman world and its surrounding area from the Pillars of Hercules to the New Rome on the Bosphorus.

Hispania

During the last months of the conflict between Rome and the Vandals, tension between opposing factions brought unrest to the Visigothic kingdom. Despite the difficult situation for king Agila, no one would have expected the incoming escalation of events. It was a normal day of routine at the royal palace and king Agila was discussing with Alaric about the administration of the kingdom. The discussion was particularly heated since the two men saw each other as rival, both pursuing different goals. It was not the first time Agila had to deal with his young colleague and his arrogance but on this particular occasion things further degenerated. Alaric openly accused the illegitimacy of Agila’s power and the usurpation he had perpetrated for almost 20 years. Agila didn’t expect such a direct attack but even worse than Alaric’s attack against him was the sudden interruption of the "debate" by a group of royal guards, sent there to arrest him. Sensing his end approaching, king Agila rushed against the mind behind this plot in a desperate attempt to bring his rival down with him. Unfortunately he was killed by the soldiers before having the chance to take his revenge on Alaric.

The Gothic kingdom immediately fell victim of civil war between the supporters of the two opposing families but it was clear to everyone that the Balti had the advantage. During the last years, king Agila had lost many important and trusted supporters like Caesarius and his wife Amalafrida, while his son was far and unable to now lead his loyalist against Alaric III thus weaking his cause. The news that Agila was going to surrender Tingi and Septem also further weakened his position. Quickly and ruthlessly Alaric eliminated those who still opposed him, effectively purging the army. The Gothic soldiers stationed on the Balearic islands, after being generously bought by the new king, promptly eliminated those who still supported Agila while in Africa the Goths remained loyal to his son Athalaric. On the mainland Alaric crushed any threat to his power, denying his brother Theodoric the joint rule of the kingdom and moving with his army against the outpost loyal to his half-brother: Agilapolis and the cities of southern Hispania, which still remembered the sack of Carthago Nova by Alaric’s father, Gesalec. These cities would send a desperate request to Athalaric asking him to come to their help and reconquer the kingdom, but with his limited resources and with his main ally still dealing with the pacification of Africa, there was no hope to successfully invade Hispania. Thus by the end of the year most of the cities of the region had been reconquered and punished allowing Alaric to move against the rebels in Agilapolis supported by the Suebi. The overthrow of king Agila, one of the worst political disaster for emperor Marcianus, would represent one of the most important event of the VI century, with unpredictable consequences that would, both directly and indirectly, influence the destiny of great men and the the people of Hispania during the second half of the century.

Africa

With the official end of the war in Africa most of the troops mustered from all over the empire could finally return home. Eastern roman soldiers were the first to leave Africa, quickly recalled by emperor Hypatius in order to deal with new problems on the frontier. Of a contingent of 7000 men, only 2000 soldiers would remain with Belisarius in Africa, mostly because these soldiers were directly employed and payed by the general and not by the emperor. Different was the situation of the soldiers who came from Italia and Illyricum. Many would return to their homes during that same year, as new threats emerged from the north, but the military needs of the new Diocese required the attention of its new Magister Militum and the creation of an army from what was left on the region of the Roman expedition and the Vandal population. The threats to the new conquest were serious: all over around the limited coastal territory controlled by the Romans were numerous Berber tribes who had fought against the Vandals and were now ready to fight for or against the empire. Additionally unrest would further trouble the Diocese as the Vandal population was far from being totally annihilate or assimilate by the Romans. Of 11000 western roman soldiers, 6000 would return back to Europe before the end of the year, with an additional amount of 1000 soldiers sent with Procopius to Septem and other 500 to the island of Sardinia. Thus Belisarius was effectively left with 3500 soldiers, including a regiment from the Scholae, and his own personal retinue. Barely enough to protect Carthago and its surrounding.

The situation was critical and required a quick response from both the military and civilian authority: Magister Militum Flavius Belisarius and the Praefectus Praetorio Petrus Marcellinus Felix Liberius would work tirelessly in order to improve the defense and the stability of the Diocese. Thanks to the treasure of Vandals, which had not entirely moved to Rome where it would be exposed to the people of Rome during the celebrations for the emperor’s triumphal procession, the Romans didn’t lack the resources necessary for the creation of a new administration and could even afford to grant temporary tax exemptions to the cities which suffered the most during the war: the population of Hippo Dyarrhytus and Hippo Reggius, whose territory had been devastated by the Vandals, and the city of Utica, which had generously resupplied the Roman army during its march, were among the many beneficiaries of this policy of tax leniency. Everyone else was required to resume their fiscal obligations at the beginning of the first year (535) since the return of peace.

Another important measure concerned the Vandal population and their lands. Here the Romans adopted a policy of compromise between the native Roman population and the Vandals: Vandal landowners would be allowed to retain a third of their lands in exchange for military service in the new African army and an additional third of the land could be retained through the payment of a special tax which amounted to the value of this third of the land and had to be payed within 5 years. Additionally the Vandal landowners would now be officially considered “Beneficiarii”, thus not completely owning their lands as the imperial government reserved the right to interfere with the management of their plots and, under special circumstances, reassign them. They also enjoyed the same privileges and duties of their colleagues in Italia with the exception of the supply for the Military Annona, which was replaced by direct military service, with the soldiers now required to provide for their own sustenance. Slightly different was the situation for vandal women (sisters and widows of fallen Vandal warriors), who were allowed to retain even the last third of their lands if they married Roman citizens, a requirements that the imperial government didn’t need to further encourage as Roman soldiers and veterans already started marrying vandals women before this measure, thus acquiring control over their wealths in exchange for the legal and economic protection Rome could now offer to their new wives under the new administration. Like the vandal men, the Romans and their families would inherit the same legal condition and the same duties. The lands confiscated and the income from the special tax would be redistributed among the descendants of the Roman landowners who lost all or part of their lands almost a century earlier. A special commission would soon be created by Liberius in order to find the rightful heirs.

On the diplomatic field Flavius Belisarius sought to establish friendly relations with most of the neighbouring tribes: honorary titles were generously granted by the Romans to the Berber leaders who were thus partially integrated, along with their controlled territories, in the administrative network of the Diocese. Some of them even received proper military title in exchange for military service, most of the time as garrisons, thus partially freeing the Roman army from the burden of garrisoning their border cities. Obviously this meant that the Romans had now to pay a tribute to these leaders and their soldiers, but this “humiliating" situation was partially mitigated by the fact that these tributes could be officially represented as normal payment that the central authority provided to its subordinate military officers, even though these “Roman officers” enjoyed a degree of autonomy equaled only by barbarian kings who beared a roman title. By the beginning of 535 AD the military situation of the Romans in Africa had definitely improved and Belisarius, with his reinforced army, was now ready to face the first phase of the new imminent conflict.

Next time: Italia and Illyricum!

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter XLI

With the death of Theodoricus in 532 the Pannonian Goths were deprived of a great king. His death without a male heir caused conflicts and disputes among the Goths. Many would claim the kingship in the name of their ( real or supposed) relation to the royal dynasty, however only three of them would come close to the throne: Anastasius, Amalaric and Theodatus.

A son of Iulius Procopius and Amalasuntha, Anastasius was the youngest among the contenders but also the preferred heir of his grandfather Theodoricus. His Roman origin and education represented the main obstacle to his ascension to the throne. Nonetheless his imperial blood earned him the support of the Romans both inside and outside the Pannonian kingdom and the support of the Pro-Roman Goths, willing to politically integrate with the Romans.

The second contender was Theodatus, Theodoricus’ nephew, a man who distinguished himself while fighting against the occasional raids of the Gepids and the Heruli. His power however resides on his large estates that made him one of the wealthiest man of the kingdom. He could also count on the support of those Goths seeking to carry on Theodoricus’ project of political and religious coexistence between Goths and Romans while keeping them separated.

Like in Hispania however, a powerful “nationalist” faction acquired prominence among the Goths, rallying behind the third contender, Amalaric. A member of both the Ostrogothic and Visigothic royal lineage, Amalaric had come to embrace the cause of the anti-roman faction during the last years of reign of his grandfather. Behind this choice there were both political and personal reasons: his new allies not only promised him the best opportunity to conquer the absolute power but also the chance to get his revenge on the Western Roman Emperor Marcianus, the man who twice betrayed his cause and his right to the throne in favour of his half-brother Gesalec and later Agila. Among the three he was also the most ambitious, since he not only claimed his grandfather’s domain but also the kingdom that once belonged to his father. His goal was the creation of a great empire spanning from the Danube to the Ocean.

When Theodoricus died in 532, Amalaric quickly seized control over the western half of the Pannonian kingdom while Theodatus secured the eastern half. The civil war quickly evolved into a wider conflict involving neighbouring tribes and kingdoms as both the Heruli and the Lombards took part in the war, respectively supporting Amalaric and Theodatus. Meanwhile the third contender and his mother were gathering support among the Romans and the Goths in the city of Sirmium. Behind him was his powerful uncle and his influential father: Marcianus would appoint Anastasius Magister Militum per Pannonia, thus recognising him as the rightful ruler of the Goths, and send order to Magister Militum per Illyricum Flavius Agricola ( Eparchius’ son), to provide soldiers for the campaign while Procopius would arrange an alliance with the Gepids. Unfortunately for Anastasius the men that Agricola could provide were not enough, given the ongoing conflict in Africa, therefore forcing him to stay idle for the time being, while his cousin and Theodatus were battling for the control of Pannonia. Amalaric quickly proved to be strongest of the three, defeating Theodatus and his Lombards allies near Mursa in 533, forcing him to flee beyond the Danube with his supporters. With Theodatus defeated and Anastasius unable to challenge him, Amalaric had achieved complete control over the Goths, allowing him to deal with minor usurpers and rebel cities that still opposed his authority. All of them would be subdued before the end of the year.

After the defeat of the Vandals in Africa, Marcianus decided to celebrate his most important victory in the city that represented the greatest prize of that war. During the second and last week of celebration, Marcianus received worrying news about Amalaric’s victory near Mursa and his hostile attitude toward the empire. The looming threat from the north required direct imperial intervention and so the emperor was compelled to leave Africa in March, with the intention of coming back one day, once peace was restored throughout the empire. He would never see that day.

Back in Ostia Marcianus would discover that the heart of his empire was under attack: the enemies were invading from the north. The earliest reports from the military authorities of Italia Annonaria, indicated that a considerable force had already crossed the Alps and was moving against Verona. The size of this army ranged from 5000 to 10000 men, mostly Heruli and other barbarians recruited by Amalaric, and once again like 15 years earlier, the army was led by Orestes, with the difference that now the Goths were fully committed to his cause. Meanwhile an analogue report from Agricola brought news of hostile action from the Goths, personally led by Amalaric. Against this mortal threat to his rule, Iulius Marcianus dispatched his cousin Valens along with 3000 soldiers, that had returned with him from Africa, while new orders were sent to Belisarius to speed up the return of the soldiers back to Italia. However the emperor wouldn’t immediately join his cousin in this new conflict. Rome was waiting for him and a triumph had to be celebrated.

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter XLII

Despite the crisis and perils the empire was facing, once again the central Roman administration proved to be a formidable machine. The problems of the early return of the emperor from his campaign against the Vandals and the sudden invasion of the Goths were no match for the men of the imperial palace, used to deal with much more serious issues: the need to constantly please the emperor, his family and the people of Rome. No wonder that these men proved to be able to arrange what was needed for the day of the emperor’s triumphal entry in the city with such short time. One man in particular would distinguish himself during the preparations for the imperial triumph, the eunuch and Praepositus Sacri Cubiculi Flavius Eleutherius, whose power would greatly increase during the last years of life of Marcianus and the reign of his successor.

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When the day of the procession finally came, in April, the whole population of the imperial capital greeted their emperor as their saviour: the victor of the Goths and the Burgundians had now finally vanquished Rome’s greatest enemy, the Vandals. The army and the people soon started to refer to him with various titles including “Vandalicus” and “Gothicus”, but the emperor would soon grow fond to the title of “Restitutor Orbis”. Sure, the empire was far from the complete restoration of the old world of their fathers, but in the eyes of Marcianus this was just a question of perception while in the eyes of his people this was only a matter time. Yet the population of Rome would immediately start to enjoy the benefits of Marcianus’ victories in Africa. The western empire’s breadbasket was once again serving the needs of the people of Rome and this would surely have positive effects on the demographic of Rome. Emperor Marcianus and his father Nepos had tried in the past to replace their reliance on the African grain by trying to make the Italic farmers able to satisfy the need of the army and the capital. Their measures proved only partially successful as the gap between what was lost with the loss of Africa and what was recovered with the redistribution of lands in Italia was too great. Consequently the city of Rome had stabilised to a population of around 200000 souls after having previously reached its lowest point with a population of around 100000 citizens. Hopefully a more generous Annona would, in time, address this old wound.

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However that day no one would really worry about the hardship of the past or the dangers of the present, as everyone’s mind was focused on the pleasures the emperor would lavishly grant during the following days. It was the first real moment of celebration for them since the time of the last great the triumph, during the reign of emperor Honorius. A triumph that ended up with the Goths marching through the same Arch celebrating their defeat. That day the sons and grandson of those who had suffered the violence of Vandals, almost 80 years ago, were there to witness the demise of their ancient foe. Vandal prisoners were marching behind the imperial procession, through the same city where the great crime had been perpetrated. With them was their king Gelimer, while his predecessor was marching along with the officers, behind the imperial chariot. The entire procession was relatively small, since most of the soldiers who had fought against the Vandals were still in Africa or quickly marching north with Valens. Yet their appearance was imposing as the emperor decided to bring with him 500 Clibanari and an equal amount of “Domestici”, thus displaying the elite of the Roman army.

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The importance of Marcianus’ last victory was perfectly demonstrated by the incredible treasure that followed the procession along with the many captured weapons and images depicting the most significant events of the last war. Among the booty were many statue, masterpieces and other valuables stolen by Genseric from the capital and the imperial palace during his sack of the city and their return to Rome would certainly help healing one the wound of the last century. Certainly the emperor would have to share a small part of the treasure with his Eastern colleague, who had played an important role during the Vandalic war, and the victorious army, but the large amount of money that would still be available to him after these generous largesses, would allow the empire to finance great projects, reforms and campaigns. One of these first projects would be the “Arcus Marciani”, a triumphal arch closely resembling Constantinus’ arch and a colossal bronze statue of himself.

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That day also represented the apogee of his long reign and Marcianus, who had now left his best days behind, perfectly knew he wouldn’t get another occasion to excel himself before his ultimate death. This was the moment where he would leave his lasting mark in history and the future generations would remember him for that precise moment. This consideration was what led him to be so generous and so merciful during his second Triumph: king Gelimer was allowed to retire to Faesulae while Hilderic would spend the last years of his life between the imperial palace and Antium. Most of the prisoners would be freed after the procession and allowed to start a new life as soldiers for the newly created/restored units of the Italian army while generous gifts would be bestowed upon foreign ambassadors, senators from emperor Hypatius and the soldiers who most distinguished themselves during the war. Marcianus would take on the consulate for the year while proclaiming a month of celebrations which included banquets, chariot races and even Venationes in the Colosseum, still legal after the ban of gladiatorial games. And while the West was under siege, the emperor and his people were living the empire’s best days.


Ok here are some notes:

First of all I’m sorry about the lack of updates during the last month. I’ve been busy with my university but I hope to recover the previous pace as soon as possible. Anyway this timeline is not dead nor is going to die.

Secondly I want to thank everybody for their support during the last Turtledove. That’s a great result. But most importantly I want to thank everyone for reading and contributing their informations/opinions to this timeline. Back then when I started this timeline, I didn’t expect to go beyond the first 5-10 chapters. But I’m happy I was wrong and this is also thanks to your support.

Thirdly I know the last updates lacked some action. Basically there has been no temporal progress since the end of the Vandalic war. I’ll try to amend this with the next update.

And that’s it. I hope you’ll enjoy this update and the ones I have to write yet.

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Family tree of the Roman emperors:

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter XLIII

In 516 the last of the four Burgundian brothers, king Gundobad, passed away. The old Patricius, who once had deposed Marcianus’ grandfather to install his own candidate before finally losing his influence over the empire, had worked so hard to earn the support of Rome during the last years of his reign. Even more ruthless was his attempt to once more bring back unity to the Burgundians. His son and successor Sigismundus would reap the fruit of his policy. In 516 Sigismundus was one of the five kings contending control over the entire Gaul. His conversion to Nicene Christianity meant the end of Arianism in Gaul while the death of Clovis in 511 meant the end of Burgundian subjection to the Franks. His first marriage with a Burgundian woman was childless and in 523, after a brief war against his Frankish relatives, he decided to put her aside for Clotilde, Clovis’ daughter and Chilpericus’ granddaughter, in an attempt to stabilize relations with her brothers.

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Clovis’death in 511 allowed his sons to partition his once great kingdom into four smaller realms [1]: the territories along the Rhine were assigned to Theodoricus, the territories along the Loire (around the city of Aurelianum) were assigned to Clodomer, Childebert received the northern part of the kingdom while Clotaire ruled over Aquitane. Even divided the Franks craved the Burgundian lands ruled by Sigismundus but their attempt to destroy him would be twarted by emperor Marcianus and king Agila in 523. Later on the four brothers would focus their attention on other opponents such as the Thuringii beyond the Rhine before resorting to the use of force against each other: Theodoricus’ death in 533 brought his son Theodebert at war againt his two uncles Clodomer and Childebert. The ensuing conflict saw Theodobert lose much of his western territories to his two uncles.

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Meanwhile Agila’s death in 534 brought importante changes to the relations between Rome and the various Western Germanic kingdoms. With the Gothic kingdom in Hispania now hostile to him and embroiled in a civil war [2], emperor Marcianus turned to the only rulers who had an interest in keeping the new Gothic regime in check. After almost a century since their coming into Hispania, the Suebi were now finally recognized by Marcianus as Foederati of the empire and their king Ricimer as Comes (a title that once belonged to Agila). This allowed the Romans to halt any possible attempt by the Goths to start a new war against Rome itself as the former were now embroiled in a conflict against the Suebi and Athalaric’s remaining supporters in the north of the country. With the exception of the siege of Septem and other minor episodes, this strategy proved successful. However the Romans turned also to king Clotaire of Aquitanie in an attempt to secure the Pyrenees and the Gallic Diocese against possible Gothic incursion. Therefore Iulius Marcianus once again resorted to gifts and honorary titles to win the support of Clotaire: in addition to a tribute paid by Rome to him in exchange for his military service, Clotaire would also receive his father’s rank of Patricius of the empire, sharing this honour with Sigismundus and Marcianus Valens. Only time will tell who would benefit more from this agreement.

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Prior to the Roman invasion of Africa, emperor Marcianus had forged relations with the leader of the mercenaries in Sardinia, Godas, who had previously rebelled against the Vandals. However his defeat against Tzazo and his death proved to be a serious blow for his rebellion. Serious but not mortal as the vandals were soon forced to leave the island to support Gelimer’s resistance against the emperor. There they left a mere garrison of 800 men, enough to ensure the control of Caralis but not enough to clear the remaining rebels from the island. Not until the return of Tzazo and his men. But the collapse of the kingdom meant that those men would never return back to Sardinia. And thus the small garrison found itself trapped in an island surrounded by the sea and by an enemy ready to take his revenge. Supported by the natives, tired of oppression and robberies and what was left of the original rebellion, the new leader of the rebels, Thraustila, was determined to eject to the last remnant of the Vandal rule from the island. As time passed the rebel force once more grew into a considerable force ranging from 3000 to 4000 men, ill-equipped but numerically superior to the Vandals.

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The situation further complicated in March 534, when a small Roman fleet approached the city of Caralis. With the fleet were 500 Domestici led by tribune Photius (Belisarius’ stepson), responsible for the pacification of the two islands and their return into the empire. The situation was unexpected for both the Vandals and the Romans: the former didn’t expect such a quick intervention from Rome, the latter had no idea, until the moment one of their ambassador got beheaded, that the rebels were now equally hostile to both Rome and the Vandals. This prompted Photius to strike a deal with the Vandal officer Gunderic and the last surviving unit of the Vandal army, in order to repel and survive the incoming rebels. When Thraustila and his army finally reached the city, he found out that its wall were manned by both Romans and Vandals alike. With Roman control over the sea, there was no chance to take the city by starvation and every attempt to force the Romans out of the island through diplomacy was disdainfully refused by Photius. After a couple of weeks spent waiting for the Romans to leave the island (and possibly leaving the Vandals at their mercy), Thraustila resolved to launch an assault against the city’s wall: surely that day the enemy had the advantage of the defensive position and a qualitatively superior army (the Domestici, thanks to emperor Iulius Nepos, were once again one of the dealiest and most skilled unit of the western army and thus had avoided the decline of their eastern counterpart) but the wall of Caralis were not impressive at all and the rebels enjoyed a clear numerical superiority: even the best soldier of the empire could fell prey to fatigue, making him an ineffective fighter. The attack proved to be a fight to the last man as neither side wavered in front of the enemy. The first waves of rebels were literally slaughtered by their more trained opponents, yet the Romans and the Vandals soon found themselves losing ground to them as new and fresher waves of enemies kept coming. This until the moment Thraustila found himself surrounded by Romans and Vandals. The rebel leader repelled many of them, but his feat and his imposing physique only meant that more would keep coming, until Photius himself decided to join his men. Exhausted and far from his men, Thraustila could not avert the blow on his back coming from Photius. Falling on his knees, his hair would be grabbed by Photius who would quickly and without hesitation cut off the head from the body, before showing it to his men. Both the head of Thraustila and the rebellion were now gone and as soon as the rebels found out his death, the spirit of the rebellion broke and his men started to flee from the emboldened Romans. Disappearing in the countryside, the rebels would never come back for a third round. As a reminder of the fate any rebel against imperial authority would meet in the future, Thraustilla’s head was put on display on the city walls. After having distinguished himself against the rebels, Photius would be recalled by his stepfather Belisarius in Africa for his upcoming campaign against the Berbers, while Gunderic and his men would later receive news directly from the imperial palace: as a reward for their contribution in the pacification of Sardinia and for the valour that Photius himself commended in his report sent to Rome, they were allowed to join the Scholae Palatinae as its sixth new unit.

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Notes

[1] For the sake of simplicity, the ATL division of the Frankish kingdom is simplified compared to the OTL one.

[2] More info and details about the Visigoths in an upcoming update as we now return to focus once again on the Ostrogoths.


And this should fill some of the gaps in the narration that I didn't have the time or the occasion to amend in the past. Hope you enjoy and let me know if I forgot something.

Next time: The price of war: Martyrdom!

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter XLIV

The situation was critical. It has always been critical, at least for the last 2 centuries. And as the empire continued to grow, its problems did likewise. The African campaign proved to be more costly than everyone had ever expected: it was a dispute between the Romans and the Goths, over the spoils of the Vandal kingdom, that caused the fall of one of Rome’s closest ally. It was the lack of support for Anastasius that doomed Rome’s attempt to continue the domination over the Pannonian Goths. And finally it was the campaign itself that weakened Rome’s defence in Italia and Illyricum, prompting an invasion from Amalaric. It was up to Marcianus Valens to ensure that the emperor would be remembered for his successes and not for his faults. But it wasn’t just his duty, it was also personal. The man responsible for his father’s death had finally decided to come out of hiding and Valens would make sure he met his father Romulus into the Tiber. Sure the situation was not favourable to him. While marching north against the rebel, he tried to gather as many soldiers as possible but he had to face the harsh reality, there wasn’t enough time to gather all of them. A messenger had already been sent to Ravenna, where 500 Domestici, along with their Comes Domesticorum Equitum Flavius Iovinus Classicianus, were order to immediately reach his army and to alert the commander of the local garrison against possible attack against this important city. Unfortunately for Valens, his attempt to communicate the same message to his colleague, Magister Militum Decentius, was unsuccessful. True was that Decentius had been rather hostile to him in the past, but Valens certainly didn’t suspect him of treason as the soldiers under his command were of proven loyalty. Some of those units had personally and successfully served the emperor in Gaul more than 20 years ago and been rewarded for this reason. According to the last news from the palace, Decentius was seriously ill at the time of the African campaign and the emperor had already considered his removal before turning his attention against the Vandals. This and the Gothic raids which seriously hindered communication in Northern Italy, were probably the reason why Decentius had failed to recall his units and prepare his army for the march. He was therefore forced to face Orestes without the support of the Western Italian army.

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News from Venetia quickly depicted a dire situation: lacking the men to defend the eastern fortifications, Dux Venetia et Histria Proculus was forced to flee to Aquileia Nepotiana whereas the population was resolute to resist the invaders, as the memory of the last invasion was still alive. Orestes simply ignored them, as he decided that leaving behind enough men to prevent any surprise from the small garrison and ensure the link with Amalaric, would be better than a lengthy siege, which would only give the Romans the time they needed to assemble a larger army. With the collapse of the first line of defense, Orestes’ army was now free to move against his next target which, according to the direction of the Gothic raids, was now Mediolanum. His plan was clear, he intended to eliminate any possible threat to his back, isolate Rome from Gaul before marching against the imperial capital. He would finally meet the imperial army south of Verona in April. Here the barbarians outnumbered the Imperial as Orestes was leading an army of 8000 men while the Caesar was barely able to gather 5000. The ensuing battle would soon see the barbarians gaining the upper hand over the Romans. In a desperate attempt to turn the tide of the battle, Marcianus Valens led a charge against Orestes despite his retinue’s attempt to stop him. He would came close enough to battle Orestes’ own guard but not enough to face and kill him, as he would fell victim to an Herulian soldier. The subsequent barbarian’s attempt to bring the dead Caesar to his lord was thwarted by the Domestici led by Iovinus, who would conceal the news of Valens’ death to the rest of the army including his son Flavius Anthemius Valens.

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Until the end of the battle the Caesar would officially be injured and unable to continue the fighting. However his “example” would bolster his men’s desire for revenge, this time led by Anthemius and Iovinus. The second charge would accomplish more than the first one, as Orestes was publicly injured while Theodemir and Bilimer, the real commanders behind the invasion, were killed. The barbarians would proved less unwavering than their Roman opponents, as most of them started to flee from the battle eastward. The crossing of the Adige would prove to be a disaster for the Goths, as the river claimed more lives the Romans themselves. The disaster of Verona spelled the end of the Gothic invasion of Italy. Orestes would retreat from Italy with what was left of his army, to join Amalaric in Dalmatia. Celebration for the Romans didn’t last long as the amount of the loss quickly spread among the soldiers: half of the army was left on the field or unable to continue the campaign. Many officers and veterans from the african campaign lay dead including the hero of Hippo Dyarrhytus and the likely heir of the empire. The report of the battle wasn’t welcomed with joy by the emperor in Rome. As a consequences of this battle and events taking place in Illyricum, the emperors resorted to move with his family and the imperial court to Ravenna, where he would set up his new residence in order to better direct military operations in Illyricum. Once again Ravenna was usurping Rome’s position in the West, while the news of the fall of Sirmium quickly spread throughout the empire. The young prince Anastasius was barely able to escape the fall of the city while his mother Amalasuntha, a threat to Amalaric’ claim the kingship, was executed by her nephew.

Next time: Threatened Home!

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter XLV

Amalaric was deeply disappointed by Orestes’ defeat at Verona. A defeat that costed him valuable soldiers and allies. And he had only one reward for failure and defeat: as soon as Orestes had rejoined the main army, he was arrested and executed. The king had no more use for a man like him. Yet his first months of campaign against the empire, both in Italia and Illyricum, proved to be a precious source of informations about the empire’s situation. No sign of Roman units could be found north of the mountains, with the garrison of Sirmium as the only exception, while his scouts reported of how Agricola was hiding behind the wall of Salona unable to directly face the Goths on the field. Likewise the Italian army was seriously lacking the numbers required to pose an immediate threat to his plan. Valens’ death at Verona along with a great number of his soldiers proved to be enough to soothe his anger for his first defeat against Rome.

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After the battle of Verona Anthemius Valens and Iovinus received the order to move East with what was left of their army, where they would join Agricola’s army at Salona and fight under his command. During their march they personally witnessed the devastation of the Italian and Illyrian countryside at the hands of Orestes and his army while couriers from the north reported of Rugian and Herulian movements and raids against the people of Noricum. They would also encounter two young siblings fleeing from the Gothic cavalrymen sent after them, Paulus and Serena. Forced to flee after their father Orestes’ execution at the hand of Amalaric, the two siblings’ only hope now was the imperial mercifulness on account of their young age (respectively 18 and 16 years old). Never they had imagined to be running straight toward the son of their father’s nemesis. Valens finally had to chance to terminate once and for all the family that had costed so dearly to his own. It was within his power to execute them as few would raise any objection. Yet he didn’t. At first because Serena had offered herself to him in exchange for her brother’ safety, a tempting offer considering the prospect of having to spend the next years of his life at the edge of the civilized world, far from the pleasures usually enjoyed by the members of the Roman aristocracy. She would also make a fine servant, as he was in need of someone who could take care of his armour, his meals and his tent while he was busy fighting the Goths. At first this was the only reason. Later on, especially after having successfully overcome the fact that she was the daughter of the man responsible for his father’s death, he would learn about her kindly and mild nature, different from whose of the many women he had met in Rome and start to appreciate her for this. Even care for her…

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Once again the city of Salona was witnessing the beginning of another campaign. Unlike 50 years ago with emperor Iulius Nepos however, this time the people of the city would be forced to directly experience the hardship of war upon their own skin. The man tasked with their defence, Agricola, had already started to make preparations for the next years of conflict: he had already ordered the reparation of the city wall (a task that would befell on the civilians), the stocking of foods and weapons inside the cities of Illyricum, the recalling of the units still scattered throughout the province while sending more couriers to Ravenna asking for additional support. The arrival of Iovinus and Valens’ army would represent the first official reply from the imperial palace to his own requests. Further reinforces would keep coming by sea until the end of the navigable season. Finally Agricola would also resume diplomatic contact with the Gepidi in an attempt to put pressure on Amalaric and his allies.

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Constantinople [1]

Two years had passed since the Nika riots and Hypatius was still trying to solve the many problems an empire as big as his own always carried. However the most important one was his apparent reliance on his Gothic supporters. He had risen to the throne out of dissatisfaction of the aristocracy and the people of Constantinople with his predecessor Iustinianus. That same dissatisfaction could one day cost him his throne and his life. Problems could also be found outside the wall of Constantinople: his ally and supporter Athalaric always made sure to remind him who enthroned him at the expense of the previous emperor. Lands, money, titles, these were the main subjects of his many requests which contributed to make the emperor look weak and submissive, especially since his uncle Anastasius had spent so many resources and so much time trying to secure the Danubian limes. The recent outbreak of the Gothic war in the West and news of contact between Amalaric and Athalaric proved to be an alarm bell that could no longer be ignored. In an attempt to appease his powerful Magister Militum while buying more time for himself, Hypatius decided to appoint Athalaric Consul of the East, a powerless but prestigious office that would require the Gothic general to spend a huge amount of money on games for the people of the capital. Games that he would personally attend since, for a couple of days, his name would be on the mouth of every single Roman, emperor included. During the games he and the men of his retinue would dress and live according to the fashion of the Roman aristocracy, as if they were fully part of that world so close and yet so distant for men like him. Few elements would betray his Gothic and Alan origin. Both at the imperial palace and during the games Athalaric would be treated as a man of the highest rank, immediately below the Augustus himself. It was during one banquet with the imperial family and the court that Athalaric was assaulted by Ildibadus, a Gothic chieftain at the service of the Romans with the rank of Comes Excubitorum and his own personal rival. Disarmed despite all pledges for his own safety, Athalaric quickly succumbed to his rival. His own death was quickly followed by that of his own followers, victims of the people of the capital deliberately stirred up by imperial agents. Hypatius’ plan to get rid of Athalaric had succeeded. Now it was time to move against his people.

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Note.

[1] More info and details about Hypatius’ reign in a future update. For the time being I want to focus on the military aspect of his reign.

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter XLVI

With the death of Athalaric, emperor Hypatius took the initiative to send to the Goths his own candidate for the throne. Ildibadus quickly rode to the Gothic encampment in Moesia in order to secure the throne for himself. With him were his own men and representatives of the Eastern emperor, sent to the Goths to testify Ildibadus’ elevation to the rank of Magister Militum. They were also supposed to facilitate Ildibadus’s rise to power by distributing gifts and titles to the most prominent chiefs and commanders of the Gothic people. Yet few would believe the story concocted by the Imperials regarding Athalaric’s “accidental” death at the hands of the mob during the games. To their own discouragement the Romans were forces to witness the rise of a new leader, who had all the reasons to turn against the Romans, their promises and their gifts: Athalaric’s son Theodoricus. Shortly after his rise, Ildibadus and his Roman allies were forced to flee to the city of Odessus.

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This unexpected set of events prompted Hypatius to resolve to the use of the army instead of subterfuges in order to eradicate once and for all the Gothic threat. The lack of valid commanders on the European side of his empire forced him to rehabilitate the barbarian general Mundus. The new Magister Militum per Thracias would be tasked with the defence of the Diocese of Macedonia and the creation of a new army since the desertion of the Goths had left the Thracian army with few units of Romans and other non-Gothic contingents. His army was further deprived of 1000 men, temporarily assigned to the protection of Anastasius by his father, the Quaestor Sacri Palatii Procopius, on his way back to Constantinople. In the meantime Chilbudius would be dispatched to the city of Hadrianopolis along with 3000 cavalrymen in order to protect the road to Constantinople. Finally further reinforces were expected from the eastern regions of the empire, as the truce with the Persians finally allowed the Romans to focus on the Danubian limes. At the head of these reinforces was Sittas, Theodora’s brother-in-law, now promoted to the rank of Magister Militum Praesentalis and supreme commander of the Gothic war.

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Meanwhile in west the situation was far more critical as the Pannonian Goths had already started to march against the heart of Roman Illyricum unopposed. Their march would bring them just outside the wall of Salona were the Romans refused to directly face the Goths. Doubtful of his chance to take the walled city, Amalaric would move on against other defenseless targets. His men would sack the entire coast all the way to the city of Narona. It was only when most of the Goths left the main army that Agricola decided to act against them through guerrila actions. The absolute control of the Adriatic sea routes allowed the Romans to move from one city to another more quickly than any rival units, giving them the opportunity to strike the enemy or leave at they pleased. Yet the Romans could not prevent all the damages inflicted by the Goths upon the population of Illyricum as many cities were sacked by the Ostrogoths and their inhabitants enslaved or massacred. Occasionally these cities would avoid such fate by paying a hefty a ransom, usually gathered by despoiling the churches and the monuments of the past.

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It was only in October, when the upcoming winter season forced to the Goths to return to Pannonia, that the Romans decided to act more resolutely, in an attempt to score at least one victory against the barbarians who had sacked their cities for so many months. The Roman army, personally led by Agricola, had tracked a retreating Gothic contingents not far from the city of Delminium, slowed down by the prisoners and the booty. During the following battle the Romans not only enjoyed the numerical superiority over the 6000 Goths but also the aid coming from the prisoners, who had started a riot against their Gothic captors once they had realized the opportunity to free themselves. Unable to face both enemies, the Goths fled the battle leaving behind a third of their men, their share of the booty and of the prisoners of that years. With this success Agricola had partially restore his authority over his subordinates, who had grown restive during the last months over his passive conduct of the war. With the winter season now close the possibilities of a Gothic counterattack to avenge the recent defeat were minimal, thus allowing the Romans to return to Salona and rest for next months while Agricola and his subordinates could plan the offensive for the new year.

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535

The conquest of Africa and the improved economical situation, meant that the empire could devolve more energy than ever before against the Goths. New units were raised as the imperial army could now afford to increase its numbers. Unfortunately for the empire the new year would prove underwhelming on the Illyrian front as diseases would struck Agricola and plague the army, delaying the beginning of the new offensive. An attempt from Ravenna to send reinforces and a new commander would end in a disaster as the new commander Arbitio and his 3000 men would fall into an Herulian ambush near Aemona. It was only in May that the empire could afford to send a new contingent of Burgundian foederati and fresh Roman recruits led by Athalaric, a rival of Amalaric for the Visigothic throne.

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[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter XLVII

The new Roman army and its commander Athalaric departed from Verona at the beginning of May. The orders were clear: to relieve the ailing Agricola of his command and bring the war into the enemy’s territory. Many at Ravenna believed this Gothic war a distant conflict at the far-flung end of the world, yet it took him and his army only 10 days to reach the war zone. Of course he had been informed about the disaster of Aemona and Arbitio’s death yet he surely didn’t expect to still meet the Heruli just outside the city nor he could believe that some of Arbitio’s men were still alive inside the city. The barbarians were vastly superior to the defenders and even Athalaric’s men were not enough to beat them numerically. On the other hand the blockade of the city was rather loose: many Heruli were busy plundering the countryside, not expecting any move from the weakened defenders of the city.

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There was still a chance to save what was left of Arbitio’s army, even though that chance involved the possibility to risk his own men. Therefore Athalaric resolved to send ahead a contingent of cavalry to clear the path towards the city, rout any group of enemies wandering outside the eastern section of the city wall and warn the defenders about his arrival. Meanwhile he would send a messenger to Salona to explain the situation and demand enough reinforces to break the siege. According to his estimation it would take little more than one week for the message to reach Salona and two other weeks for the reinforces to arrive. And as he had foreseen the Herulian reaction to his arrival was slow and confused for they didn’t expect any external intervention. This way the Romans managed to get into the city while any barbarian too slow to get out of the way would be killed by the cavalry, which would also later protect the army’s rearguard as the Heruli were preparing a more coordinate counterattack. Once inside the city Athalaric would immediately discovery about the food shortage: prior to his arrival there was enough food to feed the people and the small survivors for little more than a month. But now that the number of inhabitants inside the city had almost doubled, starvation looked closer than ever. True was that Athalaric’s army had brought with itself enough food for the remaining days of the voyage and that the Illyrian army was expected to arrive before the city had run out of food yet from now, on Athalaric’s order, rations for the civilians would be halved while the soldiers would receive only two thirds of their normal ration.

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The days kept flowing as the Heruli were awaiting for the defenders to run out of supplies. Then after 10 uneventful days, the defenders found out that the Heruli had left their camp leaving behind no sign of them. The idea that the reinforces were approaching the city was quickly dismissed as they were not expected to come before two more weeks. Yet for some reason they were now free to proceed to Salona and maybe during their march they would found out the cause of the Herulian disappearance. This reason would be pretty clear after less than half a day of march from Aemona when the Romans fell into another Herulian ambush. Total annihilation of the army was avoided thanks to Athalaric’s nerves, as he would personally lead the rearguard (including his personal retinue of Visigoths loyal to his cause) while marching back to Aemona. At the end of day, though the army was able to successfully reach the safety of the city once again, more than 1500 men were lost. Never again would Athalaric allow someone to fool him like that.

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More days and weeks passed, including those where the reinforces were expected to arrive. Yet no sign of relief came. Rations were further decreased in an attempt to prolong the resistance of the defenders. Defenders who started to feel they energies gradually sapping. Worse was the situation for the civilians as hunger would start to reap its first victims among the weakest and youngest of them. Every new day the situation looked worse than the previous one, to the point that the loss of so many men in an ambush looked like a relief to the survivors, as they now had less mouths to feed. Soon the idea that the messenger never made to Salona started to sneak into the soldiers’minds, further weakening their resolution and morale. What was going to happen next? It was only 9 days after the expected arrival of the reinforces, that the same scene of the day of the ambush appeared once again before Athalaric’s eyes. The Heruli had abandoned the siege but this time he would not be fool enough to pursue them. Rather at the end of the day the garrisons of the city would greet the 8000-strong Illyrian army led by Anthemius Valens. Even though the messenger never made to Salona, the lack of signs or anything announcing Athalaric’s arrival worried many at Salona. Out of his own initiative, Valens had gathered as many soldiers as possible before setting out to look for them on the road they were expected to travel on. With them was a welcome load of supplies, which was immediately shared with the defenders of the city. The next day Athalaric and Valens departed from the city with the intention of avenging the two ambushes. Their oxcarts and everything else that could have slowed them down was left in the city as the Romans had to recover a long distance. Luckily for them the Heruli had their own booty, their own baggage train and the Roman cavalry sent after them by Valens to slow them down. It took the Romans two days to reach the barbarians and force them to give battle. A battle that would satiate Roman’s lust for revenge as 4000 of the 11000 barbarians would lay on the ground at the end of the day. As a sign that fate was once again smiling on the them, the Romans were also able to find among the defeated Heruli, Arbitio’s insignia.

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Salona

Back to Salona one month later Valens had expected a festive welcome. Probably his last victory would not earn him great honors back in Rome but at least here, among these Dalmatians he was trying to protect, a triumphal greeting would not have hurt. Instead the mood inside the city was rather gloomy, to the point that he and his soldiers felt out of place there. As things were not already looking disappointing, his and Athalaric’s presence had been immediately requested by Agricola at Diocletian’s palace, outside the city. There he was subjected to the long waiting, people of power loved so much. Of course he was used to them, as in the past he had navigated into the much more intricate bureaucracy of the imperial palace. Occasionally he would too exploit these kind of expedients as a way to reaffirm his authority over those below him, yet he was the son of a Caesar and few could consider themselves above him, certainly not someone as Agricola, even though the man was the great-grandson of an emperor like him. All of these while all he wanted was to return to his quarter to get some rest. To his quarter and to Serena he added with a smile. She really had the ability to make his life in that remote province far more bearable than it would have been otherwise he thought. His flow of thoughts and his impatience were quickly wiped away once his gaze settled on the bust of the ruling emperor. A daily reminder to civilians and soldiers alike of who was the ruler of the known world and how his power could reach even the remotest corner of that world. Yet there was something wrong on that display of authority, something different that what he was used to see. Different and younger…

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter XLVIII

The emperor had died. Flavius Iulius Anicius Theodosius (III) was now the Augustus of the West. His father Marcianus passed away after a strong fever struck him. Thus Rome was now in the hands of a 20 years old boy with little experience on matter of war and politics. Given the circumstances it was quite expected that more experienced figures would rise behind him. Among them were his mother Anicia Eudoxia, his wife Eusebia and her uncle, the Praepositus Sacri Cubiculi Flavius Eleutherius [1]. Nonetheless Rome’s commitment to the Gothic war remained unchanged, as none of the two sides was willing to seek a compromise yet. And while the objectives remained the same, new questions arose about the leadership and the methods of the war. Athalaric’s appointment to the rank of Magister Militum was rather awkward to say the least: not only the emperor responsible for this appointment was now dead, but the very reason for it had lost its validity as Agricola had now recovered from his illness. Furthermore, in the eyes of many, Athalaric was seen as the man responsible of almost a total disaster at Aemona and thus unfit for the command. For this reasons new instructions would be requested from the imperial court at Ravenna in order to end the dispute that was effectively crippling Rome’s ability to wage war against the Goths.

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But Rome couldn’t afford to stay totally idle, not even without a leader, while its cities were falling prey to Amalaric’s lust for loot and prisoners. The reply to this difficult situation came from the only man whose rank and link to the imperial family, allowed him to act more autonomously than any other Roman commander. With only 2000 cavalrymen, mostly Bucellarii and soldiers loyal to his father, Valens left Salona for the enemy territory. With so few men there was little he could achieve against the enemy beyond minor raids and ambushes. Instead he proceeded further on, beyond the Danube, into the land of the Gepids. Here through distribution of generous gifts and prestigious titles to the king and his chieftains, Valens was finally able to bring to fruit the long negotiations already started by Agricola during the previous year. From now on the Gepids would actively move against the Goths and their allies while Valens would immediately be granted 3000 men for his own campaign. All of this in exchange for an hefty yearly tribute.

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With his new army Valens moved back into Pannonia, where the city of Sirmium once stood. The city was now a shell of what it once was. Many of its inhabitants had died during the sack of the city while others had fled fearing the return of the Goths. Yet Valens was not there to relieve the survivors but to use the city as a base for his future campaign into the Gothic heartland. Both soldiers and civilians were therefore compelled to work together to repair the walls of the city while a militia would be conscripted among the adult male population of Sirmium. Finally at the end of August, one month and half after having departed from Salona, Valens received the news that the emperor had decided to reconfirm Agricola as supreme commander against the Goths. It took more than expected to get an official reply from Theodosius, as the emperor had decided to move again his court, this time to Mediolanum. This meant that another month had been wasted and with autumn now approaching, there was little the Romans could do before the end of the year beyond preparing for the next year’s campaign.

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536

The new year would finally see the Romans go on the offensive. The intervention of the Gepids in the war and Valens’ attacks from Sirmium were enough to distract Amalaric’s attention for at least the next months. Precious months that Agricola would exploit to knock out of the war Amalaric’s allies, thus shortening the really extended battlefront. He would dispatch Athalaric and Iovinus to the north, with the aim of tracking down the Heruli while he would remain back in Dalmatia, where he would supervise the rebuilding of those same fortifications emperor Nepos wisely decided to build 50 years ago in the Dinaric Alps and along the Sava. In April, after more than a month of chase, Athalaric and Iovinus were finally able to force the Heruli and the Rugii into battle near the village of Celeia (halfway between Aemona and Poetovio). The battle was little more than a skirmish, with only a couple of hundred of losses on both sides. It was only a couple of days later, at Poetovio, that a more decisive battle took place. Here a combination of desertion of 1500 barbarians and the herulian leader’s escape from the battle after being charged by the Roman cataphracts, brought to the Heruli a crushing defeat, while the Rugii were able to escape their fate before their total annihilation. With this recent success both Iovinus and Athalaric could now carry on their attempt to isolate the Goths from their allies. But war was far from being over yet…

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Note: [1] we already met him on chapter XLII. The internal development, plotting and intrigues of the Imperial palace will have their own updates after the end of the Gothic and African war, but Marcianus’ death and Theodosius’ rise surely are key events for the Western empire and the “Nepotians”, though it will take quite some time to see the full extent of their consequences.

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter IL

The rest of the year was spent by Iovinus and Athalaric mopping up the Rugi and the Heruli in the north. Before the end of the same year it was clear that Amalaric’s allies were no longer willing to pay such a heavy price for their support to the Ostrogoths and many of them were now asking Rome to settle their disputes through diplomacy. With the north now secured and the people of Noricum now safe from barbarian raids, the Romans could finally turn against Amalaric.

537

The many diplomatic setbacks and the lack of any clear military success during the last year, had heavily undermined Gothic support for their king. Surrounded on all sides by enemies and rivals, Amalaric had heavily underestimated Rome’s resourcefulness and determination. More than the Vandalic war, the current conflict was showing everyone that the empire still had teeth and claws. No longer the plaything of barbarian kings and usurpers, Rome had drastically changed during the past 50 years to a degree Amalaric could not even imagine before the outbreak of the war. The truth was that even the Romans were growing weary of the current conflict, a conflict that was draining the energy of their empire. Sure Nepos and Marcianus had worked hard to ensure that the empire would be ready for its comeback once the international situation allowed it, but right now the empire had been fighting on two fronts for more than 4 years while still dealing with the headache caused by the situation in Hispania. From the imperial palace at Mediolanum the emperor was demanding his subordinates to end the conflict as soon as possible, even if this meant taking extra risks.

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Magister Militum Agricola would simply ignore the last part of this request, even though he knew that back at the palace his conduct of the war was being harshly criticized by his enemies. And while official missives were being exchanged between Agricola and the palace, a more informal set of letters would bring ominous news about the internal situation to Anthemius Valens. During the reign of Nepos and even more during the reign and Marcianus, the imperial family had represented the foremost source of support for the emperor. The successes of Nepos and Marcianus were also the successes of men like Marcianus senior, Marcianus Valens and Procopius who dutifully served the emperors of the past. Yet Theodosius III, as the empress mother was now warning him, was moving away from this pattern under the influence of both Eleutherius and Eusebia. More than the end of the war or a skilled commander, what the emperor really needed right now was the positive influence of someone who could put Rome’s interest above his own. Someone like him. For this reason Anicia Eudoxia urged him to return to Italia as soon as possible, to take over his father’s position beside the emperor.

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Anthemius Valens was not the only one courted by one of the two factions that were contending against each other for power and influence over the emperor. Senators, commanders, bureaucrats and even their wives would soon have to take a place in the greatest, deadliest game ever known to mankind: control of the Imperial palace. Many would be call, few would survive the struggle. But with two ongoing conflicts, both sides were forced to wait for a better moment to act against the other. Back to Pannonia the two opponents spent most of the year on raids and petty attacks against each other’s territories. Amalaric was tirelessly working to break the encirclement while bleeding the Romans. On the other side Agricola was working diplomatically to crush the Goths through the use of the old tactic of using the expendable barbarians against each other. Anthemius Valens had already showed him the way with his use of the Gepids against Amalaric, but there was more he could to this end and that’s where he spent most of his resources and energies.

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538

After 5 years spent in exile Theodatus was finally ready to exact his revenge. After his defeat at Mursa he had been tirelessly plotting for his return and rematch against Amalaric. In the past he had been rather unsuccessful in his attempt to rally enough supports amongst his allies for his cause. But with his rival now battling against total annihilation, time was finally ripe for his invasion. It surely helped that Magister Militum Agricola had generously financed his new army while working diplomatically with his Lombard allies to ensure their help. With a mixed army of Goths loyal to him, Lombards and even Gepids, Theodatus crossed the Danube. His was a victorious march as most of the cities encountered were willing to open the gates to the invader while those foolish enough to resist him were subjects to the raids and crime of his allies. This sudden invasion forced Amalaric to move with all his army north, to eradicate once and for all this threat to his leadership over the Goths. The two armies clashed near Sopianae in what was at first an even battle as the two rivals were both experienced commanders. What would decide their fate was the past of one of them. Before this struggle for power, when Theodoricus was still alive, Theodatus had made himself a name fighting both the Heruli and the Gepids. During the battle one of his Gepid commanders, out of revenge, decided to desert his cause along with many other fellow Gepids, turning the battle in favour of Amalaric. Fate would deliver Theodatus his death at the hand of one of the few Heruli soldiers still fighting under Amalaric’s banner. With Theodatus finally dead, Amalaric could finally once again turn against Rome with the help of his rival’s former allies. The many survivors of Theodatus’s army would surely give him the power necessary to overcome the empire while the prestige acquired from the battle was enough to strengthen once gain his rule among the Goths.

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[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter L

War was not going well for the Thracian Goths. At first the lack on any serious threat allowed them to plunder the Balkans unpunished. Terror and horror had gripped the heart of the Romans as the Goths were not only fighting for loot but also to repay the blood the Romans had shed at Constantinople. Few could consider themselves safe from the wrath of the enemy and even in the capital itself the populace’ fear had to be violently quelled. Later on the situation improved as more experienced commanders took over the command of the war, among them Mundus and Chilbudius. Quickly however the most senior officer rose above all the others and thus now Magister Militum Sittas, at the head of the imperial army, was finally ready to eject once and for all any possible threat to the heart of the empire. However things were not so easy, as Gothic raids against the people of Macedonia and Greece or the sack of Phillippopolis proved, while the emperor was wary of giving Sittas more men for his army. As the brother-in-law of his predecessor it would have been dangerous to give in to his request for more reinforces. Furthermore it would have been even more dangerous to strip the Eastern armies of more troops despite the reigning peace between the East and Persia.

The fact was that with such a dangerous foe at the gate and many competent officer killed during the Nika riot, Hypatius didn’t have much of a choice, especially since his short reign didn’t allow him to find new valuable and loyal replacements to promote quickly enough. Given the situation and the context of his rise to the throne he was already lucky enough to be able to count on the civilian administration of the empire and the men who composed the core of the his new imperial court. Under their advice, surveillance around Iustinianus and Theodora was further tightened while Sittas’s request for more men was dodge by starting (or resuming) diplomatic contacts with the people beyond the Danube. As soon as large amount of gold started flowing beyond the Danube an equally large number of men started pouring into the empire, attacking Gothic detachments and settlements. Most of them were Huns, Bulgars ans Slavs. And so, without wasting any more Roman lives, the Goths started to feel the pressure of the mighty East and crumble under the weight it.

Empire of the West

After the battle of Sopianae Amalaric was left sole and indisputable master of the Goths, undying thorn of Theodosius and terror of whose who could not defend themselves. The remainder of the year was spent by him scoring victory after victory against his mortal enemy’s allies, until the Gepids were left with no choice but retreat their support to the Roman cause. Before the end of the year he even came close to taking Sirmium a second time before being forced to retreat by Valens’s soldiers and the incoming winter. Truth was that despite his great successes and recent victories, the war had been going for too long. His men were finally realizing they had been fighting and dying just for the ambitious of one man, a man whose dream lied in distant Hispania. Nothing that was there couldn’t be found closer to their homes, a realization that soon made their determination wavering, sapping their will to fight. That same realization took over Amalaric’s mind, knowing his men so well, since he had spent more time as a soldier among soldiers than as a king. It was just a matter of time.

539

Once again, at the beginning of the new year, the Goths showed up at the gate of Sirmium, ready to cut off the Romans from the rest of the world and the Romans themselves into pieces. Only that after a few days the Goths lifted the siege and started to leave the city behind them. At first puzzled by this sudden turn of events, since his city would have been an easy target for Amalaric, Anthemius Valens came to the conclusion that the Goths were looking for easier loot in the East, while the main forces were busy dealing with Theodoricus. Than came the realization: Amalaric was looking not for an easy prey while the guardian was fighting the wolf, he was looking for wolf himself, his only chance to turn the war to his favour again and together, as allies, turn on the empire. This terrible prospective didn’t left him with much time to come with a better plan but prepare his cavalry for the chase. Though he could not expect to stop Amalaric with only 3000 men with him, he still had to do something to at least prevent what could possible turn out into a disaster. For that reason he sent ahead some men with a message for the Magister Militum Praesentalis of the East, telling him the details of this new threat. Unfortunately there was no telling if the message would reach Sittas in time, since no one among his men knew his exact location, or whether or not the Eastern general would be able to act before it was to late.

During the following days Anthemius Valens carefully tailed the Goths through Dacian territory while these were busy plundering the countryside on their way to Theodoricus's army. And while they were aware of the Romans following them, they also knew that no danger could come from such small contingent. A contingent that only grew by the hundreds as additional men from the Eastern garrisons joined the safety offered by Valens’s men while fleeing the new threat. Then one day, while marching near Naissus, a new army appeared on the horizon, signaling Valens’s failure to prevent the 2 Goths from joining their armies. And no sign of a reply came from Sittas. This until one of his men reported to him that the incoming army had familiar banners: the images of Hypatius, Christ and the Chi Rho, to Valens’s relief, were all there heralding that Rome was here that day to end this threat once and for all.

As soon as Valens joined the eastern army he was informed that even though his couriers had struggled finding the main army, no time was wasted as Sittas was already chasing Theodoricus's army since the beginning of the year, though he didn’t know that a second army was coming for him. Once informed by Valens’s men of the recent development of events, he engineered a way for his army to block Theodoricus' path. Being unwilling to give battle before joining Amalaric’s Goths, Theodoricus took a longer road knowing that in a matter of days he would have been able to easily crush Sittas. Unbeknownst to him was that Sittas was well aware of his plan and no longer marching to a certain trap, he proceeded against the second army. Only when it was too late he found out that his head start over the Romans was due to the Romans no longer being behind him.

That day battle took place between the Romans and the Pannonian Goths, one of the greatest battle since the days of Aetius and Valentinuanus as both armies numbered more than 20000 soldiers each. Only the battle between the East and Persia could compare to the magnitude of this final fight between the Romans and Amalaric. Given his young age and lower rank, Valens had to cede supreme command to the Magister Militum of the East, though he was allowed to retain the command over the cavalry on the right flank, including most of his men. Once the battle began, like his father before him, Valens valiantly charged against Amalaric’s alleged position, in order to literally cut the head of the rebellion. Unfortunately for him God was not generous enough to grant him his duel with his hated enemy. Or maybe he was sparring him for something even greater. What really mattered was that for the entire day the two armies fought bitterly to no end, without sparring each other anything. Young Valens was no exception, surrounded on all almost all sides by the enemy, close to his men with his Bucellari even closer to him.

Then the battle slowly devolved into a massacre as the Goths started to slowly lose their resolve and even flee while a man from Sittas reported to him about the death of Amalaric, a news that provoked mixed feelings inside him. The relief caused by the awareness that the man responsible for his father’s death had died was contrasted by the bitterness of knowing that he had not caused it, that he didn’t completely avenge his father that day and he didn’t even have the chance to witness the man’s fall. At the end of the battle he would order his men to find Amalaric’s body and bring it back to him. He would even vainly try to use the prisoners in order to identify the fallen king and so exact his revenge. But death doesn’t make distinctions and among such annihilation it was nearly impossible to distinguish the noble from the lowly soldier. That day almost all the men able to fight and the nobility of the Gothic people were drowned on their on blood. Their final demise came at two days of march from Theodoricus's army.

Note

That’s it, finally the end of the Gothic war, at least in the West. This update is a bit longer than usual but I’d already promised to end the war with this last Chapter. Hope you enjoy it!
Also 50th update, Hurrah!

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter LI

The Gothic war came to an end on its sixth year. That was the official version the victorious generals would deliver to the emperor and the people of Rome. But reality always was different than what pompous announcements were willing to admit. Rumors on local Gothic warlords leading a last desperate resistance from their powerbase were to be silenced and forgotten, their names unworthy of the attention of the emperor and of later historians. In time lesser Roman commanders would take care of them as the heroes of the war were expected to return to Italia in a short time. Still there was time, before their final departure, to settle their affairs in the region and ensure that the result of their efforts would endure the test of time. On many aspects the reorganization of Pannonia mirrored the one that took place in Africa some years before, with some noticeable differences. The most important one was that the administrative apparatus was already there and only needed to be extended from the already existing Illyrian Diocese. The other important difference was the critical situation of the four Pannonian provinces and its inhabitants: news from the few surviving city councils and other related civil authorities reported a dire situation, with Pannonians and Goths alike either starving or fleeing towards safer and more prosperous provinces. 6 years of military campaign and raids on Pannonian soils had brought devastation and ruination to the fields, something that would take its tool for many years to come.

Amongst the measure taken by Agricola and the Illyrian administration was a partial tax exemption for many of the cities most affected by this situation. A tax exemption that would concerned mainly taxes paid in goods. Another measure was the opening of the military supply of food and the distribution of its surplus to the people of Pannonia. A small commission of 20 men appointed by Agricola among local Pannonian notables and directly responsible to the Vicarius were tasked to ensure its effective distribution to their countrymen and that the whole thing would not degenerate into a speculation affair. To complete the list of initiatives undertaken by Agricola there was a distribution of frontier land to allied barbarian soldiers, especially Gepids, in return for their military service in the new Pannonian border units and their help to return Pannonia to a well populated and well farmed land, a proclamation of tolerance for the local established Arian community and finally the return of displaced communities to their depopulated place of origins. Military workforce and prisoners of war would also be employed, once an area was cleared from local resistance, to repair and restore to their full usefulness local infrastructure and defensive works.

During the last years of war Valens had entertained an extensive correspondence with Anicia Eudoxia were the empress mother exposed her worries about the current power holder behind her son and put forward the veiled idea of Valens taking that place. As the mother of the emperor and member of an incredibly prestigious senatorial family, Eudoxia naturally wielded an incredible amount of power and influence in the West. A position now rivaled and almost overshadowed by that of Eleutherius, who had built for himself and equally incredible powerbase based on two pillars: his position as Praepositum Sacri Cubiculi and his relation to the emperor through his niece marriage to Theodosius. Empress Eusebia was Eleutherius’ way to undermine and erode the empress mother’s position at court. Therefore Eudoxia needed her own “champion”, someone whose successes and links to the imperial family could represent an equal threat to Eleutherius’s power itself. Together, Eudoxia believed, the two of them could have ousted Eleutherius from the palace and silence the empress, all of this for the good of the empire and to ensure that behind her son were people who could rightly guide him in the delicate matters of imperial politics.

Valens, who had come to see the empress mother as his closest ally inside the palace, still struggled to see how Eleutherius and his niece represented such a threat for Rome and how a new power struggle would benefit the empire. Of course he had his own ambitious, to make for himself a name like his father and grandfather before him did, yet he was sure that this ambition didn’t necessarily need to clash with Eleutherius, a man whose name nowadays was in the lips of everyone wielding a ounce of power yet he had never met before. Let the emperor have the comfort of the palace and Eleutherius his eunuchs and sycophants, he would content himself of the command of the armies. But perspectives tend to change the closer you get to men of great power, as Valens had the chance to witness. Back to Mediolanum, the many officers who left the Illyrian army that year were welcomed by the usual celebrations that followed a great victorious war. Except that this time the role of the officers and soldiers in the last war was entirely disregarded in favour of the benevolence of God and the divinely guided decisions of the emperor. How curious, he had seen none of them on the battle. The following days were spent on banquets and occasional official meetings with the emperor on the throne hall, traditionally reserved for the usual distribution of rewards, titles and praises. Few were noticed by his ears and eyes, something that irked him even more when the same dismissive attitude was lavished on him.

It was only a few days after the official end of the celebrations that he was summoned again to the palace, where he was bestowed the title of Patricius in a very simple ceremony with few witnesses including Eudoxia and the now ever present Eleutherius. Later on the attention shifted to another matter of more importance to him: Serena. Since his return to Italia he had been worried about this, since he had expected that her political situation would quickly catch the attention of the imperial court. The protection previously offered by the distance was no longer there and Valens had already prepared himself for the inevitable long struggle that would ensue, even by trying to win the support of those whose voices could sway the emperor towards his position. He was surprise to discover that the whole matter took a single day to be resolved since a decision had already been taken, but also that the court fully knew the extent of his “involvement” in the whole matter, something that worried him. Not only Serena was allowed to live, while her brother Paulus was granted a minor position as assistant of the Consularis of Sicilia and a place where to live when in Rome, but he also had the imperial permission to marry her, if he wished so, despite the political significance and weight both of them had, a member of the imperial family and the relative of two usurpers. After the end of the ceremony he would find out Eudoxia’s role in ensuring this outcome, even though he had previously rejected her attempts to recruit him in her intrigues.

But what would baffle Valens and his fellow commanders Iovinus and Athalaricus was the fate of a man all of them had served under. Despite having had some disagreements in the past with him over the conduct of the war, the three young officers had grown to respect the old experienced Magister Militum. Alas this respect Agricola had built around himself during the many years, especially among the senators, and his illustrious lineage was too much for a man like Eleutherius to have outside his pay book. If he couldn’t have Agricola with him no one else would. Besides his vast estates would have made a fine addition to his ever growing wealth. Accused by Eleutherius’s lackeys of many crimes, including misappropriation of a larger than usual part of the Gothic treasury, misconduct of the war, exceeding his power with his own reorganization of Pannonia and even being allegedly in contact with some conspirators, Agricola would find out his reward for the many years at the service of the emperors to be an exile to a minor forgotten Dalmatian island, the same one where the usurper Glycerius died, his family forbidden from reaching him in any way and half of his assets stripped from his family and put to auction, an auction that would see Eleutherius and those close too him becoming even richer than they already were.

An horrified Valens quickly realized the truth in those missives, what Eudoxia had told him was true after all and with Theodosius under is influence few were the restraints placed upon him. Yet he wasn’t sure what kind of threat this Eleutherius was to him or those close to him and even though deep inside him he felt the urge to disembowel the conniving eunuch, he couldn’t afford the take on such enemy so easily. Furthermore Serena, the only other person fully aware of his own thoughts, urged him not to undertake the same path her father, for his own ambition, pursued. Nothing positive ever came out of it. In the end, influenced by this, Valens resolved to follow the more cautious approach and not openly join the empress mother in her schemes. However he would heed her advice to keep his eyes open and occasionally banquet with some of her like-minded friends.

Note

Yep I’m back, time to get this going on. I thought that a recap update with all the political consequences of the past updates would be a good way to resume this timeline. But now it’s time to move our gaze elsewhere for (unless I have one of my usual change of mind) it’s time to see how things are going in Africa for Belisarius. Anyway let me know what you think of these longer, albeit less frequent, updates.

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter LII

Africa, 535

Less than a year had passed since emperor Marcianus’s return to Italia. Worrying news from the north forced him to do so. Along with him many soldiers and their officers. Something Belisarius’ new African Comitatus clearly lacked, men and experience. And what he had was barely enough to keep the bustling population of Carthago under control. On the bright side he could count, for all financial and administrative matters, on the help of Praefectus Liberius. At the beginning of summer of the new year the Magister Militum was reached by reports of growing unrest around the area of of Hippo Regius, at the western end of the territory under his control. Nothing unexpected as the question of land redistribution, while necessary to further the interest of the Rome and its people, was expected to result unpopular among the Vandals. A display of force, thought Belisarius, would be enough to quell the dissenters.

A few months later another report came from the local authority at Hippo Regius, stating that a unit comprising 500 men had been defeated by a group of them. A true and proper rebellion was taking shape south of the city, as discontent Vandal landowners and former warriors were gathering together to make another stand against Rome. Even worse the rabble had successfully and almost unanimously appointed a leader named Gundericus, who styled himself as King of the Vandals. To make him an even more dangerous foe was the help that came to his cause from several Berber polities located west of his territory and who had come to see Rome’s return to Africa as an unpleasant development compared to the existence of the previous weak Vandal kingdom.

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Against such threat, Belisarius had no other choice but to prepare for a full blown war against the rebels. Summoning the few units still at his disposal, his allies in the region and appointing new officers to finally substitute the ones fallen one year earlier, took him around a month and by the time the Roman army came to the scene it was already autumn, too late to take any decisive action, especially against an enemy that seemed to prefer to delay any decisive and resolutive action.

536

War quickly resumed between Belisarius and Gundericus, with each army engaging the other in minor raids and skirmishes. Earlier that year imperial courier from Mediolanum brought the news of Marcianus’ death and his successor’s rejection of his request for more men for his army. Apparently the war in the North had proved to be more bloody than expected, with the Goths taking an heavy toll on the Roman army. Yet he couldn’t help himself but think that the young boy was completely underestimating the situation in Africa. And while Belisarius had to personally compensate for Theodosius’ shortsightedness with its own value, he also had to worry about the extra political significance of the boy’s rise to the throne.

These thoughts filled his mind until on a day of April the enemy army showed signs of being ready to end the whole affair on a pitched battle. The rebellion had been going on long enough with its numbers increasingly growing with every day passing. To Belisarius’s estimation that day on the battlefield, somewhere South of Hippo Regius, there had to be at least 10000 Vandals between warrior and people angry enough to pick any weapon against the Romans. That number was almost double by the Berber allies Gundericus had successfully enlist in his army. A frightening sight as the Romans and their allies barely numbered 9000 men. However that wasn’t the first time Belisarius had to face an enemy numerically far more superior that his own forces but that was fine to him, the bigger they are the harder they fall.

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Problems come when a general doesn’t know the men he is fighting with, as the Magister Militum found out that day. Almost 2000 men, mostly barbarian, and their commander Ioannes passed to Gundericus’s side during the battle, bribed by gold and promises of a prestigious positions in his new kingdom.

A complete disaster was narrowly avoided thank to the experience and discipline of Belisarius’ own Bucellarii, who allowed the rest of the army to retreat safely from the battle but it was now clear that the rebellion was now completely out of control. By forced march the roman army crossed the whole distance that separated them from Carthago, leaving the cities of the region to fend for themselves. Back to Carthago Belisarius witnessed the speed by which the news of their defeat and subsequent fall of Hippo Regius had reached the city, throwing its people into chaos. The notables of the city, fearing the retaliation of the Vandals against them, demanded the general his protection and that of his army against a probable siege. Promises of money and supplies for his army were made in a desperate attempt to weather the incoming storm.

Belisarius needed to prepare his counterattack and for that he needed time, more time. Something that a city that was going to be besieged would not give him as the city’s reserves of grain were not enough to feed the populous city and his army for more than 2 month. If he wanted to save the Diocese from being completely overrun by the rebels, he had to leave Carthago in the hands of Gundericus. He would use the fleet to ensure the evacuation of those who most had to fear from the returns of the Vandals, the notables, the local administration, the treasury and his wife. Despite her being expected to give birth to a baby in a matter of a month or two, Belisarius could not allow his wife Galla to remain with him in Africa and so she was embarked for Syracuse, far from the dangers of war. As for himself, Belisarius planned to move with his army to Marcianopolis (Hadrumentum) where he would bide his time, waiting for a chance to strike.

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537

Months passed and besides the news of the fall of Carthago, the rest of the year was pretty uneventful. Gundericus had “peacefully” conquered the capital with the promise that no Roman blood would be shed. While true to his word, he and his army delighted themselves with the booty they could loot inside the city while Guntericus enjoyed his new royal position in his new capital. The complete ejection of the Romans from his kingdom postponed to after the end of the sumptuous celebrations held in Carthago. By then the Romans only had control over the southern portion of the Diocese, the area around the city of Marcianopolis and the two cities of Utica and Diarrhytus. Those months were not spent idly by the Romans, their army having undergone continued physical exercises, while Belisarius had enlisted the help of new tribes originating from the Tripolitanian region.

The time had come for their counterattack when on two different days two fleets reached his city. The first one from Sardinia had on board his stepson Photius and his Domestici, with them the news that Diarrhytus had been reinforced with Vandals warrior loyal to him and supplies, forcing Gundericus to divert part of his forces from the main Roman army to the city defenders. An even more welcome news came from Sicilia, where his wife had worked tirelessly to preserve her husband reputation against the attacks of whispering voices in the imperial palace, for she knew Belisarius’ fall would have meant her own political downfall. Among these voices she knew there was Eusebia’s, but thanks to her mother those voices had not been able to deal any damage to them yet. Iulia Galla had also used her influence and power to gather weapons and men among the inhabitants of Sicilia for her husband’s army. On an unrelated note she also informed him that their child was born healthy and a boy named Flavius Anicius Theodosius Belisarius. A political reasoning was behind the choice of that particular name: a subtle reminder to the palace that the three of them were, to all effects and purposes, part of the imperial family, their blood not so easy to shed. It was also an homage to her brother, the emperor, in the hope that this would earn them at least an ounce of imperial favour.

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With his reinforced army Belisarius set to march against the rebels and free Africa from their yoke once and for all. On his part Gundericus was ready to face the Romans a second and final time, leaving behind enough men to keep at bay the defenders of Hippo Regius and the people of Carthago, whom he didn’t trust. The two armies met on the Adys plain, not far from Carthago itself, with the Vandal army blocking the Roman from crossing the river that lied between them and the city. Opposed to the 18000-strong Vandal-Berber army were this time around 12000 Romans and allies. For the first few hours the two armies fought an even fight despite the Roman numerical disadvantage. However the higher mobility of the far more numerous Berber cavalry fighting for the Vandals was countered by a mixture of heavy infantry and light cavalry of the Roman right wing led by Photius himself that forced them on an increasingly narrower space between Roman spears, the river and the bulk of the Vandal army. With the noose tightening around their neck, both literally and metaphorically, and their only land escape route to Carthago cut off by Photius, most of the Vandals resorted to the crossing of the river behind them.

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And while some of them were lucky and quick enough enough to make it to the other side of the river, most were not. Under the pressure of the multitude that was trying to flee, many were trampled by their own fellow soldiers. The majority were just not foolish enough to attempt the crossing, instead preferring to surrender to the Romans. Gundericus not among them, was presumed to have drowned in the crossing, since nothing was heard of him after that day. With the rebellion destroyed and Roman authority once again reestablished in Africa, Belisarius could finally move to reoccupy the cities and fortifications lost the previous year.

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538

The capture of so many prisoners, including high ranking Berbers, allowed Belisarius to open negotiations with their tribes/kingdoms of origin. And although it would take many years to further stabilize the Diocese and reach a new equilibrium between Rome and the Berber people of the hinterland, new agreement were being negotiate between their leaders and Belisarius himself. The “semi-Foederati” system that had existed since the day of Diocletianus and that had already been established with those tribes that first sided with Rome, would be applied to them as well. Rome would content itself with control over the coastal, most Romanized and most developed urban centres, while the Berbers would enjoy great autonomy in the hinterland, formally ruling these lands in the name of Rome thus extending imperial reach in the region. With the most productive part of the region once again part of the Diocese, the Romans had now enough resources to buy the services of those new tribes tasked with garrison duties and to fund the new African Comitatus, whose task would be to protect the productive core of Africa and its income, and to put additional military pressure upon those tribes. Among the many cities captured, peacefully and less peacefully, by the Roman navy there were Saldae, Icosium, Caesarea and other minor coastal Mauretanian settlements, linked to each and to Carthago thanks to Roman dominance of the Mediterranean.

Notes

Took me almost an year but the Vandalic war and its epilogue are finally over. Now we can move to more peaceful arguments like the plague, the V Ecumenical Council, Procopius’s line of the imperial family, the Eastern emperors, the aftermath of Agila’s assassination and the Neoplatonic academy. However I’ll probably take some time to think how to best handle them.

Also with this last update about the last events of Marcianus’ reign, I can finally say that right now we are halfway through the story since I expect to end it the during the first years of the VII century (more or less). Still lots more updates to come.

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter LIII

Empire of the East

With the deposition of Iustinianus in 532, 14 years of interlude had come to an end and the Anastasian had been restored to the throne. Their position, however, was not an enviable one with their empire plagued by religious conflicts. Constantinople itself didn’t approve the creed of the new emperor and only the greater evil represented by Iustinianus’s “tyranny” was enough to move the hearts of the people of the capital towards the heretical Anastasians. Far from the “Queen of cities” the new emperor enjoyed much greater popularity, especially among the people of the Diocese of Oriens. Unfortunately religious questions were not the only heated arguments keeping busy the mind of the emperor and his supporters. His Gothic policy was equally unpopular amongst the people, several buildings and districts of the city required extensive works of restoration after the damages dealt by the Nika riot, Antiochia itself was in an even worse condition after an earthquake had unleashed its wrath on the most noble city of Asia, but most of all Hypatius needed to secure its grip on throne.

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Luckily for him he could count on the advice and support of those who had everything to lose should he fall. The West, despite religious differences, warmly welcomed his rise to the throne and the subsequent wars against the Vandals and the Goths were enough to keep Marcianus’s attention away from the East. The aristocracy of the Eastern empire was definitely on board with the new ruler, a man whose blood was deemed noble enough by the oldest and richest families of the city. Two men in particular were instrumental in securing the success of the riot and the subsequent strengthening of his rule: Olybrius Iunior and Procopius. As a member of the Theodosian dynasty, his cousin’s husband and a brother of the Western empress Eudoxia, Olybrius represented the vital blood link between Rome and Constantinople. Not only that but he was also a decent administrator (both for the emperor and for the people) loyal to the new emperor despite his own claim to the throne, all reasons behind his appointment as Praefectus Praetorio for Illyricum. Here he worked towards securing the frontiers of his territory, fortifying the main urban settlements and ensuring that the key cities of Illyricum had enough resources to withstand brief blockades and sieges. Later on he actively worked with the recalled Sittas, Chilbudius and Mundus in an effort to secure a quick end for the Gothic war. As a consequences of this war many Gothic prisoners were resettled by Olybrius in previously depopulated areas of the Balkans though many others would start a new life in different provinces of the empire. Not less important was his effort to uproot any remaining internal opposition to the new regime. A last achievement of the Praefectus was the slight increase of revenues from the Balkans, without further increasing the fiscal pressure on the locals (something that brought Iustinianus’s reign to an end), mainly by fighting corruption, cases of privileges and exemptions.

Different was the help that came from Procopius. One of the wealthiest and most influential men of the East, his presence at the imperial court dated to the beginning of the VI century. Here he witnessed the reign of Anastasius and the rise of Iustinus before engineering the fall of his nephew and his own return to the power. As a reward for his part in the Nika riot he was reappointed Quaestor Sacri Palatii, thus confirming his position as one of the most powerful men of the palace. His new role allowed him to act on behalf of the new emperor to ensure his own political survival and of course that of Emperor Hypatius. Given his skills in the field of laws, civil administration and diplomacy he obviously represented Hypatius’s best chance to ensure his relations with the senatorial aristocracy remained as optimal as possible. Way more popular than his predecessor Tribonianus, who was considered by many an upstart without the right to be in his position, Procopius still had to continue Tribonianus’s work, the reorganization of the Roman law. By 532 most of the work had been completed with the "Codex Iustinianeus" [1] representing the fruit of that hard and long process. A true masterpiece of Roman legislation and an example of the empire’s ability to carefully regulate every minute aspect of the life of its inhabitants, the Codex was deemed worthy enough to survive the fall to disgrace of his patron. Flavius Procopius only took the liberty to revise it, especially those laws originating from Iustinianus’s personal legislation. The abrogation of some of the most recent and unpopular pieces of legislation, including Iustinus’s law about the possibility for members of the Senate and the Imperial family to marry people way below them, earned the new regime the gratitude of those most opposed to Iustinianus’s controversial policies. Further minor changes were introduced in a second edition of the Codex, now renamed "Codex Hypatianus", in 537. The most important change was the complete reorganization of the arguments discussed in the Codex, with related topics now grouped together instead of being scattered all around the Codex.

However not everything was destined to proceed as intended by these men of power. The first setback came at the hand of the Thracian Goths, when emperor Hypatius tried to replace their leader Athalaric with his own puppet. Failure in that regard and the beginning of a new war in Europe brought to the fall in influence of those who had championed that options, among them Ildibadus and Procopius himself. But while Ildibadus quickly disappeared from history after his failed attempt to win the Gothic kingship, the cunning Procopius once again bounced back more powerful and influential than ever. By proposing and securing a marriage in 535 between his own daughter Constantina and Hypatius’s son Pompeius, Procopius not only recovered from the shame and failure of the previous year but also acquired further political weight and credentials, as he now was a Western prince and the father-in-law of the Eastern Caesar. This was not Pompeius’s first marriage, as the heir of the Eastern throne had already been married once to the daughter of a well-known Eastern Senator. However this marriage had been fruitless till his wife’s premature death and now Hypatius was in need to secure an heir for his son. The choice of Constantina as future empress of the East seemed an obvious one, a stronger alliance with the West and her father’s wealth that would one day be inherited by her and her twin brother Anastasius were good enough reasons for accepting Procopius’s proposal. Her Gothic royal blood was also considered an useful tool in securing the loyalty of the Goths inside the empire, whose rebellion against Hypatius would come to an end at the beginning of the new decade followed by the usual display of the booty and prisoners, including Theodoricus’s himself. The fact that a gap of almost 12 years existed between Constantina and Pompeius and that the latter was rumored to have a lover were not considered an obstacle for this political marriage.

Last but not least among Hypatius’s concerns was the reconstruction of Antiochia and Constantinople. The former was the city most severely struck by the disaster and the one that required an helping hand most desperately in order to recover. For this task Hypatius would choose his own brother, also called Pompeius, to supervise the reconstruction of the city and its repopulation. Officially Pompeius would be sent there as Magister Militum per Orientem, to ensure the loyalty of the Eastern armies and the safety of the frontiers now that the war with Persia was over. However he would be granted a far greater number of responsibilities in the East, so as to make the authority of the emperor felt even in the most remote province of the Empire of the Romans, among them the reconstruction of the empire third largest city. Hypatius on his part would personally oversee the same process taking place in the capital, though most of the work would be done by Praefectus Urbi Origenes. The events of Nika had left a tremendous scar on the city with many building left in ruins and a great number of victims, both rioters and simple unwilling witnesses of the event. Though Hypatius’s policy was geared towards filling the coffers of the state and avoiding the crazy and extravagant expenses that had characterized his predecessor’s reign, no single coin or drop of energy would be spared to heal the city’s wound. One project in particular would captivate the emperor’s mind. In the past years, during the reign of Iustinus, the houses of Theodosius and Iustinus had competed against each other through the means offered by the patronage of arts, to earn the approval and love of the people of the City. Anicia Iuliana greatest gift to the people was the church of Saint Polyeuktos while Iustinianus and Theodora, not yet emperor and empress, had sponsored the construction of the church dedicated to Saint Sergius and Saint Bacchus. It would appear that amongst Iustinianus’s first projects after ascending to the throne there was the construction of what was supposed to be the greatest church of Christendom. Hypatius would ensure that all churches damaged in the riot would be restored to their original condition however there was one church, not damaged by the rioters, that would get a special treatment: Constantine’s pride, the Church of the Holy Apostles. Though the church was in no need of any restoration work, Hypatius knew that by linking himself to his great predecessor he would ensure a lasting legacy for himself and his dynasty. And thus the work for the reconstruction of the greatest Church of Constantinople started. Only time would tell whether or not the old emperor would be able to witness its inauguration.

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The emperor was not a man from the army so it was only natural for him to aim to earn the support of the urban elites and the imperial administration and entrust them with the most important tasks. The imperial family itself was supposed to play a key role under the new regime, not too differently than what was happening in the West. But while the Nepotians had come from the army and ruled through it, the Anastasians were chiefly a dynasty of administrators more in touch with the elites than the soldiers. Whether or not Anastasius’s dynasty was meant to survive the test of time was up in the air.

Notes

[1] The Codex was only the first of four parts that composed what we know as “Corpus Iuris Civilis”. These four parts however were not exactly meant to be a single work, especially the last part, a collection of later laws. However with Iustinianus’s deposition in 532 we are going to have now only the first part (the Codex) and maybe later on the second part (the opinion and writings of Jurists of the past).

As you can see this update was just a recap of the situation of the East. Nothing exceptionally new was added here but I thought that bringing all scattered pieces of information about the East together in a single update would be useful before starting to explore the new decade. And while I was on it I decided to fill the gaps with new small stories and the background of certain characters. Next time we will probably deal with the plague, the V ecumenical council, the evangelization of Anatolia and maybe the academy before going back to the West. But before all that let me know if there is something more I forgot to write about, especially something already promised in the past.

Oh and of course happy new year to everyone!

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter LIV

Christendom divided

The rise of Hypatius in 532 meant that once again an emperor of rather unorthodox beliefs was sitting on the throne of Constantinople. And even though his Monophysite creed didn’t play a key part in his first years as sovereign of the Eastern half of the Roman world, after almost a decade spent securing his throne Hypatius was finally ready to undertake a more ambitious path, by convoking a new ecumenical council in the year 540. The decision was not taken out of the blue, voices of a new fifth council had been whispered for years by the time the council was finally convened in Constantinople. But why exactly now?
The emperor wasn’t certainly getting younger as the years passed by and the current political and religious situation was the best he could hope for given his short time left for this world. The year 540 was an year of celebration for victory had been brought home by the victorious generals and soldiers who had been in the north. Of course the people of Constantinople didn’t need to know about the guerrilla warfare still going on along the Danube nor they needed to know about how the allies of Rome were now turning into enemies, with the Slavs, Huns and Bulgars now raiding what was not Roman territory [1]. What was deemed worth to know was also deemed enough to gather the necessary support for the emperor’s council.

​

Religiously speaking the situation was also quite favourable, the death of Patriarch Epiphanius had left the Constantinopolitan seat open for a new candidate more pliable to the emperor’s demands, Severus of Philadelphia. Meanwhile in the East the Patriarchal seats were held by Theodosius of Alexandria (a Miaphysite), Peter of Jerusalem (a Chalcedonian) and Theodorus of Antioch (a Monophysite). At the same time the emperor was also strengthening his Christological position by recruiting allies among the people of Anatolia through a process of evangelization of the pagan masses. By 540 the Romans had officially been part of a Christian state for over a century and half, yet only a fractions of them could be counted as true Christians. Between pagans and other followers of the old faiths and those Christians who only had a feeble grasp of the new faith, large swaths of the empire of the Romans remained unevangelized.

Among these unconverted areas was Anatolia. The reason was simple: with a Church so closely tied to the imperial government and the diocesan administration, the Church itself was stronger in the most urbanized region of the empire, given the key role played by the cities in the administration of the empire itself, and therefore weaker where this was not the case. And inner Anatolia with its rugged geography definitely belonged to this second category. That’s why, since the beginning of his reign, the emperor had started to promote the rather forced conversion of the locals, through the usual practice of reconsecrating Pagan temples as Christian churches while readapting local festivities in an accepted Christian optic. The process was entirely carried out by those members of the clergy whose creed most closely resemble the emperor’s opinion on the Christological debate, to ensure that the whole of Asia would follow the emperor’s lead. But, alas, the emperor was not an entirely unopposed force as part of the already established clergy was opposed to the emperor’ aims. Furthermore empress Maria was a devout Chalcedonian, a rich and influential one. Through her wealth and influence she was able to sponsor almost unopposedly an opposite process to bring Anatolia to the Chalcedonian fold. Despite it proving to be just a minor inconvenience, with the proof that the imperial family itself was divided, what chances did Hypatius stand to bring unity back to his empire?

​

And so this was the background immediately preceding the V ecumenical council. All the four eastern Patriarchs personally attended the council while the Roman one decided to send delegates to represent the stance of the West. Conspicuous was the number of African bishops while only a token number of prelates were there to represent Gallia and Hispania. Compared to their Eastern colleagues however, the Western bishops were just a minority, though a compact one. Therefore the council was mostly an eastern affair. Here the emperor personally brought forth his new position based on the doctrine elaborated by a Syrian monk, Ioannes of Laodicea, who had come to Constantinople to meet the emperor after receiving a vision that in his opinion would bring unity back to the followers of Christ. The new doctrine purposely ignored the controverse regarding the nature of Christ, instead shifting the focus on his will [2]. Under the new doctrine it was affirmed that Christ had been led by one single will. With this move the emperor hoped to succeed where his predecessor had failed. Where previous emperors had tried to silence and ignore the debate, Hypatius was now trying to move the debate on by finding new common ground between all main Christian denominations. The discussion about the new doctrine was accompanied by the condemnation of Christian thinkers of the past unpopular amongst all branches of the Church. Yet the debate proved more heated than the emperor and his advisors had expected. The “One will” doctrine proved quite controversial, though the more pragmatic among the ranks of the Church saw some merits in it, and were willing to pass over certain erroneously worded aspects of it, if that meant a definitive end to all controverses and infighting that had torn apart the Church. The council lasted several months, as after each session the emperor was forced to prepare himself for next the next round while working against all obstacles that had arisen in previous sessions. It was only in 541, with the deposition of the Chalcedonian Peter of Jerusalem and his replacement with Anatolius that the emperor’s position won the majority and prevailed.

​

But the price for reconciling Constantinople with the East was the deepening of the division with the staunch defenders of Chalcedonia: Vitalianus of Rome, the majority of the Western bishops (especially the African ones) and even a tiny group of Eastern ones including Macedonius of Thessalonika. Patriarch Vitalianus openly condemned the result of the council and even refused to count it as a legit one. The name of the Eastern emperor and the Patriarchs were removed from the prayers and the diptychs of the Roman churches while the deposed Peter was recognized as the rightful Patriarch of Jerusalem. The whole affair created contrasts and difficulties even at the Western imperial court of Mediolanum. Ironically the division of the Church would briefly bring together the two real powers behind the throne, as both empress dowager Anicia Eudoxia and Praepositus Sacri Cubiculi Eleutherius were more eager to earn the support of the Roman church rather than ensuring religious peace and stability in the East. Their support of Vitalianus’s position was also accompanied by a program of construction of new Churches both in Rome and throughout all of Italia. As such, given the political situation in the West, with Theodosius III subjected to the influence of both his mother and his wife’s family, the official stance of the Western empire was of rejection of the council of Constantinople, though the rift between the two emperors was much less deeper than the one between the Patriarchs. But to Hypatius religious unity between the Christians subjected to his rule was far more valuable than communion with distant Rome. And so Constantinople embarked on this new Monothelite doctrine, with the hope that, over time, the Romans of the East would come to wholly accept it.

And if one is to believe that God himself would express his support for either one of the two positions, then it was clear that he was not with the emperor, at least according to the reasonings of the Chalcedonian, for a great evil would immediately come to the world to wreak chaos upon the empire of the Romans. Starting from Aegyptus, the plague would consume the lives of millions, wiping out entire families, communities and even cities. And the most illustrious victim of this “punishment” would be none other than the old emperor himself in 542. The death of Vitalianus during that same year, the only victim amongst the Patriachs would give the Monothelites some breathing space against the propagandistic accusations of the Chalcedonians of unleashing this punishment upon men. Another, less involved in the whole affair, victim of the plague was Anastasius, the 33 years old son of Quaestor Sacri Palatii Flavius Iulius Procopius. Distraught by the loss of his son, Procopius would reach the end of his life before the end of the year. [3] With his death Nepos’s legacy was now entirely in the hands of his grandsons and granddaughter, a new generation of emperors and princes.

Note

[1] We will deal with them in an “ad hoc” update;

[2] So Monothelism one century ahead of time. Nothing original, I know, and probably is not going to solve anything, I also know that, but I don’t need it to be successful, I only need it to exist. Still I would like your opinion on its possible development;

[3] The military and political consequences of the plague are going to be the subject of a future update.

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter LV

To survive and adapt

No military defeat or civil war had ever claimed a greater toll from the empire of the Romans than the new plague coming from Aegyptus. The Theodosian plague, named after the emperor whose reign would be deeply marked by this scourge, would dramatically and forever change the course of history in the Mediterranean world, marking a turning in point in the history of Rome. Millions upon millions of lives would be broken, with even entire families being wiped out from existence. Not a single soul would be left with not even a single loss in his life to weep over. From the lowliest peasant in the empire to the emperor himself, everyone was equal in front of the greatest evil unleashed upon the world.

As traumatic as this could be on a private level, even greater was the tragedy for the Imperial machine and its two branches: the army and the civil administration. During its millenary history the Roman army had undergone through a great number of changes. It had to in order to survive. From the army of the kings of a long gone past to the legionaries of Scipio, from Marius’ mules to Augustus’ professional standing army and finally the Late Roman army of Diocletianus and Constantinus, new challenges, resources, fighting style, problems and ages of crisis had shown the world the army’s ability to adapt and improve itself, helped by the brilliant minds of its leaders. The VI century was for the empire another age of crisis, another occasion for it to adapt to a constantly mutating world. Only this time the crisis didn’t come from the outside, instead it was within the empire. Without even a single a battle, the plague had already dealt a serious blow to the army most important thing, its manpower.

Supplying enough men for the army had always been a challenge for every emperor of the last three centuries. The anarchy of the Third century, the civil wars of the Fourth century and the almost total collapse of the empire during the Fifth century, had only made the situation worse, only to slightly start to improve again at end of Nepos’ reign. Great emperors had also sought a solution to the problem, with varying degrees of success including Severus, Iulianus and Iulius Nepos just to name some of them. It was not enough though and the plague had only worsened the situation by increasing the numbers of replacement required while reducing the number of civilians available to join the army, willingly or not. Not to mention the West’s newly expanded frontiers and its need for even more units.

The solution adopted by the two halves of the empire would differ quite significantly. The East, more economically healthy than the West, would resort to the mass recruitment of superficially Romanized people or even outright foreigners. Nothing new for the empire of course, except that this time the whole thing was being carried out in a much greater scale, with entire units now entirely composed of Arabs, Armenians, Iberian people, recently defeated Goths and now even the first Slavs who had come into contact with the empire more directly for the first time. Everyone willing to fight and die for Constantinople’s fine coins was more than welcome to do so. Pretty quickly even the highest ranks in the army were now withing the grasp of these newcomers.

Fairly different were the measures adopted in the West, thanks to a different background and a different leadership. The efforts of finding new way for the army to operate would be carried out by Anthemius Valens and Flavius Belisarius, commanders of the Italian and African armies. Ironically the roots of their reforms were already there way before their appointment as commander and therefore could be considered a natural evolution of previous developments. During the eighth year of his reign [1] Iulius Nepos had established a new social class. The “Beneficiarii” were Nepos’ solution to the problem of feeding the army and the capital while keeping the Italian fields productive. During the eighteenth year of his reign, under the leadership of Gaudentius, Aetius’s son, a new system of recruitment had been pun into place, with the Curiales of the cities of Italy now playing a more active role in the gathering of conscripts for the imperial army. After the conquest of Africa a similar system had been set up in the new Diocese, with some important changes. Here the “Beneficiarii”, both Romans and Vandals, were not supposed to supply the army, instead they were supposed to supplement it, while local Berbers leaders would aid Roman military effort in the region while retaining their traditional autonomy. Gundericus’s following rebellion and defeat only extended this network of Berber allies, while the Vandals who had joined the rebellion (many but not every single one of them, especially those now related to the Romans through the new marriages encouraged after the conquest of Africa) were relocated in a safer location within the empire, only to be replaced by more Romans.

Given all these premises it was only natural for Anthemius Valens to preserve the best the system of the past had to offer while re-adapting it to the new situation and the example coming from Africa. The death of so many, left numerous plot of lands without an owner or an heir. Land that officially still belonged to the emperor, who could dispose of it as he wished. By exploiting his position of Patricius and Magister Militum and his influence within the imperial court, Valens was able to have these lands redistributed to the soldiers of the Italian army while forcing the remaining original Italian “Beneficiarii” to relinquish their position or to accept new military obligations in exchange of the previous, purely economical, ones. All these changes were more gradual than they appear here and at first only affected the Italian armies given the peculiar situations existing in Illyricum and Gallia. A more political move, aimed at reinforcing his position within the empire against Eleutherius, was his self-elevation to the rank of Magister Militum Praesentalis instead of the previous Magister Militum per Italiam he previously had to share with a second commander. Needlees to say that this move was supported by empress Eudoxia and Iulia Galla, Belisarius’s imperial wife, now also worried about Eleutherius ever growing influence with his brother the emperor.

This self-elevation not only had a political reason behind, it was also justified by new distinctions now existing between the two Italian armies. One of the them was now operating in a similar fashion to the African one, an army of land-owning soldiers, headed by a Magister Militum per Italiam and geared towards the defense of Italia itself. The soldiers of this army were now expected to provide for their own sustainment during both time of war and peace as their payment had to be reduced given the economic decline the empire was experiencing and the extra expenses coming from the reconstruction of Pannonia. They were also expected to provide from now on to their own equipment, however to avoid cases of soldiers economizing on their own equipment, the imperial government only allowed the purchase of weapons from workshops officially listed as linked to Imperial owned "Fabricae". A way to ensure a certain quality and standardization of the army while preserving for the years to come the know-how and skills of the men working in these “Fabricae”.

Different was the situation for the soldier of the army personally headed by Anthemius Valens, which now ranked as above all other Comitatenses armies. With no land granted to them, instead these soldiers were expected to permanently serve the empire while enjoying a better payment than the one earned before the whole reform of the army and a better equipment compared to Comitatenses units. The only army of this kind in the whole West, the Palatini were devised as offensive units, able to serve even outside of Italia for longer period of time. Untouched by the whole reforms but still in an higher and much more privileged position were the six units of the Scholae and the four units of the Domestici. The Gallic and Illyrian armies would only be touched by these reform several years after these development had fully come to completion in Italia. The whole evolution of the army was also a personal victory for Anthemius Valens who had secured the loyalty of the army through land distribution or a pay raise. Only future challenges would tell if these changes truly were for the good of the empire.

Notes

[1] 481

Let me know what you think about this earlier (yet not complete) “Thematic” development of the Western army and if you want to see something similar for the evolution of the civil administration in the future. Also I’ve already said it but I really want to stress this, for simplicity reasons I included most of the changes in one single update but they didn’t take place all at once and instantly. By the end of Theodosius’ reign some of these might not even be completely implemented yet, while some more refinements are going to be required in the future.

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter LVI

Hispania on fire

In 534 Rome’s most loyal ally was assassinated, king Agila had fallen victim of his stepson’s conspiracy. By taking advantage of Agila’s decreasing popularity and his son’s absence from the kingdom, the two young princes Alaric and Theodoric had managed to overthrow their stepfather and seize power for themselves. All of this took place while the imperial army was crushing the last remains of the Vandal kingdom, while in the East Amalaric, another pretender to the Gothic throne was preparing his offensive against the empire. Agila’s death meant that now Alaric, the third of his name, was the ruler of a kingdom now hostile to Rome. He wasn’t, however, the only one to claim the kingship over the Goths. Lots of help came to Alaric’s cause from the aristocracy of his kingdom and now they were more than eager to make sure that the king would listen to their will. One of the main cause for their support was the desire to replace a powerful king with one more amenable to their desire and for this reason they had asked Alaric, as condition for their help, to share his kingship with his younger brother Theodoric.

A minor damage to his rule sure, but nothing compared to the open defiance of his authority coming from part of his kingdom. The assassination of his predecessor was not at all completely accepted by all layers of the Gothic and Roman society. Loyal to Agila and now loyal to Athalaric were the cities of Baetica, where the memory of Gesalec’s sack of Carthago Nova was still alive. Carthago Nova, Hispalis, Dianium and many other cities along the coast, counting on support from Rome, closed their gates to Alaric’s men, while urging Athalaric to return to Hispania, to take his father’s throne. Unfortunately for them no help could come their way, as the empire was already too stretched thin with wars in Africa, Dalmatia and Sardinia. All the help they could receive was limited to naval support and supplies. An attempt by Athalaric to land in Hispania was met with failure once he arrived. Too few men could join his army as his main supporters had fled to the northern part of the kingdom, and the southern cities couldn’t spare any man of their garrisons to provide him with an army to avenge his father. His stay in Baetica was also too short to have any lasting consequence in the civil war of his kingdom, since most of the army had already joined his rivals to the throne and now Theodoric, at the head of 4000 men, was marching against him. Back to Septem the Romans led by Dux Mauretania Procopius and the local Gothic garrisons loyal to Athalaric had to withstand a siege for the whole length of the summer, before Theodoric was forced to retreat, unable to dislodge the Romans. Shortly after that, Athalaric went to Italia to enter directly into the service of the emperor against Amalaric, hoping that his service would earn him more support for his cause in the future.

In the north meanwhile far greater threats were ready to strike at the Visigoths. In Tarraco a Roman named Caecilius proclaimed himself emperor, once news of the civil war between the three brothers reached that part of the kingdom. A short lived usurper, however Caecilius came close to achieving recognition of his rule from Rome, where one of his embassy had reached emperor Marcianus petitioning for military support, in exchange for Caecilius ruling in Hispania as Caesar in the name of Marcianus. The whole thing came to nothing, both because the whole endeavour was deemed too costly and risky and because Marcianus died shortly after Caecilius’s request reached Rome. In Agilapolis even more determined to resist Alaric and Theodoric were Agila’s friends and former supporters. Built by Agila himself after his victory against king Ricimer as a bastion of his kingdom, it was now a bastion against that same kingdom. Ruling over the city and the surrounding territories was a council of men, Goths and Romans, who had served under Agila during his days of glory. Formally these men where exerting authority in the name of their new king Athalaric, who had no hope of joining them in the fight and could barely communicate with his supporters, and for this reason their city was now a safe haven for anyone whose life was now endangered by Alaric and Theodoric’s rule. As a consequence of the fall of Agila, new anti-Roman policies were now enacted by Alaric aimed at the local Hispano-Roman aristocracy, the Nicene churches and their assets. To have these riches redistributed between his supporters, the Arian clergy and himself was the perfect way for Alaric to secure his rule and finance his wars. The drawback of this was further fueling of the fire of rebellion of the many Goths and Romans opposed to him.

True was that the city of Agilapolis was well fortified but the real reason why Alaric’s army could never subdue the city was the support coming foreign powers. The new anti-Roman stance of the Visigoths had forced the Romans to seek the support of other kings. Thus that same year the Suebi were recognized as Foederati of the empire while king Ricimer and his son, also called Ricimer, were elevated to the rank of Comes. More meaningful was the subsidy paid by the Imperials to the Suebi to have them wage war against Alaric while supporting the rebels at Agilapolis. For Ricimer this was the occasion to free himself of the tribute imposed to him by Agila and to expand his kingdom at the expense of the Goths by making common cause with the rebels. Two sieges of this stronghold were thwarted by the Suebi and the local garrison. The first siege took place in 538 and the second one in 543 and during the latter king Alaric almost lost an eye to an arrow. Further help to the rebel’s cause indirectly came from Caecilius contemporary rebellion. Despite the lack of external support this usurper proved capable enough to secure much of the kingdom north of the Ebro for himself and to hold his position against Alaric until his final defeat in 537. After that, and having finally secured the southern flank of his kingdom with the capture of the last centre of resistance there, Carthago Nova, king Alaric moved against the Suebi. All of this allowed Patricius Clotaire of Aquitania to launch a powerful raid against the northern border of the Gothic kingdom, forcing Alaric to withdraw from the siege and focus on improving the fortification to the North. After another failed siege of Agilapolis had left the two sides too exhausted to prolong the conflict and after some years of minor skirmishes, in 547 king Alaric and Ricimer finally agreed to a truce freeing the Suebi of their tribute and allowing them to extend their influence over Agilapolis, officially though still independent and at war with Toletum. That same year would also be remembered for the only attempt made by the Romans to meddle directly into the civil war. Led by Magister Militum per Gallias Flavius Vitrasius, units of the Gallic army supplemented by Burgundians and Franks attempted an offensive against the kingdom. The army only made it to the walls of Tarraco before the retreat of the Franks forced the whole army to withdraw and give up their attempt to take the city, despite the promise of a local inhabitant, a former supporter of Caecilius, to open the city’s gate.

With Alaric’s power growing more secure with each year passing, the king felt safe enough to take some drastic measures. The first one, in 535, was the banishment of his wife, Agila’s niece, whom his predecessor and his mother had forced him to marry in 530 as a condition for being associated to the throne. Despite taking a new wife immediately after that, the son that had come from that marriage was acknowledged as heir of his father’s kingdom. And after the already mentioned expropriations aimed against his enemies and his victories had strengthened his rule, Alaric took the final step towards complete power: the ousting of his brother and young nephews from the royal palace in 539, forcing them to retire to the countryside, closely watched by Alaric’s guards. After so many wars and losses once again a member of the legitimate Balti dynasty was sitting firm an alone on the throne of his people. His love for the pleasures of life and his many vices, especially his heavy drinking, would cost him his life at the beginning of 551, leaving behind his 19 years old heir Alaric IV and his 12 years old daughter from the second marriage, Matasunta.

This was the situation in Hispania at the beginning of the second half of the VI century.

Note

After more than a year we are back to the Visigoths and other events taking place outside the empire. Hopefully from now on the story should proceed more quickly.

 

[Flavius Iulius Nepos]

Chapter LVII

Intrigue and splendour at the court of the emperor (535-551)

If one could ever find the right words to describe the reign of emperor Theodosius III, those would be a reign of striking contrasts. While his father and grandfather before him had been forged in an age of crisis, where most certainties known to man seemed to be about to crumble, Theodosius was overseeing over Rome’s finest years since the end of the IV century. Even during these years of fears caused by the plague, the imperial propaganda could still claim how great the reign of the new emperor was. Far from being a soldier emperor, like his predecessors and relatives, Theodosius had brought back to the empire the once forgotten advantages intimately linked with Rome’s superior civilization. With its newfound wealth, the empire was now not only able to protect itself and make Rome’s name feared and respected once again, but could also fund new projects throughout all of Italia. Restorations of old monuments earned the emperor the approval of the Senate, new churches showed the clergy the religious devotion of the “Vicar of Christ”, while the imperial palace at Mediolanum was enriched with both new pieces of arts and men of great intellect.

In the age of the plague it would only be natural to ask how all of this was possible. True was that the reconquest of Africa had been a blessing for the empire’s treasury. But Rome was still busy fighting long and exhausting wars along its borders. New enemies were continuously replacing the old ones and only the resilience of the imperial armies was enough to prevent the collapse of the whole system. The truth is that this was also an age of abuses. While Nepos and Marcianus had strived to fix the many injustices and internal problems of the empire, Theodosius was more than happy to take advantage of the situation. It would be unfair to depict Theodosius as an incompetent emperor. Far from it, Anicius Theodosius had many skills that greatly secured his long reign. Thanks to his lineage he could secure the support of the most noble families of Rome. His noble appearance, cold gaze and sharp mind could only arouse awe towards the imperial throne. The reason for this change of course can only be found in Theodosius’s great vision for his empire. A vision that saw himself as Restorer of the World, not only territorially but most importantly culturally and religiously. And for this reason it was only natural that the people of his empire would have to pay a small price, for the greater good of their souls and the empire as a whole.

This is why the emperor found a precious ally in Eleutherius. The man clearly had no such great and noble vision in his mind. Mere desire of wealth and thirst for more power were his only driver. But he knew better than anyone else how to take advantage of the empire’s full potential. New sources of income, favours and titles he could sell, inheritances he could lay his hands on, Eleutherius knew how to satisfy the emperor’s needs for his costly projects. All of this while also enriching himself and ensuring the real power would remain in his hands. With friends and relatives in almost every single branch of the imperial administration, few could escape his absolute control. By marrying his niece to the emperor he had already secured his position beside Theodosius. Only the emperor himself and the members of the imperial family could escape, or even openly oppose his power. Sure his policies had earned him the hostility of the general population who saw in him the successor of the equally hated Praefectus Praetorio Ioannes, and for this reason was nicknamed the new Cappadocian. And the Gallic aristocracy had no respect for him after what he had done to Agricola, Gallia’s most prominent man at court.

Moving behind the throne wasn’t only the Praepositus Sacri Cubiculi. Already mentioned was the empress dowager’s concern over Eleutherius’ growing power. In her role as the “Galla Placidia” of her time, it was her duty to ensure the safety of the empire and most importantly the safety of her family. This included preventing the rise to supreme power of anyone who was not part of the imperial family. After all Galla Placidia herself had played the same game with Aetius and Bonifacius. The empress only needed to gather around herself Eleutherius’s many enemies.

Most of them came from the senatorial aristocracy. We have already mentioned the reason behind the hostility of the Gallic aristocracy towards Eleutherius. However even among the Italics, the man didn’t enjoy universal popularity. Many are the reasons, the most important being the fact that under the new regime it was much harder for anyone to climb the political ladder without being a mercenary of Eleutherius. Others reasons included personal rivalries between different families now siding with these two opposite emerging factions, Eleutherius’s craving for more wealth at their expenses and finally the humble origin of the man.

She could also count on the support of Magister Militum Valens, the man she had personally elevated to his high rank. His was not a full commitment to Eudoxia’s cause thought. As a man foremost loyal to the empire, and now also a father, he was unwilling to risk the open hostility of a man so close to the emperor. Sure he was the most despicable creature he had ever met and the empire as a whole would never benefit from the likes of him in position of power. But Valens, more than many men of this time, took the words of his wife seriously. There was some wisdom in what she said and although that may have made him look undecided or even weak for listening to a woman, he knew she was only trying to preserve her new family from the dangers of the palace.

Finally behind Eudoxia was her own daughter Iulia Galla, Belisarius’s second wife. It was only natural for her to side with her own mother, but her personal distaste for empress Eusebia only made her involvement even more likely. In her own eyes Eusebia was just a low-born woman whose only merit was being the beloved niece of one of the most powerful men of that time. She was also the daughter of a man related to the world of entertainment, until his death in a chariot accident forced her to move to her uncle’s household. And as everyone knows, only the worst scum of the common rabble outside the palace could ever have any link to that environment. To make matters worse Eusebia possessed a streak of cruelty unnatural even for a woman in her position. The feelings were reciprocated as Eusebia was jealous of anyone who could wield any influence over her husband.

What started as a minor squabble between women of power turned into a true rivarly when both of them became mothers. With some difficulties for Eusebia, she gave birth to her first son only in 544. Flavius Anicius Valentinianus was now the heir to an empire that stretched from Septem to Sirmium. Almost a miracle was the birth of Flavius Anicius Constantius two years later, when both mother and son had risked their lives. Now that she had delivered two heirs to her husband Theodosius she was going to make sure that no one would dare to threaten her position or that of his two sons.

On the other hand it was a completely different situation for Iulia Galla. A mother since 537, Iulia Galla had hoped for her first-born son to become the heir of his, back then childless, uncle. After that year, many more sons and daughters followed as, even though her was a political marriage with a man 10 years older than her, it was still a happy marriage. Belisarius was willing to allow (or maybe unable to control) her wife much more liberties that it would be appropriate for the time. For this reason Iulia Galla always actively acted not only for her own interest but also tried to further her husband influenced at the palace. The birth of Valentinianus didn’t mutate her high hopes for her sons and daughters, however the jealousy and veiled threats from Eusebia made her fear for her family.

And so many years passed by. During these years men of power had expanded their own power base. Men of intrigue had plotted their way to a position of influence. Many lost the game and along with it their lives and everything else, only to be replaced by a new generation of sycophants. All of this while the empire of the Romans continued to overcame its many problems. In a world always evolving only the empire could represent to men a pillar of certainty, always powerful, always eternal. In its quest to accomplish his vision of the world, emperor Theodosius resolved he would be remembered for more than just a civilizer. The idea came one night in 550 while reading his uncle Procopius’s history of the events of the last century, Iulius Nepos’s biography and the rise of his own dynasty. All this works had been provided to him by his dear cousin, empress Constantina, his trusted eyes and ears at the palace of Costantinople and occasionally an unbiased voice when everything around him seemed only backed by personal interests.

While reading Theodosius came to the conclusion that the Goths were just natural enemies of what he stood for. He couldn’t trust them. And even the few he could call friends of the Romans, like Agila and Athalaric, were usually ousted from their position of power by their own countrymen. Savages. There was more though: as the heir of Nepotianus, the last rightful Magister Militum of Hispania the empire had appointed before surrendering it to lackeys of the Goths and finally to the Goths themselves, it was only natural for him to look at Hispania as something more than a forgotten province. A long lost daughter. Diplomacy had failed, and now even his last attempt to destroy the man more than others responsible for the fall of an ally of Rome had also failed. He would now crush the whole kingdom. The death of his rival the following year only made him more resolute in his purpose. Almost everyone at the imperial palace was opposed to his change of course in dealing with the Visigothic problem. They were already finding excuses to postpone or cancel his war. He would personally find the resources he needed if necessary. It would take some years to do it but Theodosius would have his war. He would destroy the last Goths.

 

[Basileus_Komnenos]

That’s a great map and I really appreciate that you took the time and effort to make it. Thank you. Would it be it ok for you if I threadmarked your post?

Go right ahead.

Though here's an updated map where I added the Sassanians, some of the other tribes like the Cantabrians, and the Briton Amorian settlements which later became modern Britanny. I also added the names. For the Roman world including the Germano-Roman Kingdoms, I used the Latin names while for the Sassanians, I used the proper name of Eranshahr. I also adjusted the issue of the Ostrogoths in the Balkans since as you pointed out, they're now no longer an independent entity. Lemme know what you think. I'm also planning on later posting this to the main map thread as well.

@Flavius Iulius Nepos around what time period do you see this chronology end? Do you think you'd continue past the traditional period of late antiquity and into the the Early Middle Ages, or even beyond that? Do you think that the Eastern and Western Halves of the Empire can reunite once the migration age is over? Do you think the Romans can sieze the Baeleric Islands? I feel like in a VIsigothic Civil war, those islands would be easy pickings as historically the Visigoths didn't really have a proper fleet. Justinian even with the plague was able to take the Southern part of Hispania with a small expeditionary force, so I think the reconquest of Hispania is a valid target for expansion by Theodosius III's succesors.

Honestly the reign of Theodosius III reminds me of some of the more scheming palace Emperors from otl's Byzantine Era.

bout the next update, now that I’m done with university (at least until the moment I’ll have to start studying again for the master's degree) I should have much more time to write and post new updates with much more frequency. I’m not going to post every week or two like the first year, but I should be able to post at least every month.

Take your time then. Real life concerns are always more important than stuff like this. If you don't mind me asking, what are you majoring in? Also I wish you good luck in your future studies.