Fantasque Time Line (France Fights On) - English Translation

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8934
July 30th, 1943

Remscheid
- This town on the southern edge of the Happy Valley has been spared until then. For this last raid of the Battle of the Ruhr proper, 223 aircraft - 86 Halifaxes, 82 Lancasters, 20 Victorias, 26 Lincolns, 9 Mosquitos - come to remind her that the war is also about her. The city is devastated. Sixteen planes - 8 Halifaxes, 8 Lancasters - are lost.
 
8935
July 30th, 1943

Yevpatoria (Crimea)
- To finish, Lagadec tries the last Lavochkin.
"This morning, a new 43-minute flight on the Yak-3 and a 45-minute flight on the MiG-9 confirmed my first impressions.
This afternoon, two 40-minute flights on the Lavochkin 7 prototype.
The aircraft is more rustic than the MiG-9, with which it shares the same engine and the same cowling. It climbs a little less quickly and seems less brilliant, but it's a good fighter and the engineers tell me it's easier to build than the MiG-9. It benefits from an ingenious system to limit the risks of fire in flight. The landing gear dampers are very hard and the plane jumps like a kangaroo on landing. It is armed with three 20 mm cannons and can carry light bombs, two good points. On the other hand, its radio is deplorable, it is imperative that it be modified before entering service."
 
8936
July 30th, 1943

Paris
- Joseph Darnand joins the Waffen-SS. He took care to inform Himmler beforehand, who had him directly appointed Sturmbannführer (commander).
Darnand also brings with him men who are to form part of the cadres of the future "division" Charlemagne: Pierre Cance, Noël de Tissot...
Himmler takes great pleasure in announcing the news to Doriot. However, Doriot says he is very satisfied - he would have preferred to see Darnand as a simple soldier, but never mind, his integration into the Waffen-SS allows him to get rid of him while keeping an eye on him.
Darnand is followed in the Waffen-SS by a good number of other former Sonef belonging to the LVF. The main task of the LVF is now, almost officially, to provide men to the new SS formation.
 
8937
July 30th, 1943

Elphinstone Island, facing the southeast coast of Burma
- Monthly report by Col. d'Astier de la Vigerie.
Installations - Little progress to report this month for the Burmese team because of then monsoon. However, we are now at three separate sites that can accommodate light aircraft and one large field of sorts, enough for a large transport to land. Ammunition, medicine and food have been buried in various sites to at least the Thai border - enough to supply a battalion for a week.
We did not see the minesweeper again this month. We were therefore able to build an additional channel in the mined areas (see appendix). I am also attaching to this report a map of the fords of the coastal rivers, from Tapo to about 100 km south of our position.
Contacts - Thanks to a deserter of the militia, we were able to approach the gasoline tank of the port and the one which is used to fill up the trucks of the company (these trucks are used for the relief of the guard of the different bridges of the region). We succeeded in denaturing the gasoline by cutting it with fish oil mixed with latex. After a few days, not a single engine was working properly. The availability of material became to the point that there were days when there was no patrol at sea.
Japanese activities - Between the monsoon and the sabotage of the gasoline stock, patrol activities were reduced to their simplest form. But the abuses and deportations towards what people call "the line of death" continue. Desertions are multiplying in the militia.
.........
Diary of Jean-Marie de Beaucorps.
"Already a year here, with a curious mixed impression between the nervous tension of the hours of surveillance while remaining hidden, the changes of camp, the stays at sea or on land, and the feeling of being on vacation, far from the war.
However, we did not idle: we dug up the material that had arrived the previous month, we carried it to another site on the mainland and then we put it back down. Things even accelerated after the arrival of the Burmese. When my grandchildren (if I finish this war) ask me to tell them about my exploits, what can I tell them: that I spent my war on a tropical beach, digging and fishing? No glory like an aviator, no trips to tell like a sailor, and not even combat stories: I haven't fired a shot in the year I've been here. Fucking war!"
 
8938
July 30th, 1943

Battle of Bobdubi Range (Day 9)
- Private Kosuke Isawara runs. In high school, he practiced long distance running and sprinting. Running, he always liked to run. Running fast enough to leave behind the frustrations and anxieties of his life as a short, four-eyed boy who didn't appeal to the girls.
But today, he runs for his life. In front of him, so close and so far, the entrenchment formed by two boxes and a low wall of sandbags has become the goal that crystallizes all his thoughts. He has forgotten the night, the explosions and the gunshots. He runs faster and faster, surely faster than the bullets that whistle in his ears.
When he jumps over the barricade, he believes for a moment that he has wings and can finally fly away. Unfortunately for him, he does not run faster than the bullets. One of them hits him in full flight, perforating his lung in a scarlet jet. Brutally mowed down, Kosuke rolls on the ground and finds himself on his back, contemplating a dark sky, veiled with clouds, where no stars shine.
At times, blurred shapes cross his field of vision. The throat invaded by blood, he coughs, waking up the intolerable pain which tears his chest. Unable to speak, he feels himself sinking. His eyes close... He ran so much, he is so tired - Kozuke Isawara can finally rest, he arrived at his destination.
.........
The Japanese night counter-attack surprises the 24th Battalion, AMF. The Australians do their best, but the enemy assault terrifies the inexperienced men. In spite of the hellfire of the guns, machine guns, and FM covering the position, the Japanese go on the attack without faltering. So, before the Nipponese can come to grips, the Australians disengage. To cover their withdrawal, several soldiers launch Mills towards the enemy. The explosions have the desired effect, killing the enemy and cutting off the attackers' momentum.
Meanwhile, leaving this nameless mound, the Australians regroup on another one, not far away. Half an hour later, another group of Japanese set out for this new position.
.........
Corporal Akira Fujimada is the gunner of an FM. He has become a precise mechanic, with well oiled gears, like his weapon. He sends a few bursts of bullets, moves forward, takes cover, fires again, reloads. These simple movements occupy his mind. Thus concentrated to the extreme, he can push away the fear that clenches his stomach, forget his heart beats too fast, muzzle the unwanted memories that cross his mind. Whether he is ordered to advance or to hold the position, he obeys without a word, without ever committing the crime of thinking. He is a machine of flesh, capable of suffering but also murderous, in a world of murderous machines.
The objective is a hill.
A simple hillock, right in front of him, nothing remarkable, nothing beautiful. It has no name, it was thrown there in the middle of the jungle... But it is an enemy hill. And the Japanese soldiers received an order. This order set the flesh machines in motion like an electric switch. The man-machines will take the hill or they will die trying.
It is all so simple!
In the darkness, Fujimada cannot see the enemies, he just sends short bursts in the direction of the starting point of the shot, or blindly. He does not panic, he does not think, he just brings out his training. As soon as a magazine is empty, he takes cover, reloads and runs a little further to find a new firing position.
The platoon itself is a machine where each piece plays according to the others. The Japanese soldiers take refuge behind trees, shoot, advance, shoot, throw themselves to the ground, get up again, some throw grenades. Finally the charge is ordered. Fujimada lowers his weapon so as not to risk hitting his comrades in the darkness.
Little by little, the shooting fades away. The cover group joins the assault group. The hill has fallen. The lieutenant congratulates his men, who respond by muttering tired Banzai.
Akira Fujimada sits down on a crate, near a storm lamp forgotten by the enemy and which someone has lit it again. He takes out an envelope from an inside pocket and extracts the photograph attached to the letter. A teenage girl in kimono, her face radiant, is standing in the middle of cherry blossoms. Fujimada's eyes come to life again, her lips smile.
- Imotou [little sister]...
He knows the letter by heart, he rereads it every day. Kaori was able to leave Tokyo after the air raid in spring 1942, she is now in a mountain village, near a temple. This year, she helped the priestess to prepare the spring festival. She tells him that she is happy despite the war, despite the restrictions. But she worries about her brother and every day she goes to pray that he comes back alive.
Corporal Akira Fujimada promised to his little Kaori that he would come back alive. He will not let the Yankees make him break his promise and make his sister cry. If for that, he has to kill all the Yankees (for him, Australians are Yankees like the others), he will do it. There is nothing more precious to him than the happiness of his little sister, the only ray of sunshine able to penetrate the hell of this jungle.
 
8939
July 30th, 1943

Latvia
- The rain returns to the theater of operations - which finally drowns the already fickle enthusiasm of the combatants. The Riga railway station still seems to be out of reach as the SS redeploy to the north of the city with the enthusiastic support of some of their "brothers" in Latvia. The Riga sector remains covered by the three divisions of the XXVI. AK, while the Wiking is free to roam from one end to the other of the defensive perimeter...
In Kegums, the woods become quiet again, if not unoccupied. The 21. ID and 11. ID are reorganizing their position to take into account the "temporary" presence of the Red Army on their bank of the Dvina.
Finally, in Koknese, General Popov orders the evacuation of the 42nd Army - it is done without too much difficulty during the night, under the cover of its artillery and that of the 15th Armored Corps.
 
8940
July 30th, 1943

Belarusian SSR
- While the most powerful German and Soviet armies face each other in an Armageddon in front of Kiev, the sector of the front immediately to the north, between Vitebsk and Gomel, still seems to be left out of the fighting. Indeed, since Operation Gallop, in February, which saw the Red Army fail to force the lock of the Dnieper, the forces of the Heeresgruppe Mitte (General Erwin Rommel), and those of the 1st and 2nd Belorussian Fronts (A.I. Eremenko and I.S. Konev) face each other without any significant fighting. But this does not mean that nothing is happening in the region! And once again, it is the population who is paying the price.
In fact, since the German invasion, the Belorussian SSR has become a land of death.
A fact which is not only due to the Reich! As early as the summer of 1942, and even though soldiers of the USSR were bravely fighting to defend the Rodina, the NKVD were frantically deporting or killing Poles and Jews in the woods around Chervyen, Hlybokaye and Vileyka - the prisons had to be emptied before the Germans arrived. Between trains to the Gulag and firing squads at the corner of a thicket, almost a hundred thousand people who had thought they had found refuge in the USSR in 1939 had already disappeared by the time the first Heer soldiers entered Minsk*... Obviously, such a policy could only provoke the resentment of the local population, which was further aroused by the propaganda of the new occupiers**. Blood for blood, anti-communist pogroms were spontaneously formed in some cities.
However, the Nazis were soon to demonstrate that they were no better than the former masters of the region. Real killings were soon committed by the SS, with the massive support of the Lithuanian police. Among many others, unfortunately, the so-called "Slutsk affair". In this small town, in October 1942, the Einsatzgruppen - reinforced by battalions of the Schuma - had massacred more than 4,000 people, Jews and non-Jews alike, without the slightest sorting of the local population and without consulting anyone beforehand. Blood flooded the streets in an abominable bacchanal - the blood of subhumans, of course, but which could have served the Reich, or at least its factories.
The new General Commissar for Belarus, Wilheim Kube, already feared, for lack of a sufficiently triumphant victory against the Red Army, he feared that he would not be able to sway the population to actively support the Reich, as his Führer had ordered him to do. This massacre had nullified a good part of his efforts. In a rare gesture of defiance, he had personally taken up his pen to write Himmler a letter in which indignation disputed pragmatism: "The city gave an image of horror during the entire operation. The Jews - but also their Belarusian neighbors - were taken out of their homes and herded with indescribable brutality on the part of the German police officers, but also and even more so by the Lithuanian auxiliaries. Shots rang out everywhere in the city. In many streets, the bodies of slaughtered Jews were piled up.
The Belarusians caught in the trap found themselves in a state of absolute distress, unable to escape
." After the description of a long series of horrors that it would be vain to reproduce, Kube concluded angrily: "I am having a copy of this report made so that it can be sent to the ministers of the Reich. Peace and order cannot e maintained in my area of responsibility with such methods. Re-burying wounded who have miraculously managed to get out of the pits in which they were buried is so vile and abhorrent that such acts must be reported to the Führer himself, as well as to the Reichsmarschall." Obviously, Kube, although a convinced Nazi, had retained some traces of Christian compassion that occasionally surfaced in the pools of blood... Of course, the incident was never reported to the top of the Reich's state apparatus - and who can say, anyway, that it would have moved Hitler?
Anyway, the Slutsk affair, like all the others of the same kind, had opened the eyes of the Belarusians - the total requisitions, the generalized forced labor and the massive purges swayed the most reluctant ones. They did not need to know that in August 1942, Hermann Göring had already declared to the Reich commissioners in the occupied USSR: "You are sent there for the welfare of our people, which must be your only concern. Under these conditions, I do not care if you tell me that the inhabitants of these regions are dying of hunger. Let them die, if that will make the Germans live! I will do everything - and I will force you to do everything - so that you get the deliveries demanded. And if you can't, I'll set up the institutions that will shake up the machine."
Under the command of the remaining Communist officials, as well as some NKVD officers who had been left behind or infiltrated through the lines, the Partisan movementin Soviet Belarus was not long in taking on a considerable scale, its action being facilitated by the relative weakness of the German forces in the rear as well as by the geography of the country - forests, rivers and swamps. In the summer of 1943, there were 125,000 men and women on the rear of HG Mitte, to make the life of the German logistics impossible, between train derailments, convoy attacks and destruction of switches - and everyone knows to what extent the railroad is essential to the supply of German forces at the front, due to the lack of trucks in sufficient numbers to use the few roads that could be passable.
The Partisans cannot, of course, confront the German army directly - nor can they do anything for the surviving 200 of the 238 ghettos that the Nazis had set up in the past. On the other hand, they are well entrenched in their bases in the marshes of Pripyat or on the island of Zyslov, inaccessible to the armies of the Reich. And, in relative good understanding with the Poles of the Secret Army (Belarus is partly disputed between Poland and the USSR), they even control 50% of the region and can facilitate the future liberation of their country - especially since the Red Army is at the gates of their territory, on the eastern bank of the Dnieper!
The Soviets are passing through the Vitebsk corridor (so named for the notorious loosening of the German lines between the XIII. AK and LII. AK) thousands of fighters*** and hundreds of tons of supplies, which made it possible to create clandestine grounds to facilitate the supply. Under the leadership of the Communist Party of Belarus, itself operating in close coordination with the HQ of the 1st Belarusian Front, the Partisan brigades are definitely not lacking anything! Or, in any case, they are well equipped so that the Red Army can count on them for the next offensive towards Minsk... Moreover, these fighters have at their head a Red officer, General Panteleimon Ponomarenko.
For their part, the Germans have taken their side of this exasperating nuisance. So much the worse for the few undecided civilians and those who would like to be neutral! While continuing to call a "fraternal German-Belarusian collaboration", the Occupiers launched a massive repression campaign, under the authority of Heinrich Himmler - who had been given full powers, in priority over the Wehrmacht, to fight against the "bandits" harassing the rear of the front. It was a very dirty war, made of requisitions followed by raids, punitive expeditions, human shields, civilians sent to the minefields and taking blood from children to make plasma for the fighters. And it recently culminated in the promulgation on July 18th of the FührerDirectiv No. 46, which now defines "security" operations as "complete extermination" missions, calling on the security forces to fight with "the purest brutality" while guaranteeing them absolute immunity. Germany has to pacify the region: the goal is no longer to subdue the rebellious parts of Belarus but to turn them into a desert. In "Tote Zonen" - dead zones, despite Kube's preventions and the proposals of General von Chamer-Osten (military governor of Belarus), who proposed to proceed by intelligence and infiltration. The conflict can hardly get any worse... The fight between Partisans and SS, with their mostly Baltic auxiliaries, continues on this martyred land, where fanatical resistance fighters, entrenched in the depths of their forests and having sworn to re-establish Soviet authority over the Belarusian SSR, are facing real infernal columns.
And the Belarusian partisans are working well - for the first seven months of 1943, the railroad management deplores the loss of 150 engines, 650 cars, 10 kilometers of track, not to mention the daily attacks on the isolated detachments (40,000 deaths in the last year!). In order to support the SS and to hope to receive its supplies, HG Mitte was gradually forced to barricade itself around its supply lines - bunkers, barricades, massive deforestation, armored trains... All this at the cost of a growing drain on its manpower, and without obtaining satisfactory results. The bridge over the Ptich river between Brest and Gomel was blown up a long time ago and the soldiers from the front are refusing to take leave because they are afraid to cross to the rear!
.........
Assipovichy marshalling yard (near Babrouisk, Belarus) - Consequence of the action of the Belarusian Partisans, the supply of the Army Group Center is even more screwed up than that of the other Axis armies on the Eastern Front. Especially since it is scarce, with the Zitadelle operation! And precisely, a particularly important convoy destined for the XLI. PanzerKorps parks in the dark night of the marshalling yard, on one of the tracks leading to Gomel. On the flatbed cars, black-crossed tanks: Panzer IV, Leopard and even some Tigers, all already supplied with fuel and ammunition. If this train is at a standstill it is because of a faulty signal light. Another cable eaten away by vermin! A technician is called in to fix the problem in a hurry - and fast, there are already two ammunition trains on parallel tracks, and a food supply convoy behind them!
The technician is Fedor Andreyevich Krylovich, a simple railway worker from Minsk with a training in electricity. He climbs up the side of the cars without too much haste to reach the switch that he has to repair. As he passes one of the trailing cars, he stops to retie his shoelace, then stops a second time at the head of the train to locate the position of the faulty cable. Then, he quickly resumes his march, without anyone noticing that he has left at each stop a kind of package under the nearest car... which turns out to be, at the head and at the tail, a fuel tank.
Finally, Krylovich arrives at the switch, which soon works again. He does not wait to be scolded by the German soldiers before leaving - and for good reason! As soon as the train starts moving, a violent explosion is heard at the front, followed by an even louder one at the back. The magnetic mines have just exploded, triggering a chain reaction that spreads throughout the convoy, and even to the ammunition cars parked on the nearby tracks! The panic is indescribable! A wave of fire sweeps away everything on a 300 meters radius, without anything or anybody being able to stop it!
The fire lasts no less than ten hours. On the morning of the 31st, the Germans could only notice the damage... The thousand-year-old Reich had lost, through the fault of a single Slavic sub-human (veteran of Khalkin-Gol and the Winter War, however): 8 Tigers, 24 Leopards, 30 Panzer IV, 63 wagons of ground ammunition, 8 of air bombs and 15 of food, to which we must add 5 locomotives, 8 oil and 23 gasoline tanks, a coal warehouse and a good part of the sorting facilities. All this without mentioning the rout of the auxiliaries of the Schuma, who thought they were attacked and ran into the city, abandoning the prisoners in their custody - the latter did not hesitate to disappear...
Of course, the reprisals are ruthless. The Jews of the ghetto and the various hostages will be the first to suffer - while waiting for the villagers of the Tote Zonen. But in order to massacre them, the Heer will have to clear its front once again, at the risk of encouraging a new Soviet offensive. As for the lost material... it will not be replaced any time soon!
For this spectacular success - one of the most beautiful acts of sabotage of the world conflict, according to many experts - Fedor Krylovich will receive the Order of Lenin. In the meantime, he will have joined the 1st Babruisk Brigade and carried out many other operations that were to do the Reich a great deal of harm. Several times wounded, the veteran will return to Assipovichy after the war to resume his modest career as an electrician - he died there in anonymity in 1959. Today, only one street in Minsk remembers his name - as well as a monument in the new train station, commemorating an achievement that undoubtedly made life easier for the Red Army, during that bloody summer of 1943.

* It should be remembered that the Katyn massacre, in which almost 22,000 Polish officers lost their lives, was only discovered in the beginning of the 1990s, thanks to the easing of East-West relations and the opening of part of the NKVD archives - which had not been destroyed, despite numerous suggestions from the officials concerned. In the meantime, the work of the Madden Commission meanwhile, has already revealed to anyone who would listen the appalling nature of what has taken place in these places.
** Throughout the occupation of Belarus, from 1942 to 1944, the Nazi regime regularly publicized in the press about the discovery of Soviet mass graves, not hesitating to set up international committees under the aegis of the Red Cross (some of which included Allied officers who were prisoners of war!) to investigate the crimes of his adversary and thus try to give himself respectability. Among all these experts - not always fooled by the maneuver, but certainly not all subservient to Berlin either - the Polish writer and resistance fighter Ferdynand Goetel (although he was a prisoner of the SS), the Czech sportsman František Hájek and the Croatian anatomo-pathologist Eduard Miloslavić, founder of forensic medicine in the United States!
*** The latter, combined with other groups, such as those in charge of special operations in the Baltic or the Far North, gave birth to the Spetsnaz units we know today.
 
8941
July 30th, 1943

Operation Zitadelle
Sector of the 3. PanzerArmee
- Moving without prior reconnaissance along the right bank of the Pripyat river, the 208. ID attacks Chernobyl. Pieckenberg plays on the surprise effect and wins. Not having detected the arrival of the enemy and losing their commander, the defenders give up and withdraw a few kilometers to the south. However, the Landsers do not go much further, as the arrival of the Soviet air force calms any desire to take advantage of their success. Just one company crosses the river to secure the eastern bank.
At Narodichi, the previous day's airlift gives only a brief respite to the remnants of the 57th Army.
The imperative to commit all available aircraft to the battle further southeast forces Trofimenko, supported by Vatutin, to order a withdrawal. Thanks to his radio, Gagen, however, obtains enough air support to break through to the east and south-east and to allow the few thousand survivors who could still make it to the woods.
From there, they could try to reach Ivankov, sixty kilometers to the east. Too happy to be able to go to the great battle, the 68. ID will probably not try much to hold them back. After all, what are a few thousand fugitives worth when the division could run to Malin to force the issue!
In the sector of Malin, precisely, supported powerfully by artillery and aviation, Vatutin orders Kryushenkin's cavalry corps to go on the offensive with Bogdanov's and Rybalko's two armored corps. The objective is clear: to push back the Panzers towards the west by counting on their exhaustion and give some air to the defenders of Malin.
Covered by everything that could send a shell, drop a bomb or strafe, the attackers advance two to three kilometers east of Golovky. A painful progress, but a huge success compared to the perpetual retreat of the last weeks.
In response, Model does not remain inert and launches his three panzer divisions in counter-attack, with the support of all the remaining Tigers. The lost ground is recaptured... but at an extremely heavy price. At the end of the day, the 504. sPz Abt reports that it has only nine tanks operational. And the 501. sPz Abt only six! Further north, Morozovka is also lost and then recaptured, generating new bloodshed.
Scraping to the bone depots and services (there are long ago no more permissions), the staff of the 3. PanzerArmee still finds something to make up for the losses in personnel - cannon fodder sent to the front line to spare the infantrymen. At the end of the evening, Model learns from the FHO the presence of a new Soviet armored corps further east (the 21st Corps, still in reserve of the Stavka and which had not received the order to move). This discovery reinforces the concern of the commander of the 3. PanzerArmee. But how many more Soviet tanks will he have to destroy?
.........
Sector of the 6. Armee - The breakthrough of the 4th Shock continues despite an attempt of counter-attack mounted urgently by the 9. ID and the 210. StuG Abt. The counter-measures taken the day before had nipped it in the bud in the preparation phase.
Vatutin receives the order to retake Korosten. However, the tanks of the 4th Shock are only fifteen kilometers from Bondarevka, on the railroad linking Korosten to Novograd-Volynskiy.
Cutting this one would respect perfectly the Soviet dogma of the attack in depth and would cut one of the feeding arteries of the 3. PanzerArmee. Cutting a bloody path between the remains of the 302. ID and the 79. ID, Maslennikov's mobile groups charge towards Bondarevka, block a supply train defended by two armed wagons and disperse the defenders. Bludgeoned by the air force and pinned down by the risk of seeing the 11th Armored Corps arrive, the 56. ID does not move.
The arrival of the Soviets at the gates of Korosten is a new catastrophe for Paulus.
Isolated, the 79. and 56. ID have no other choice than to try to pass through the enemy tanks to link up again with the 9. ID, or to entrench themselves west of Korosten.
But the news is just as bad for Model: all or almost all of its resources are being used against defenses in front of Malin, east of Korosten, he has nothing to try to push back the 4th Shock. Only OKH and Kluge still have some reserves. Reluctantly, Model calls his superior and makes himself sweet, something sufficiently rare for Kluge to take note. The 23. Panzer can only be mobilized on the express orders of the Führer, so the head of Zitadelle can only send the 203. StuG Abt, which is transferred to the 3. PanzerArmee within forty-eight hours. In the meantime, Model has to make do with a Kampfgruppe created with elements of its 246. ID and some StuG IV barely repaired and removed from the 5. Panzer.
In the south, the 37th Army has obviously finished eating its black bread and is finally showing its advantage. Deprived of the support of the 9. ID, the 294. ID, drunk with blows, retreats more and more in disorder. Totally atonic, Chales de Beaulieu (168. ID) doesn't help his neighbor and doesn't even answer radio calls, prompting an officer of the 6. Armee to be sent to the scene to determine if the unit still exists! Isolated and with no illusions about what to do next, Block takes the only acceptable decision by abandoning Ryzhiny and withdrawing to his lines of July 23rd. At least we can save Volodarsk while waiting for the final victory of the 3. PanzerArmee!
.........
Battle of Zhitomir - Both banks of the Kemenka River are now completely occupied by units of the 5th Shock Army. With no hope of driving them out and under pressure, Mahlmann and Usinger appeal to their respective superiors. The case of the second is quickly settled: Manstein giving his green light, the 223. ID evacuates the western quarters it was still holding and joins the rest of the LIX. ArmeeKorps, still caught by the throat of the 1st Shock Army. But the 147. ID depends on the XXIX. ArmeeKorps, thus of the 6. Armee.
Harassed by Branderberger, who commands the XXIX. AK, Paulus concedes with a little lip service the authorization to withdraw. This allows at least to support the 332. ID and to shorten the front line.
The abandonment of Zhitomir is thus validated at the level of the two armies... but at the higher echelons the thing is more difficult! If Kluge pretends to be convinced by Paulus' chief of staff, at the OKH, Heusinger and Zeitzler shouts loudly and demands to cancel the withdrawal. Passing through tortuous channels and possibly led astray by unfortunate hands, this counter-order does not reach its addressees until much too late. The two divisions had already withdrawn.
Noting the departure of the Germans, Chernyakovsky transmits the information without delay to Rokossovsky... and to Beria, in his capacity as commander of the NKVD troops troops who also fought in the city. It is a good way to return the elevator to an influential person, a guarantee of serenity in the Soviet system. Once the elements of infantry and artillery that had been trapped for many days in the city, the victorious forces can take on new tasks: to continue the clearing operations west of the city and to build temporary bridges over the Kemenka and Teterev rivers. The price of success is that Rokossovsky has to give back the 5th Shock and the 17th Armored Corps, returned to Vatutin.
The retreat to the northwest of the 332. ID opens a door for an attack in the depth west of Zhitomir thanks to the tanks of Lelyushenko. But taking advantage of the opportunity could build a German salient around Berdichev. However, this prospect displeases all Soviet leaders. Too much progress here could be paid for elsewhere.
Moreover, Vatutin has another idea in mind: to send the 17th Armored Corps north to help clear Malin. The 5th Shock would be more than enough to expand the liberated terrain around Zhitomir. The 17th Corps has to coordinate with the 26th Army and the 5th Shock with Vlassov's 1st Shock. This one, southwest of Zhitomir, manages to advance north-west by pushing back the 205. and 304. ID and the SS of the Galizien despite a fierce resistance.
.........
Sector of the 8. Armee - Manstein fully sees the strategic impasse in which he has trapped himself. Two of the three SS panzer divisions are isolated about thirty kilometers west of Bila Tservka and above all, about fifty kilometers east of the other German units. Hausser advanced in depth, but he could only form a finger of gloves, which we wonder in Rastenburg why the Soviets have not yet sectioned it. Zeitzler assumes that the Red Army is finally running out of reserves, while Guderian, scornful, asserts that it is rather a question of stupidity and tactical ineptitude. If the XXVII. AK of Weiß does not manage to break out of Berdichev to support Hausser, an effective and quick way to get the SS out of there must be found.
Looking for the solution, Weiß decides to cover his right flank. Straining his divisions (125. ID, 132. ID and 141. ID), he seizes Solotvin [Staryi Solotvyn] and Bolshiye Moshkovtsy [Velyki Moshkivtsi] thanks to a series of misunderstandings between Soviet cavalrymen and airmen, thus covering the northern part of Chervone.
South of Hausser's breakthrough, at Kazatin, the LAH dryly repulses a disjointed assault by the 1st Armored Corps. Indeed, the 1st Guards Armored Corps has to cover Kashperovka against a new attack of the 11. Panzer, Katukov leaving about fifty tanks in the affair, against seven at Balck. Rudolf von Ribbentrop's crew distinguishes itself by destroying two T-34s and a T-50, which earns him the congratulations of his regimental commander.
Furious, Rokossovsky has to admit that his plans had been thwarted because the enemy has once again seized the initiative. One more proof that it is important not to underestimate him. As a result, he is again in danger of missing the means to push back Weiß' units.
In Skvira, Hausser thinks long and hard about his own situation. He had moved too fast and too far into the Soviet system. In accordance with the orders, he infiltrated and rode, rolled and rolled again from victory to victory... But to continue to rush headlong in this way is no longer possible! His experience and his sense of reading the OKH communiqués show him that in the north, Model has not reached the Dnieper. From Himmler, he knows that on his left, the 6. Armee has not reached the outskirts of Kiev and that Weiß is far from having taken Fastov. Finally, by Manstein, he knows the pressure undergone by Kempf, on his right. In summary, he is alone or almost alone, certainly with two elite divisions, but in the middle of the Ukrainian steppes and facing an opponent who has pulled himself together. The radio intercepts are unequivocal: it is a fully manned armored corps, equipped with additional artillery and infantry. Even poorly led, this force is more than capable of blocking the road for at least forty-eight hours, enough time for the Red Army to reinforce itself, or even to cut it from its bases to make him a spell. To withdraw thus appears as an option - all the more attractive because in addition to saving his tanks, Hausser could give a welcome boost to Balck and his own LAH, falling on the backs of the 4th Shock Army and Chanchibadze's and Katukov's armored corps. Leaving his officers to write a recommendation that he would transmit to Manstein the same evening, Hausser returns to the most urgent matter. He orders the Totenkopf to redeploy quickly northwest of Skvira to welcome the new arrivals, while the Das Reich continues the systematic elimination of the nests of resistance in the city.
On the other side, aware of the enemy's superiority in terms of tanks, Volkov slows down his progression until he stops at about five kilometers. There is no question of risking his precious 22nd Armored Corps in a frontal assault as glorious as useless. Zhukov validates a tactic in two stages: using artillery and rocket launchers to soften up the defenses, then attack by sending the heaviest armored vehicles and infantry in front, the medium tanks on the flanks. Air defense aircraft (PVO) would provide ground support, as the tactical forces are too busy elsewhere. Their pilots have no experience in this field, but Volkov believes they will do more damage to the enemy than to his own forces - and at least, they will avoid any interference from the Luftwaffe.
The ball starts at 05:30 with salvos sent by the two regiments of BM-13/16, followed closely by the shells of the Soviet tubes. The SS note a certain inaccuracy of the bombing, and even more the visible inexperience of the planes which follow. The regimental logs of the Totenkopf will report the same evening a success rate much higher than the norm of the Flak batteries, against aircraft flying too long in their field of fire, or even crashing to escape the fire of their guns. Noticing himself the lack of efficiency of his supports, Volkov orders however the attack. Advancing in point, the KV-85 of his independent armored brigade represent good targets for the Panzers, but they are accompanied by SU-122 self-propelled engines firing large explosive shells, which are very dangerous for anything that is not solidly armored. T-34s and T-50s frantically run to the left and to the right to escape the German pointers while looking for firing positions. This constant ballethowever, only gives them a slightly longer life expectancy than usual.
Several hours of confrontations leave the Volkov group weakened, but far from being out of combat. Using smoke to protect their recovery teams, the Soviet tankers are able to recover a good part of their damaged tanks. Among the SS, one watches with concern as the number of shells in the lockers decreases. The deliveries undertaken several days ago, are far from covering the consumption (and losses)... All the more so as if the PVO have difficulty in adapting to air-to-ground missions, they are clearly more skilled in air-to-air and makes havoc among the light planes which are trying to deliver 75 or 88 mm shells crammed into the fuselage. The destruction of two Storch and a Caproni (ex-Italian) almost under Hausser's nose highlights the limits of the process.
At nightfall, Hausser makes contact with Manstein, who takes his proposal very badly.
Abandoning Skvira and withdrawing the SS PanzerKorps would represent the pure and simple failure of Zitadelle, even if the maneuver allows to eliminate two opposing armored corps in an encirclement. However, the head of the 8. Armee judges that Hausser had done his job and he takes into account his membership in the SS, an important element in an army and under a regime where factionalism is essential to the internal balance of power. On the other hand, Manstein is furious with Paulus, Model and especially Kluge. He considers that the latter has not supported him, has done nothing but follow his ideas... and plots behind his back, ready to drop him, even to accuse him as soon as he will be certain that the Ostheer will not reach Kiev. It remains to make Zeitzler and the OKH admit that this withdrawal is in no way an abandonment of Zitadelle, just a tactical maneuver intended not only to destroy the last Soviet reserves, but also to establish the starting positions for the final push towards Kiev. Or something like that. Manstein is confident that he will be able to convince Hitler of the validity of his theses. In the meantime, Hausser is preparing to... attack in another direction.
.........
Operation Koliushka - The 2nd Ukrainian Front and the 10th Army in particular receive a message from Comrade Stalin. What an honor... and what terror!
"Comrade Golikov advised me of particular difficulties in his sector. It seems that discipline is not the first quality of some elements of the 2nd Ukrainian Front and that this is hindering his advance. But let Comrade Bagramyan be reassured: while he will continue his progression, I will entrust the management of his rear to two specialists who will be in charge of bringing order and purging those who deserve it. Comrades Mekhlis and Shcherbakov are already on their way. Be sure to work with them, for the sake of everyone."
The imminent arrival of the men sent by Stalin electrifies Golikov and his 10th Army. Indeed, the arrival of Mekhlis is shocking. Terrified at the idea of meeting one of the damned souls of the Vojd (even if the man has lost a good part of his powers since the beginning of the war), the soldiers have given up looting and are now in pursuit of the Korpsabteilung B - but in such a haphazard fashion that they only facilitate its retreat.
Retreating in drawers, mining here and strafing there, Weidling's men massacre the Soviet groups that are too far ahead, instilling fear in the others. In short, the 10th Army is held at arm's length!
Meanwhile, von Arnim is able to talk with the Hungarians. The leader of the 2. PanzerArmee shows them that the good use of the few reserve units of his army could benefit everyone, provided that they play as a team.
Reassured by the good holding of Weidling and by the apathy of the 3rd Army (turned towards the north), the Hungarians of the 4th Corps agree to let go of the 20. Panzergrenadier (Jauer), until then stationed in front of Vinnitsa to deter a new Soviet attack. Jauer can thus immediately go to reinforce the German and Hungarian defenses against the offensive of the 2nd Ukrainian Front. In exchange, von Arnim places at the disposal of the 4th Corps the 189. ID. He also agrees to ask Kluge, but especially the OKH, to assign him the 2nd Hungarian Armored Division. Very diplomatic, the chief of the 2. PanzerArmee does not say anything about his doubts about the efficiency of the Hungarian tanks against the Reds. In any case, there is a serious lack of armored vehicles and the OKH stubbornly refuses to give up the 23. Panzer.
We might as well do with what we have! While sparing the susceptibility of his allies, von Arnim suggests to act in two phases, first to help the 257. ID (against which the threat of an infiltration is the most obvious) then the 19th Hungarian ID. The proposal is soon accepted.
At Rakhny Lesovvye, the 2nd Shock Army neutralizes a new assault of the 202. StuG Abt by ravaging its starting positions with its artillery. The 257. ID rejected to the west, Galitsky introduces his armor along the railroad line leading to Zhmerinka [Jmerynka], part of his infantry following on foot or mounted on every possible vehicle. Advancing about ten kilometers, the vanguards seize Pen'kovka [Pen'kivka] while in the east, the Germans urgently evacuate Krasnoye [Krasne], the former headquarters of the XLIX. AK.
By breaking through here, Galitsky aims not only to isolate the 4th Hungarian Corps as well as the 94. ID and Korpsabteilung B, but also to destabilize the 2. PanzerArmee by threatening its nerve center, in Zhmerinka. However, the move is risky: Pfeiffer is already trying to close the breach by attacking Sledi, forcing the 2nd Shock to divert important forces in addition to those protecting its left flank facing 202. StuG Abt.
On the 16th Army side, the Chargorod woods are reduced to matchsticks, their defenders forced to flee or die on the spot. Giving a rifle to all personnel able to fight or at least give their lives against a little time, the commander of the 19th Hungarian ID slows down Lukin's progression. All villages between the forest and Chargorod are conquered after fierce and similar fights: preliminary bombardment, arrival of the infantry with a few tanks or light self-propelled vehicles, which were soon attacked by anti-tank guns and snipers, new bombardments this time more intense, encirclement of the place and hand-to-hand assault, the whole leading to the destruction of almost all the houses. However, the breakthrough of the 16th Army is too narrow, which creates organizational problems, as the Soviet infantry cannot deploy properly. Lukin has to personally explain to his subordinates the need to expand the base of the breakthrough, first to Politanka [Politanky] in the west and then to Dolzhok [Dovzhok] in the east.
Opposite, the 59th Soviet Army does not seem to move, the general commanding the 20th ID decides to send reinforcements to the 19th to try to prevent the 16th Army from spreading on its left, with some success. This does not prevent Lukin's advanced elements from penetrating the outskirts of Chargorod in the late afternoon, before being rejected by a counter-attack.
 
8942
July 30th, 1943

Kunstevo, 22:00
- They are all there, or almost. The entire military-political areopagus of the Soviet Union, members of the GKO, the high ranking officers of the general staff, the representatives of the Stavka, Stalin's military advisors. Only the following are physically missing Zhukov, Vasilyevsky and the leaders of the Fronts involved in the Riga offensive, the defense of Kiev and the Koliushka and Molot operations. But they are not absent for all that, they can be reached at any time by the transmission teams specially attached to their service.
The large wooden table in the middle of the room where the nightly situation report is held, conclusion of the day's work of Stalin, has just been covered with a large detailed map representing a vast region from Minsk to the Black Sea and covered with dozens of small flags, colored lines and arrows pointing in various directions.
As usual, the Vojd listens carefully to the reports of the various officers responsible for reporting on each sector of the front, from north to south. But the audience is waiting for the report on Kiev and the north of Ukraine. A sign of the importance of the fighting in this region, it is General Antonov, the deputy chief of the General Staff, who decides to present the report himself this evening. In a silence barely broken by a few coughs - there are many smokers in the room and a cloud of smoke hangs in the air - Antonov reviews in detail the day's confrontations.
"We were all silent, our eyes riveted on the map. Stalin said nothing, his eyes following Antonov's every move. I had the feeling that we were living in a historic moment, but I didn't dare to go too far. After all, we had already had this feeling a few months before. It was dangerous to claim victory too soon. But this time, and perhaps for the first time in the war, I felt really confident." (Memoirs of Anastasios Mikoyan).
After his presentation, Antonov remains silent, waiting for his master's reaction. This one is slow to come. Stalin takes his time, studying the map, then consulting his gray notebook, then looking at the map again, obviously weighing up what he is going to say.
- If I have understood correctly, Comrade General, Model's army is contained.
- Yes, Comrade Marshal.
- Paulus' army is also contained and is even being pushed back.
- Yes, Comrade Marshal.
- As for Manstein's army, its two flanks are in difficulty and its center is blocked in the open country.
- This is what appears indeed, Comrade Marshal.
- In this case, we have an advantage to keep and to accentuate! The enemy is weakened, we must take advantage of it to take back the lost ground and destroy his armored corps. This done, it will be easy for us to retake Rovno and then to push the fascists back to the Polish border!

The debate is launched. However, Stalin soon finds himself in a curious and rather uncomfortable position, because he is alone against almost everyone, while no one dares to contradict him directly. Thereafter, he will say to Poskrebychev to have had the impression that if the majority of men present refused the idea of an all-out counter-offensive, it was perhaps that they had agreed among themselves before! In any case, the opposition is clear, muffled but argumented. Answering directly or by radio, Zhukov, Vasilyevsky, Vatutin, Rokossovsky express serious reservations with tact but firmness. Bagramyan shows himself optimistic, but only for his sector.
In summary, the generals say, the losses have been substantial, in infantry as well as in armored vehicles and it is necessary to commit reserves that could not be used to counter-attack.
Not to mention that the enemy was not broken! The level of supplies stored in the depots of Kiev and Kharkov is dramatically low and the railway lines are totally overloaded, "barely able to supply the troops from day to day," explains Kaganovich. The other Fronts - especially those in the Baltic - are also drawing - albeit very modestly - a supply that is lacking in Ukraine. We should consider reorganizing logistics before any offensive action.
Beria claims that security has been strengthened by the elimination of many dubious elements, mainly anti-Bolshevik and nationalist Ukrainians, but he is still waiting for the result of new cleanup operations. Taking the floor last, Molotov asserts himself however, confident in the possibility of retaking certain key positions in order to better prepare for the next operations. His words trigger a wave of approval that Stalin undoubtedly judges, in petto, too unanimous to be honest...
Nevertheless, the comrade Marshal is in uncertainty and therefore agrees - a rare thing - to make a concession. No massive counter-attack for the moment - this will come later, the time to put the Red Army back on its feet. But this should not prevent local operations. Taking a red pencil, Stalin draws a large line on the map.
"- By the time the Kutuzov and Suvorov operations begin, I intend to have our forces occupy the line Ovruch-Korosten-Jitomir-Berdichev-Vinnitsa. These five cities must be recaptured, if necessary, and protected to a depth of at least twenty kilometers to the north, west and south. In addition, I demand that a special effort be made to rebuild the railway lines west of the Dnieper in order to relieve the congestion in Kiev and to transport to the western bank the supplies and reinforcements we will need. It is also necessary to rebuild airfields for air support. And above all, this must be done with the utmost speed. If delays force us to postpone "Kutuzov" or "Suvorov"... someone should take responsibility for it. Furthermore, I order the suspension of the offensive on Riga - it is useless now that the Fascists are stopped in Ukraine. And in this connection it seems that comrade Popov has lost once again many men for very little decisive results. But we will see that later. Now let's deal with the last two Fronts, comrades."
 
8943
July 30th, 1943

Operation Molot
Weather
- The days follow one another and are decidedly similar in the sky of Moldova - the rain comes and goes, light in the morning, dense during the day and finally calms down in the evening. As if the sky itself wanted to silence the weapons. Of course, it does not succeed.
.........
Molot North (4th Ukrainian Front) - Facing the 215. ID, which continues to sweep the former battlefield of Yampil, while trying to hold an ever larger portion of the banks of the Dniester (now about 45 kilometers to Sauca!), the 47th Army undertakes to transfer the bulk of its forces to Sanatauca, in the hope of keeping its last bridgehead on the west bank of the river. However, General Zhmachenko left in garrison on the left bank the remains of the three divisions that had been destroyed a few days ago - a blessing for these
soldiers who are in great need of rest.
On the other bridgehead, the battle turns into a mutual and sterile annihilation, between two tired German divisions and three Soviet divisions reinforced with armor but worn out by up to five days of continuous fighting! The rain, which falls hard and floods a part of the communist positions, does not favor the assaults either. The T-34s skid, get bogged down, sink into the ground up to the radiator. The day ends once again with nothing but blood, exhausted troops and fresh recruits sent to feed the inferno... However, the bad weather slows down all the actions, somewhere to the benefit of the soldiers of both parties.
In Rezina, on the other hand, the fighting continues, ever more savage. The 10th Guards Division, reinforced by the debris of the 104th Division and its other sisters in misfortune, cling to the ground as never before. For them, there seems to be no land below the Dniester! On their right, the 122nd Division leads a merciless fight - every grove, every mound of earth, every house is fiercely contested, as if it were the Kremlin itself. The Soviet strong points, although sometimes surrounded by the Germans, are all defended without any spirit of surrender. And for each comrade who falls - the formation has already 1,500 killed since the day before... - another one replaces him. The immortals of Xerxes, in a way, minus sentimental relationships. "In front of us, they were not men, but demons," will tell a former Landser of the 46. ID. "Neither the iron, nor the fire seems to reach them! My father, who had served in Poland during the Other War, had told me: when you kill a Russian, you have to push him so that he falls!" (Citadel and Hammer - The Battle of Ukraine, op. cit., 1973).
Tolbukhin continues to feed the melee. The 2nd Armored Corps of Lazarev makes its tanks cross under machine-gun and artillery fire - to which the tanks do not hesitate to return fire during their crossing, at the risk of capsizing their transport! Several armored regiments also fire from the Soviet side, across the river. Little by little, at the cost of appalling losses, the 4th Ukrainian Front is pushing the 46. ID and 72. ID to the edge of the abyss...
As for the 62nd Army, not benefiting from the attention of the leader of the Front, nor from the support of the reserve armored corps, it spends the day reinforcing its positions around Susleni, trying by concentric assaults to clear the village of Mascauti from the Nazi clutches. If this village falls, the forces of the 335. ID south of the bridgehead will end up being so strechted out that they will be forced to withdraw. General Kolpakchi, however, remains prudent - the transfers continue (it was the turn of the 280th Rifle Division) and there are reports of the presence of tanks in Orhei... This is of course the 11. Armee reserve, that poor Karl Casper saw pack up as soon as it arrived! The chief of the 335. ID will therefore refrain from any offensive action this day, and will rather try to continue the displacement of the center of gravity of his formation towards the west.
.........
South Molot (Odessa Front) - A very relatively calm day in this area, where the rain, current and the exhaustion of the protagonists forces everyone, if not to take a break, at least to slow down.
The Romanians interpret this last one in a too favorable way: would they have succeeded in exhausting their attackers? Due to a lack of reconnaissance aircraft, the 3rd Army is blind to the transfer of the 9th Armored Corps... The 1st Romanian Corps continues the fight in Bender - General Corneliu Dragalina has the 4th Infantry Division extracted from Bender, whose fighting capabilities are exhausted, to reform towards Hîrbovăț, less than ten kilometres behind. The Romanians are aware that the battle in the former
Tyagyanyakyacha* is consuming their troops - is not the 18th DIM also engaged in battle, despite its task of linking east and west, which should already be more than enough to occupy it? It is therefore better to try to build up a reserve, for a future new coordinated action with the armored forces of the Hagimus sector... The 2nd ID of General Constantin Iordachescu is now almost alone to fight in the ruins facing the Turkish fortress.
Elsewhere, the situation seems strangely frozen, the positions in the area of Copanca and Răscăieți not moving much, much to the relief of the 18th DIM, 7th DC and 9th DC.
Would we be panicking in Căușeni - at the headquarters of the Romanian mountain and cavalry corps - if we knew that the 6th Guards Army had moved almost five of its divisions to the south bank of the Dniester, reinforced by the 42nd Armored Division and a good half of the 17th Guards Armored Division ?
Batov and Shamshin are only waiting for the signal to leave, given by Ivan Petrov.
But the latter is not in a hurry - a clear day is expected tomorrow. In the meantime, the Romanians, exhausted, try to reinforce and reorganize themselves. The Guards Armored Division recovers some repaired machines under a stubborn and heavy rain.
Between Palanca and Mayaky, the 18th Army continues to push, while in Odessa, large grey silhouettes raise anchor. The 60. PzG has just entered Chișinău - a city it passes through in a twilight atmosphere.
.........
"Of the fifteen men with whom I shared my fate only two days ago, only six of them are left unharmed. Our sergeant is dead, it is a corporal who has taken over the section - it is difficult for him to be credible, because he is younger than me! Yes, but he went to high school. Our group, isolated in the middle of the others, is practically back on the road to Bulboaca. The city center is in the hands of the Reds, we see their flag flying over the castle and the dome of the cathedral. Did we stop them? Some people say so, but I doubt it a bit... Especially since, even if we are not really under assault anymore, the shells keep falling!" (Farewell my country... once again, Vasil Gravil, Gallimard 1957)

* The city, founded in the 14th century by the Moldavians, was named Bender only after its capture by Suleiman the Magnificent in 1538. It will remain Ottoman until 1791, before an effective and forced transfer in 1806, in spite of two captures by the Russian imperial army as well as a very short parenthesis... Swedish from 1709 to 1713, when the army of Charles XII found refuge there after the defeat of Poltava, before being finally expelled by the Turks. One might as well say that this city has already experienced a lot of war!
 
8944
July 30th, 1943

Villa of the Conducator (Băneasa), 15:00
- Informed of the "consolidation" of the situation on the front (a very improper term, but used by Petre Dumitrescu for lack of another, which would be inevitably more worrying), the Conducator tries to reassure his German ally on the holding of its forces and to try to save what can still be of his country's independence.
He has some reason to be concerned... Indeed, following his request of the day before, Antonescu - the minister, not the marshal - received a personal call from Joachim von Ribbentrop. The latter wielded the threat as well as he had in 1939, when he assured Romania of the best feelings of the Reich towards him, using exactly the same terms as those he had used with Czechoslovakia. The German minister did not hesitate to point out to his interlocutor the debt that his country owes - once again - to the generous Germany. There will be counterparts, notably in terms of domestic policy and oil tariffs. Obviously, in the face of such talk, no miraculous solution comes to the mind of the unfortunate Romanian - except that, it would be time for his country to leave the Axis - and he found nothing to answer - except the promise to refer to his leader. Which he did in the nick of time.
But Bucharest is not Prague, and Antonescu is not Beneš. Romanians still remember the humiliation of the second Vienna arbitration, such a humiliation that the minister at the time, Mihail Manoilescu, fainted in the room when the Germans had announced it... Also, facing this Nazi who comes to threaten (but above all to try to regain some prestige, and therefore influence in Berlin), and more and more worried about his own fate, the Conducator braces himself and does not hesitate to try to reach the Führer himself to solicit "a frank support without ulterior motives" on the basis of the "respect that the soldiers of two allies have for each other".
However, when Antonescu calls, Hitler is asleep - or busy with something else. A pity, because the Führer's intervention might have made it possible to mobilize more troops now to face the coming events. Unfortunately, in the immediate future, Antonescu's attempt will have the sole consequence of convincing the OKH that the Romanians are unreliable and must be directed rather than assisted... No reason, therefore, for the moment, to send them reinforcements.
 
8945
July 30th, 1943

South of France
- It is a relatively quiet day for the Germans, since the USAAF launches only two missions against the south of France. The first one is the work of the 392nd BG (B-24) accompanied by the 1st FG (P-38); the four-engine planes bombed the airfield of Lézignan (Aude). The second one, carried out as the day before by the 86th FBG, returns to the Aigues-Mortes sector, where the reconnaissance showed that the raid of the 27th had only given mixed results.
In the Gulf of Genoa, the 23rd EB, accompanied by the 3rd EC, attacks again the bridges in the Ventimiglia sector, some of which had not yet been repaired. At the same time, the 25th BG (A-20), escorted by the 33rd FG (P-51), bombs the coastal defenses around La Spezia.
 
8946
July 30th, 1943

Italian Front
- The mood is festive at 233rd Wing (SAAF). Indeed, Sqn 274 and 353 receive their Banshee I and II today. The squadrons of the 7th South African Wing should also soon exchange their aging P-40s for... Spitfire Vs that have barely flown.
Faced with the delays required to deliver new aircraft, including from American aircraft manufacturers, the South African Prime Minister finally had to give in and accept these aircraft which, even if they are not exactly state-of-the-art, are still quite capable of fulfilling their (secondary) role against the enemy in this sector (also secondary). And it helps that they are graciously given to the SAAF by the London government, in the name of the "Empire Bonds". So, on a given horse...
 
8947
July 30th, 1943

Adriatic
- In the early morning, the Beaumont II of Sqn 69, covered by Sqn 145, attack the bridges on the canal and on the Tagliamento at Bevazzana. The damage is very important, particularly at the mouth of the river.
Much further south, and in order to cast doubt on the location of possible Allied operations, the garrison of Dugi is attacked by the Beaufighters of Sqn 89, covered by Sqn 126. As often, German fighters are absent from this sector. The front covered by JG 27 is much further south, and JG 53 tries to concentrate its means in the north, on the route of the four-engined aircraft of the 15th AF.
 
8948
July 30th, 1943

Milan
- Field Marshal Albert Kesselring, commander of HeeresGruppe F, and General von Vietinghoff, who commands the 14. Armee, are increasingly alarmed by rumors of a possible Allied landing in the Gulf of Genoa (rumors in reality fed by the allied disinformation operation Ferdinand). They therefore try to organize themselves to counter such an undertaking. The latest reports indicate numerous rotations among the enemy divisions engaged in Italy and some seem to have disappeared from the landscape, which suggests that they may be in the process of redeployment for such an operation. Finally, there is the famous British 12th Army, which the Abwehr reports place in Libya.
The problem is that the Italian front is mobilizing most of the HG F troops and that the rest, who should be enjoying a well-deserved and above all necessary rest, must remain vigilant at all times to prevent the unrest in the north of Italy from making the German situation untenable. In this context, an amphibious operation by the enemy in this region appears more and more like a painful possibility, even if the terrain of the Italian coastline from the Po plain does not seem favorable at first glance.
However, neither was the terrain in the Peloponnese last year - and now the Allies are in central Greece and moving northwards... And then, who knows: starting from the Gulf of Genoa, the enemy could turn towards France, defended by HeeresGruppe G ? Unless the amphibious operation targets the Venice region or the Dalmatian coastline, putting both HeeresGruppe F and HeeresGruppe E in danger.
The two generals are well aware that they will necessarily have to collaborate with their neighbors. For the Balkans, von Weichs, in HG E, and his subordinate Rendulic, in the 20. Gebirgs-Armee, are primarily concerned by a hypothetical landing in the northern Adriatic (the elements that suggest it are diffused within the framework of operation Zeppelin*); such a landing could well finish off Löhr's 12. Armee, already in full discomfiture. In the south of France, Blaskowitz, in HeeresGruppe G, and especially his subordinate von Sodenstern, in the 19. Armee, have to be involved in the thinking process. All the more so as especially since other information (this time disseminated by Operation Vendetta) points to the possibility of a landing in the Languedoc!
In the immediate future, Kesselring and von Vietinghoff take stock of the forces available to them. Not much, in fact: the 252. ID covers Genoa and its region, while the 162. and 292. ID are at rest in Istria and Veneto, but mainly at the disposal of von Weichs, therefore likely to be recalled at any time to the Balkan powder keg.
The Oberbefehlshaber of the north-eastern Adriatic coast has a single division, the 713. ID, which essentially defends Trieste and the coast up to Split, where Rendulic's forces take over. The defenses of the latter are much more oriented towards the land than towards the sea. In reality, the Axis can only rely on its three most mobile and powerful divisions, the Hermann-Göring Panzer Division, the 10. Panzer and the 29. Panzergrenadier. They are still partially engaged, but likely to send a Kampfgruppe against an enemy bridgehead.
In the next few weeks, the first two divisions of the RSI army are expected to be officially created., and it is hoped that others will follow. But will these units have any combat value if they are not solidly supported? As for the SS - which is said to be trying to form its own Italian army - everyone already knows that it will go it alone, as usual...
In summary, Kesselring can only recommend that von Vietinghoff rely on the laying of numerous minefields to reinforce the defense of the coasts!

* These elements, abundantly spread by the allied services to the Chetnik militias - and this, against the preventions of the agents on the spot - will lead to a number of actions and misunderstandings with sometimes dramatic consequences. These misunderstandings contributed to the increase in tension between the Allied forces and the Yugoslav resistance movements, whose attitude was already quite ambiguous.
 
8949
July 30th, 1943

Central Greece, along the Sperchios
- In the early morning, accompanied by infantry elements, Australian armoured vehicles cross the Samaria Gorge, under the protection of the NA-89 of the 10th EC (Polish). Useless precaution : the Luftwaffe is absent from the skies.
Domokos is reached at 17:00, but Robertson's tanks, which have again distanced their infantry, stop again to wait for it. General O'Connor is very clear: no recklessness or reckless riding! It was obviously Montgomery who spoke through him, who could not but...
.........
Central Greece, Gulf of Corinth region - The Poles pass Erateini and, continuing along the mountain, arrive in sight of Marathias. The roads are deserted, although littered with more or less cumbersome and/or trapped wrecks. In the evening, Nafpaktos and its beaches seem to be within reach...
.........
Central Greece, region of Volos - The situation of the civilian population continues to worsen in this region of plain, where the networks of resistance do not have the same means and the same shelters as in the west, in the mountains. Worse, the purge now extends to Larissa, this time led by the 153. Feldausbildungs-Division (Diether von Böhm-Bezing).
This training division is surrounded by lightly wounded or convalescents, mostly victims of the Resistance and who had a certain resentment towards the Greeks.
Powerless in the face of the massacres, the local head of the EKKA sends several radio messages in order to warn the other cities of the drama in progress. This gesture is fatal to him: his hiding place is located by triangulation, then the building is surrounded and burned without anyone deigning to offer the occupants, Resistance fighters or not, the possibility to get out! The burning building collapses on them. However, the radio call is received, among others, by the Pharsalus cell, which is not very far from the Australian lines...
 
8950 - Map of Operation Zitadelle as of July 30th
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7- Malin
8- Berdichev
 
8951
July 31st, 1943

Yevpatoria (Crimea)
- Lagadec fraternizes...
"After three days of intensive tests, my hosts, who seem very satisfied with my comments and observations, have given me a day of rest.
Thanks to my new friend Pokrychkin, I took the opportunity to get to know the men of his unit. One thing led to another, or rather one drink led to another, and someone came up with the idea of a poker tournament - it seems that this game is one of the few qualities of the American capitalist system (with working radios). I said I was in, of course, but I wondered what interesting things we could bet on."
 
8952
July 31st, 1943

Rangoon
- The principal officers of the allied air units are invited to a staff meeting. There, Operation Damascus (because of the roads, perhaps) is presented to them.
After the April campaign, which had driven the Japanese fighter back to its rear bases in Thailand, the aim is to destroy roads and bridges in Burma and to hunt down small-scale maritime traffic in order to prevent the enemy from moving along the coast. He will thus be forced to transit the majority of his reinforcements and supplies through Thailand, and in particular through the new railroad, under construction thanks to the forced labor provided by the use of prisoners and by the enslavement of part of the local population.
The coast is divided into two zones: the northern zone goes south of Yé and the southern zone goes to Mergui. The Commonwealth squadrons take charge of the northern zone with the Spitfire V from Sqn 17 and 67, the Hurricane III from Sqn 1 (RIAF) and 2 (BVAS), the Beaumont of Sqn 45 and 84 as well as the Blenheim IV of Sqn 3 and 4 (BVAS). The Belgians and the American reinforcements will take care of the southern zone. Indeed, Sqn 340 (B) has received long-range fighters, P-51A Mustangs with Allison engines.
The USAAF, requested by the British, sent the 490th Medium Bombardment Squadron of the 341st Bomb Group, on B-25Ds, and the 459th Fighter Squadron of the 80th Fighter Group, on P-38 Lightning. Some people say that it was a disciplinary exile for this young squadron because General Chennault, who wanted to parade in front of the Chinese the new aircraft of "his" China Air Task Force, had lost face when his champion had been beaten in a simulated air combat by a simple P-40 (very lightly lightened, in secret, by his mechanics).
 
8953
July 31st, 1943

New Georgia
- Continuing their undermining work, the Americans seize Shimizu Hill. The Tenno soldiers no longer have the strength to launch counter-attacks and are holding on to their positions, which are more and more exposed. The Japanese defense line seems close to being broken.
 
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