March 23rd, 1943
Mena House Hotel, Cairo, 11:00 - Franklin Delano Roosevelt presides over this plenary session of the conference, before the political leaders and chiefs of staff of the United States, the United Kingdom, France and China, guest of honor. That is why, therefore, "FDR" begins by extending a warm welcome to the Generalissimo, Mrs. Chang and the entire Chinese delegation. "This is both a historic meeting and a logical consequence of the Five Power Declaration issued recently in Moscow," he says. "The effects of this meeting, I hope, will not only be felt today or in the next few months, but also for decades to come. There is already, I think, unanimity about continuing efforts to maintain the supply of materials to the Chinese military and to continue the bombing in the heart of Japan. I suggest that General Wavell begin by summarizing the actions now underway and those to be considered on the Southeast Asian front."
After speaking at length about the defensive victory just achieved by the British 9th Army in Burma, Wavell reminds us that logistical difficulties will make 1943 a transitional year devoted solely to operations of limited scope. The two main objectives of the coming months are to ensure the security of Rangoon and the Burma Road, and to promote the "changeover" of the Kingdom of Thailand "Italian style". After the battle of January-February, one can hope that the first objective is achieved and that the Japanese will not have the possibility of launching a new large-scale offensive.
Prime Minister Churchill follows up by stating that the Italian surrender would allow the Eastern Fleet to be strengthened and the Japanese fleet in the Indian Ocean to be gradually pushed back. The control of the sea by the Royal Navy could, in 1944, allow amphibious operations crowned by the recapture of Malaysia and Singapore.
General Martin, commander of the Franco-Vietnamese forces in Indochina, insists on the diplomatic efforts necessary to encourage a change of alliance with Thailand, or at least to obtain its disengagement from Japan. Indeed, the forces are for the Japanese a serious support in their fight against the allied units which, thanks to the resistance of Dien-Bien-Phu, hold a large part of Indochina. "The action of these units may seem of little strategic importance, but it kept Japanese troops away from the decisive fronts of Burma and China," says Martin, who notes a decline in attention in the audience.
Chiang speaks up to express his impatience. "I remain convinced," he says, "that a large-scale maritime action, in coordination with a powerful land operation, would drive the Japanese out of Burma before the end of the year. Then, the Allies could concentrate all their means to finally liberate the northeastern provinces of China, Dongbei."
Everyone understands that the Generalissimo is talking about Manchuria. But some English representatives begin to grumble: "What about Singapore?"
The Frenchmen protest half-heartedly: "What about Indochina?"
Churchill reacts with diplomacy: "I understand, of course, that the Generalissimo wants to drive the Japanese out of his country as quickly as possible. Alas, at the present time our naval forces in the region are not yet sufficiently numerous and equipped to support large offensives in the Bay of Bengal. Moreover, it is important to know that Japanese communications and supply lines to maintain their forces in Burma are mainly in the Malay Peninsula, hence the need for action without this area. In any event, I attach immense importance to the operations in Southeast Asia, which must be pursued with the greatest vigor. I hope to discuss this matter further with the Generalissimo when he is apprised of the situation of our naval forces in that theater of operations."
Roosevelt announces that the plenary session is adjourned and suggests that the Generalissimo take the opportunity to discuss directly with the British and American military leaders. "And French!" adds De Gaulle, raising his voice a little, as he had remained very discreet throughout the meeting.
President Roosevelt's residence, Cairo, 13:30 - The President of the United States has lunch with Prime Minister Churchill, Mrs. Oliver (one of his daughters), Major R.H. Thompson and Mr. J.F. Martin (respectively Naval Advisor and Secretary to the Prime Minister), as well as with the President of the Council de Gaulle and Captain G. Chodron de Courcel, his aide-de-camp. As the lunch comes to an end, in a rather cordial atmosphere, Churchill calles out to Roosevelt to remind him that his car would come to pick him up at "four thirty", as agreed, to take him to see the Pyramids. As the Prime Minister, with a happy face and a huge cigar in his mouth, goes down the staircase, he passes in front of a mortified Charles de Gaulle - the invitation does not concern him obviously and he hesitates as for the attitude to adopt in the new role he has taken on. Churchill then turns to him and takes his cigar out of his mouth for a moment to whisper: "You know, tout ça c’est just de la politics!", giving a hand that De Gaulle finally shakes.
Courcel will note in his notebooks: "Coming after the casual attitude of Roosevelt the day before, this little trick by Churchill, in whom he had perhaps hoped to find support, appeared to the General as a kind of betrayal. Until the end of the conference, he shut himself up almost permanently in a morbid silence, he whom I had known so active and so voluntary during the many tests crossed by France since the defeat of the summer of 1940, passing in a few months from a quasi-obscurity to the full light."
Mena House Hotel, Cairo, 14:30 - The meeting of the Supreme Interallied Council with Chinese representatives discusses the possibilities of action in China, both on the ground and in the air. The Chinese call for a powerful offensive with the participation of American units already on the ground. The Americans (and the Europeans of course) reaffirm that it is necessary to obtain the capitulation of Germany before turning all means against Japan and in particular to launch large-scale ground attacks. Nevertheless, the USAAF will do its best to organize bombings, not only against Japanese industry, but also against the Chinese ports occupied by the Japanese, in order to deprive their troops of supplies. It is to be hoped that in China, the destruction will provoke strike movements slowing down the Japanese war effort...
President Roosevelt's residence, Cairo, 20:00 - While Churchill and De Gaulle dine at the British Embassy with General Marshall, the President of the United States receives the President of the Republic of China, accompanied by Harry Hopkins (Roosevelt's personal adviser), Wang Chonghui (Secretary General of the Chinese Supreme Council of Defense) and, of course, Madame Chiang... A recently declassified Chinese report outlines the topics discussed during this Sino-American dinner, of which there does not seem to be any in the American archives.
"On China's international position - President Roosevelt felt that China should take its place among the countries he called the Big Five (United States, United Kingdom, France, USSR and the Republic of China) and participate on an equal footing in all meetings and decisions taken by these countries. Generalissimo Chiang replied that China would be proud to take part in the work of the world's greatest powers, of which it is a full member.
"On the status of the Imperial House of Japan - The President asked the Generalissimo concerning the probable abolition of the Emperor of Japan as an institution after the end of the war. The Generalissimo replies that this would involve to impose some form of government on Japan. This question should be dealt with after the war, without haste and with the participation of the Japanese themselves, so as not to create tensions on the international scene, for he feared that the great powers would not agree on the form of government to be established.
"On the military occupation of Japan - President Roosevelt asked if China wishes to participate in the military occupation of Japan after the war. The Generalissimo believes that it would be natural for the Republic of China to have a full share in this occupation, as the country that has suffered most from Japanese aggression. It would be desirable that the United States should recognize this and provide China with the material necessary for this vital task. President Roosevelt admits this, while specifying that the importance of China's participation should be reconsidered according to the evolution of the military and political situation in China, which the Generalissimo agrees.
"On the Japanese reparations - The Generalissimo proposes that a part of the reparations that Japan will have to pay to China be paid with machine tools, merchant ships and warships, airplanes and all kinds of goods. President Roosevelt expressed his full support for this proposal.
"On Chinese Territorial Integrity - The Generalissimo and President Roosevelt agree that the four northeastern provinces of China, Taiwan and the Penghu Islands, which Japan had taken from China by force, should be returned to her.
The Liaotung Peninsula and its two ports (Port Arthur and Dairen) should be included in this restitution.
President Roosevelt asked if China wished to obtain the return of the Ryükyü Islands. The Generalissimo replied that this retrocession could be discussed after the war, within the framework of an international organization, but that in the meantime, it was natural for China to take charge of the military occupation of these islands.
To President Roosevelt's question about China's position on Hong Kong and Guangzhou Wan, the Generalissimo told the President that very cordial discussions were in progress with the British and French authorities and that he would not fail to keep him informed of the outcome of these conversations.
"About military collaboration - President Roosevelt proposes that after the war, China and the United States should conclude agreements allowing for mutual assistance in case of conflict. For its part, the United States would maintain bases of adequate importance in the Pacific to prevent any aggression.
The Generalissimo expressed his agreement with the first proposal; he hoped that in this framework the United States would be able to ensure a constant reinforcement of the Chinese armed forces on land, sea and air. With regard to the military bases in the Pacific region, the Generalissimo proposed that Port Arthur become a joint base for the Chinese and American navies.
President Roosevelt proposed that the two countries should consult each other before each important decision concerning Asia. The Generalissimo reacted positively.
"About Korea, Indochina and Thailand - President Roosevelt believes that the United States and China should seek a common policy regarding Korea, Indochina, other colonial areas in Asia and Thailand.
The Generalissimo approved and stressed the need to grant independence to Korea. He thought that both countries should actively promote the independence of Indochina after the war and to ensure that Thailand regains true independence. The President agreed.
"On economic aid to China - The Generalissimo is anxious that special attention be given to the economic reconstruction of China after the war. This formidable task will require substantial American aid in the form of loans and technical assistance in many fields. President Roosevelt replied that the United States would indeed pay close attention to this matter; recent developments in Chinese domestic policy, which must surely continue, make him very optimistic about the development of Sino-American cooperation.
"On Outer Mongolia and Tannu Tuva - President Roosevelt asked for President Roosevelt asked for clarification of the current status of Tannu-Tuva and its relations with its neighbors. The Generalissimo pointed out that this area was an integral part of Mongolia until it was more or less annexed by Russia. He thinks that the question of this region should be raised in future negotiations with the Soviet authorities, together with those of Mongolia."
