"...unlike the other elections where he had himself been on the ballot - 1898, 1904 and 1908 - Hearst had the political winds coming at him, rather than filling his sails. Part of it was that he had, for nearly a decade and a half, been one of if not the most dominant personality in American politics and culture rather than the insurgent powering the people against a collapsing conservative dynasty; whatever else he was, he was certainly the establishment. Another piece was that unlike his runs against the reactionary Fairbanks or the anonymous Pennypacker, his opponent was uncooperative in playing into his hands. Hearst had warned a number of Democrats for years not to underestimate Charles Hughes and despite his personal distaste for the "moralizing lecturer," respecting the capabilities of an opponent had always been a family trait. Hughes' governorship had been moderate and on the campaign trail he took a cautious approach, giving typically one to two speeches per day, declining to make firm policy commitments other than expanding and reworking federal schools funding after all the population growth of the last two decades, and in a nod to his middle-class base opposing a proposal to mandate closed shops for labor unions as the next frontier of the Labor Relations Act. While Hearst and a number of Democrats attacked him as evasive, Hughes continued his above-the-fray campaign, confidently portraying himself as undriven by personal ideologies or animus towards any faction and open to all ideas that came before him, often tailoring his message to a conservative or progressive audience depending on who he was speaking to, aiming his campaign straight for the middle of the electorate rather than chasing the most die-hard Old Guard Liberals to the right (Hughes could be quite confident that the most hardened conservatives had the choice of either a third term of Hearst or him, and thus focused on aiming for the soft middle that had powered two elections for Hearst but were skeptical of a third). Hughes also was an active participant on the trail compared to Pennypacker before him and eagerly went to places many Liberals had refused to go before, not just geographically (Hughes campaigned with California Governor Hiram Johnson in San Diego and Los Angeles)
[1] but also culturally, speaking at union halls, beer gardens and farm associations, often receiving a skeptical but respectful audience that was impressed he bothered to show up at all.
Of course, the biggest issue for Hearst was his decision to seek a third term. Historians have debated endlessly to what extent Hearst cost himself, and his party, the White House in 1912, and the conclusion often arrives at him being the primary cause. Liberal newspapers were aggressively against him and neutral media had shifted from support to staunch opposition; while the language of partisan editorials compared him to an aspiring dictator, more measured opinions cast his choice to not step aside for a cycle or two and anoint a chosen successor as a self-inflicted wound. The public largely agreed with this stance, as Democrats from around the country alerted Hearst that he had cost himself a tremendous deal of popularity, shifting a huge bloc of swing voters to Hughes and peeling off a handful of leftist radicals in the West who had stayed inside the tent the last two runs to the Socialists (who, ironically, were running Eugene Debs
yet again.) Many of his surrogates were unenthusiastic, like Senator Bryan, and the passionate followings in county parties and local civic organizations that had driven two victories were decidedly missing. Compared to 1904 and 1908, when the President had received receptions around the country comparable to modern-day music stars, it seemed the only people who were genuinely excited about the possibility of a third term were Hearst and his inner circle.
Hearst nevertheless did his best to salvage the campaign in its closing months. Hughes' talent as an orator was unsharpened (nothing approximating the 'Axis of Liberty' speech for which he is famed was on offing on the 1912 campaign trail) and Hearst was one of the most talented speakers of the age. He criss-crossed the Midwest by train and automobile, holding six to seven events per day where he shook hundreds of hands and delivered the same twenty-five minute stump speech by memory. Millie came into her own as a speaker, dazzling crowds and rebuilding the President's support with middle-class women. His surrogates aggressively countered the message that Hughes was "all you like about the Hearst era without the man at the center who you don't" by portraying him as a kindly facade on the same politics as men like Senator Cabot Lodge and implied that the whole of the Fair Deal would be repealed. Hearst's campaign, which had limped out of the convention with a split party, re-consolidated Democratic support in the closing weeks, its only apparent mistake an awkward response to a streetcar strike that shut down much of Chicago mere days before voters headed to the polls.
As election night loomed, Hearst was exhausted and spent, choosing to hold his last few events in New York before retreating to his home on Central Park East with Millie, the boys and a handful of close advisers to hunch over telephones and telegraphs. Key was optimistic of a win, while men like Haffen and Fitzgerald warned Hearst that it was likelier than not that he was looking at a close loss for all his efforts to salvage a sure defeat. All that was left was the verdict of the American voter..."
[2]
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Citizen Hearst
[1] This one's for you history nerds
[2] I was going to do a little more on the 1912 election but I find writing campaign trail content tedious. Hopefully this update captured the general thrust of things