Alternate Wikipedia Infoboxes VI (Do Not Post Current Politics or Political Figures Here)

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The American political system is described as unique. A firm instillation within the culture of America and the opening up of politics to everyone regardless of if they're interested or not. In spite of the wishes of King George, political factions would gradually emerge. The first of these were members of the royal house, aligned with various merchant classes in the upper portion of the country. Traders and the like. These would come together one rainy October afternoon to form the first major political opposition to the already established Federalist Party. The Democratic Party. For a while, both sides would form a relatively stable "First Party System" from the early 1800s until the 1830s. With the final death of the more well mannered old guard that kept political participation limited and the party system intact, younger members barked at the gates of power and the floodgates were released.

A mess of smaller political parties formed up then fizzled out upon the realization that it took a significant amount of capital in order to run for your local undertaker, let alone possible connections to be nominated Prime Minister. It was no secret that John Calhoun and the President didn't get along. It was about as well known as the fact that the sky was, indeed, blue. Things came to a head within South Carolina when Calhoun was caught writing an angry and defiant letter to the South Carolina Autonomous Collective in 1832.

The idea of Nullification soon spread, and with little in the way of a working supreme court to sort the issue out (and the fact that several judges on the Patriotic Judicial Assembly subscribed to the idea of nullification as a constitutional principle), a working party was hoisted up. However, in order for the party to actually thrive, it needed to have more than just be a "Fuck Andrew Jackson fan-club". They needed more ideas for a broader political base. So they tacked onto the fiery rhetoric of state's rights, promoting itself as the governor's chief defense agaisnt "northern aggression." They championed the idea of Nullification. Despite some warning that northern states could nullify acts passed by southern prime ministers, such as in the instance of northern state's nullification of Prime Minister Millard Fillmore's Fugitive Slave Declaration in the 1860s, those within the south argued that they would be able to get back at them by not following whatever yankee doodle was elected in the north. Political gridlock was known to be inevitable whenever the Nullification Party garnered enough hold of the various bits of government, but not enough to override major Know Nothing policies.



The Know Nothings, personified by "Citizen Know Nothing" in political cartoons, is the newer of the two parties, as part of a merger between nervous Federalists remnants within Massachusetts and the increasingly powerful New York based American Republican Party. Although there were initial proposals to be renamed the American Party, the diehard (and those with deep northeastern pocketbooks) threatened to pull out. Faced with that choice, the reformers backed down, and so the Know Nothing Party banner has proudly carried on. Formulated with a deep fear of increasing German Catholics within the 1840s and 50s, they formed various secret societies and even a paramilitary organization known as the Order of the Star Spangled Banner. This organization, while declared inactive by party heads by 1980, has unofficially served as hired muscle against Nullification rallies, protects controversial Know Nothing politicians and is known to commit acts of terrorism both domestic and foreign. This has earned it enough international condemnation to be labeled as a Terrorist Organization by 13 countries including the United Kingdom of France and England and the Ottoman Empire.

As with it's younger rival, the Know Nothings have evolved over time. No longer as violently anti-Catholic as they once were ,(Burning Churches down didn't improve the image of the party among the common people) the party has instead moved to anti-immigration rhetoric. This is made clear in their push for a limitation in the number of immigrants, mostly focusing on those within poorer African and the various former colonies of north Korea and east Germany. There are a slew of political jabs by the Nullification Party against the not so-secret xhenophobic policies of the Know Nothings.

However, many within the Party took a little bit of what this fellow Andrew Jackson was doing with "mass democracy" and blatantly stole the idea, relabeling it as "Politics for the Masses." While some historians argue it was stolen, and even the most staunch worth defenders conceded it was "adapted from Jackson's platform", Politics for the Masses is different. Instead of being restricted to rich and poor white-males only, it would open up the democratic process to all walks of life. There was an urge within the 1900s and 1910s to open up various bureaucratic and often nonpartisan position for political competition. These extended to the Education System, where President John Williams passed the "Political Education Act of 1918." This opened up for campaigns to not only donate but to manage various political campaigns of students for seats on "Mass Assemblies", with any major change to school policy requiring a wide array of political vote buying or peer pressure from prospective pubescent politicians.

Even the state mandated Church isn't immune from rampant politician. The main body in charge of any alterations to canon Revolutionary Law is also answerable to, granted a smaller pool of more capable archdeacons comprised of the initial 13 colonies, with a rotating selection of random pools of ten members "in any religious profession." Granted this system has lead to controversial pushes, such as a proclamation to include evolution as part of canon law by more scientific and less devoutly religious members (often of the Nullification Party's left-wing), but apart from the occasional story about some president of a stake taking too many investitures for a cushy office job, this aspect of the system isn't as corrupt as the international media declares it to be.
 
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ctwxLQS.png

The American political system is described as unique. A firm instillation within the culture of America and the opening up of politics to everyone regardless of if they're interested or not. In spite of the wishes of King George, political factions would gradually emerge. The first of these were members of the royal house, aligned with various merchant classes in the upper portion of the country. Traders and the like. These would come together one rainy October afternoon to form the first major political opposition to the already established Federalist Party. The Democratic Party. For a while, both sides would form a relatively stable "First Party System" from the early 1800s until the 1830s. With the final death of the more well mannered old guard that kept political participation limited and the party system intact, younger members barked at the gates of power and the floodgates were released.

A mess of smaller political parties formed up then fizzled out upon the realization that it took a significant amount of capital in order to run for your local undertaker, let alone possible connections to be nominated Prime Minister. It was no secret that John Calhoun and the President didn't get along. It was about as well known as the fact that the sky was, indeed, blue. Things came to a head within South Carolina when Calhoun was caught writing an angry and defiant letter to the South Carolina Autonomous Collective in 1832.

The idea of Nullification soon spread, and with little in the way of a working supreme court to sort the issue out (and the fact that several judges on the Patriotic Judicial Assembly subscribed to the idea of nullification as a constitutional principle), a working party was hoisted up. However, in order for the party to actually thrive, it needed to have more than just be a "Fuck Andrew Jackson fan-club". They needed more ideas for a broader political base. So they tacked onto the fiery rhetoric of state's rights, promoting itself as the governor's chief defense agaisnt "northern aggression." They championed the idea of Nullification. Despite some warning that northern states could nullify acts passed by southern prime ministers, such as in the instance of northern state's nullification of Prime Minister Millard Fillmore's Fugitive Slave Declaration in the 1860s, those within the south argued that they would be able to get back at them by not following whatever yankee doodle was elected in the north. Political gridlock was known to be inevitable whenever the Nullification Party garnered enough hold of the various bits of government, but not enough to override major Know Nothing policies.



The Know Nothings, personified by "Citizen Know Nothing" in political cartoons, is the newer of the two parties, as part of a merger between nervous Federalists remnants within Massachusetts and the increasingly powerful New York based American Republican Party. Although there were initial proposals to be renamed the American Party, the diehard (and those with deep northeastern pocketbooks) threatened to pull out. Faced with that choice, the reformers backed down, and so the Know Nothing Party banner has proudly carried on. Formulated with a deep fear of increasing German Catholics within the 1840s and 50s, they formed various secret societies and even a paramilitary organization known as the Order of the Star Spangled Banner. This organization, while declared inactive by party heads by 1980, has unofficially served as hired muscle against Nullification rallies, protects controversial Know Nothing politicians and is known to commit acts of terrorism both domestic and foreign. This has earned it enough international condemnation to be labeled as a Terrorist Organization by 13 countries including the United Kingdom of France and England and the Ottoman Empire.

As with it's younger rival, the Know Nothings have evolved over time. No longer as violently anti-Catholic as they once were ,(Burning Churches down didn't improve the image of the party among the common people) the party has instead moved to anti-immigration rhetoric. This is made clear in their push for a limitation in the number of immigrants, mostly focusing on those within poorer African and the various former colonies of north Korea and east Germany. There are a slew of political jabs by the Nullification Party against the not so-secret xhenophobic policies of the Know Nothings.

However, many within the Party took a little bit of what this fellow Andrew Jackson was doing with "mass democracy" and blatantly stole the idea, relabeling it as "Politics for the Masses." While some historians argue it was stolen, and even the most staunch worth defenders conceded it was "adapted from Jackson's platform", Politics for the Masses is different. Instead of being restricted to rich and poor white-males only, it would open up the democratic process to all walks of life. There was an urge within the 1900s and 1910s to open up various bureaucratic and often nonpartisan position for political competition. These extended to the Education System, where President John Williams passed the "Political Education Act of 1918." This opened up for campaigns to not only donate but to manage various political campaigns of students for seats on "Mass Assemblies", with any major change to school policy requiring a wide array of political vote buying or peer pressure from prospective pubescent politicians.

Even the state mandated Church isn't immune from rampant politician. The main body in charge of any alterations to canon Revolutionary Law is also answerable to, granted a smaller pool of more capable archdeacons comprised of the initial 13 colonies, with a rotating selection of random pools of ten members "in any religious profession." Granted this system has lead to controversial pushes, such as a proclamation to include evolution as part of canon law by more scientific and less devoutly religious members (often of the Nullification Party's left-wing), but apart from the occasional story about some president of a stake taking too many investitures for a cushy office job, this aspect of the system isn't as corrupt as the international media declares it to be.
That's super cool! I'm going to quote it in my alternate party systems thread
 
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(A follow-up to this 1964 scenario)

Johnson's landslide victory in 1964, and the large majorities in Congress that coincided with that win, allowed for a particularly successful legislative session during the 89th Congress. Previously, southern Democrats were able to block civil rights and "New Frontier" legislation proposed by Kennedy, but the shifting political situation gave Johnson wide latitude to push his "Great Society" policies through Congress after 1964, with policies passed to enforce voting rights, establish a national healthcare system, give support for education, protect the environment, expand mass transit, defend labor, and take various measures to fight poverty

The 1964 election was seen as a big mandate for Johnson, and the size of the victory fueled speculation that the Republican Party and conservatism would become irrelevant. But Johnson's second term saw opposition, with a sharp uptick in conservative backlash to Great Society programs and to civil rights, and with incidents like the Watts Riots increasing popularity for "tough on crime" policy that conservatives took advantage of

In the 1966 midterm elections, the Republicans faced some struggles simply due to the size of the Democratic majorities, and the common advantage that incumbency brings, but nonetheless saw a surge in support, seen especially in the House where they more than doubled their total number of representatives and had one of the largest historical gains. The Democrats maintained sizable majorities, but the carnage in the House had hit the liberal wing of the party hardest, and the last two years of the Johnson administration saw far less in the way of legislative accomplishments compared to the preceding two. The Republicans, with their newfound energy, felt hopeful going into the 1968 election cycle

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(Essentially, the Dems do about 5 points better nationally vs OTL, with the idea that a larger Great Society, enabled by the bigger 1964 win, can keep more voters happy even though the backlash still occurs. In addition, the OTL statistical incumbency advantage is applied to the additional seats the Dems enter the 1966 elections as incumbents compared to OTL, which further shifts things a bit in the Democratic direction in the House, though the losses are still immense)

(Link to the larger versions of the maps)
 
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The Seventh Party System's infoboxes
Kentucky
South Carolina
Oregon
Media California [Mandarin LB]
Bismarck, Mississippi

The Korean Language Board was reflective of its very middle-class and conservative base. The Progressive Party dominated for the first two elections, winning comfortable majorities due to a perception that it was above all a minority-interests party. Asian Action, through its Daehan Gukmin Dang branch, struggled to break through. After all, in many Korean-American voters’ thinking, why vote for the Asian Action branch when the electorate is wholly Korean?

The Progressives’ increasing ties to the Social Justice Alliance [widely known as the Feminist-LGBT Alliance in common parlance] in the 2000s disturbed many Asian-Americans who were still of the socially conservative thinking. This led to a common swing against the Progressives in those boards. Still, the Korean Board Progressives managed to fracture the swing against them, with voters going to Daehan Gukmin Dang and the Progressive Conservatives in equal measure. The final result was 7 Progressive, 5 Daehan Gukmin Dang and 3 Progressive Conservatives.

A deal was rapidly made, and DGD got its first Superintendent. As the Progressives increasingly became more liberal due to the SJA and Green influence, up to absorbing the former, the more middle-class and socially conservative Asian-American voters swung away from them heavily. Compounding this was that in the Korean Language Board, Daehan Gukmin Dang moved to utilise the Board’s powers that the Progressives chose to neglect.

The Progressives baked in extensive powers over language provisions and even cultural representation into the Boards, as a way to sabotage any attempt to undermine what they perceived Media California to be, a ‘rainbow state’. The Progressive Conservatives however, was a very different beast to the Republicans that they expected. The bulk of the people who made up the merged party was more Hispanos Unidos than Republican, and their coalition partners too liked the idea very much.

So the Progressives’ expected clash with a more centralising or bigoted conservative party just… didn’t happen. And while that was happening, they were losing more social conservative voters by the day. The status quo, after 20 years of Progressive rule, was essentially their perfectly-crafted crystal and they didn’t want to change anything about it. Then along came Daehan Gukmin Dang.

Daehan Gukmin Dang was notably contemptuous of Progressive ‘stagnation’, and elected to use the ‘cultural provisions’ power to the maximum extent, carving out several areas of Media California where de facto it was the Korean Language Board that was the main government, with many ‘Koreatowns’ emerging in the San Fernando Valley. It was even noted that there were even quite a few towns that worked in the Korean language first and English second.

This growing cultural isolation ended up benefiting it, even as the Progressives started to get wary. They were supportive of multiculturalism, but this? This smelled like separation. And there were increasing rumours that those isolated ‘Koreatowns’ were embezzling funds, or even acting as a hub for spies for Greater East Asia. When the Progressives got back in power in 2010, it was via a coalition with Social Justice and the Greens, and hence they could act on this suspicion.

The 2010 Korean Language Board election delivered an outright majority for Daehan Gukmin Dang, as it span the ‘cultural provisions’ into supporting struggling Korean-owned business via fiscal support, a far cry from mere ‘wider cultural awareness campaigns’ the Progressives intended that to mean. The Korean-American middle-class, anxious of not falling into the working-class, deeply appreciated this very much. But the Progressives fumed. This was increasingly looking like its own government and not a mere ‘language board’.

In 2012, just before the elections, the Progressives authorised a raid of several Korean-American businesses, sure that they were embezzling funds or even sending it overseas. The public backlash was immediate. Progressive support with Korean-Americans collapsed and they swung to voting Asian Action even in the House and Senate, even winning a few geographical seats in the latter. However, despite this, the Progressives as a sum gained due to other demographics swinging to favour them after a successful two years of recovery. The embezzlement, it proved smaller than they expected, and the so-feared sending money overseas? It was to family and relatives.

Daehan Gukmin Dang won a two-thirds majority in the Board as a result of this, and it was a boon to other Asian Action affiliate parties too. With political capital on this matter for the Progressives collapsing with even internal polls showing a distressingly high amount of Hispanic voters open to voting PC if the Progressives touched the power of the Boards, they elected to abandon the idea.

After this humiliation, the Progressives chose to take a different direction, that of quietly accepting the new status quo while quietly doing their best to chip away at the insularity of the ‘Koreatowns’. A key weapon was strengthening road infrastructure, and trying to get Korean businesses to see the State Government as the main organisation to turn to. Lowering taxes for ‘diverse’ businesses once the budget recovered from the start of the Second Great Depression worked wonders too.

But their increasing social-liberalism, including the absorption of the Social Justice Alliance, and the growing strength of the political right in Media California, hobbled efforts. The best result since 2012 was in 2016 when they managed to pull a respectable 4 seats due to high-effort and several charismatic candidates, and deny Daehan Gukmin Dang its two-third majority.

So how did it go all wrong in 2018? The slow grind of the Depression forced the Progressives to remove those ‘diversity tax exceptions’ to maintain a sustainable budget led to a backlash, but it was something completely different that would wipe them out and return Daehan Gukmin Dang to two-thirds. The Revolucionarios.

The Revolucionarios in Media California had a very vocal element that portrayed whites and Asian as privileged ‘colonisers’. Korean-owned businesses tended to employ Hispanic workers because of the cheap labour, and hence they were quite anxious of stuff such as trade unions being more powerful or the workers becoming class conscious. But the racial tint to such radical rhetoric becoming more popular gave a deep chill through every Korean-American’s bloodstream.

And hence they turned once more to the party that always had their back – Asian Action, and hence Daehan Gukmin Dang. The Asian Action party ran 2018 exclusively on ‘protecting Asian values’ and encouraging a reflexive vote against the Revolucionarios.

Some Progressive branches emphasised their strong rejection of Revolucionario ideas, like the Tagalog one where it was noted that at times they sounded very like the Nacionalistas in rhetoric. But by 2018 the Korean Board Progressives was badly managed and couldn’t fight off a deep and strong upsurge in Daehan Gukmin Dang support.

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Benefiting this upsurge was the Dang’s structure. Unlike a lot of other parties, it relied extensively on the insularity of Korean communities to cultivate extensive personal connections of the voter with their politicians, and actively encouraged both high turnout and a distinct view of the Korean Board. A common sentiment expressed by a Korean-American voter in 2018 was ‘I vote for the party in the House and Senate, but for a friend in the Board’.

The Progressives failed to construct such networks, finding them distasteful and distracting from the actual issues. This seemingly distant and aristocratic politics, combined with lingering distrust from 2012 and growing fear of the Revolucionarios, doomed them. They lost two seats and fell down hard.

Now with Asian-Americans’ greatest fear realised as Progressives and Revolucionarios shake hands, the Progressives look to a wipe-out in the Korean Language Board as even staunch Progressive voters declare they will vote Daehan Gukmin Dang. The Progressive Conservatives on the other hand, has started to grow comfortably as the main opponent to the Progressives in wider state politics, with their Korean Language Board seat won in 2016 and held in 2018 expected to be accompanied by a second, or even a third, come 2020.

Helping them is the disunity of the Korean Language Board Democrats. Emerging on the bloc in the 2012 Progressive collapse as some Korean-Americans who distrusted Daehan Gukmin Dang ended up voting Democratic, it ended up dominated by its two elected board members, which had totally different views for the Party vis a vis the Board.

Jay Choi was of the more nationalistic bend, albeit not of the type of Daehan Gukmin Dang. He wanted the Democratic Party on the Board to aggressively promote Korean-American nationalism, deploring the idea of Koreans working with East Asia and saw Daehan Gukmin Dang as undermining his vision. He believed intensely in Korean-Americans having the capability to be full-blooded Americans. Also notable is his deep distaste of ‘mixed-race’ Korean-Americans, comparing them negatively to ‘purebloods’ like himself.

Contrasting to him was his fellow board member Steven Kim who wanted to focus on turning the Board to religious matters, being a member of the Pact of Christ faction. Kim wished for further cooperation between Democrats and Daehan Gukmin Dang on common religious lines, and even reached out to mixed-race Korean-Americans [of which there wasn’t much, but Kim was unusual for a Democrat] as fellow ‘children of God’.

Choi’s race-based American nationalism went up against Kim’s deep religiosity and in 2016 it proved too much and the party split when deciding on who would be the official leader after years of putting it off. Choi, believing that the wider Democratic Party would push for Kim, withdrew to form the Korea Democratic Union for the election. In the end, the majority would vote for Choi’s Korea Democrats above Kim’s rump Democrats. Before the 2018 election, the two would merge with Choi at the helm and Kim was promoted to top of the list in an Orange County constituency for the House.

But the Korean voters who voted for Kim, they were mostly motivated by religion, and combined with the pre-mentioned fear, would flee the Democrats for Daehan Gukmin Dang, losing them Kim’s seat in the bargain. Choi would hold on as the party’s sole board member, but the wider Media California Democratic Party would look at the party in confusion and frustration.

[New computer, so wikiboxes will look a little different. Flag is Los Angeles one, pictures courtesy of FaceApp, blah blah].
 
How was Hubert Humphrey part of the Confederacy if he was from Minnesota?
Maybe he emigrated? Its good otherwise although black Suffrage would never have been granted immediately after the end of slavery (especially after a revolt) its just not something an independent South would be capable of. More likely its forced through during the early decades of the twentieth century as Black's (unable to vote with their feet as OTL due to Detroit being another country) gradually grow their economic power and the final implosion of the plantation culture takes the planters old political power with it. Then come 1965 the election is the closest thing you ever saw but gradually a new era dawns.
 
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