沒有國民黨就沒有中國, Without the Kuomintang there would be no China, A Republic of China Story

五十四, India
In 1947, the crown jewel in the British crown broke off. India was now an independent country. It would immediately become the world’s largest democracy (and would remain so for most of the rest of the 20th century). It faced unique challenges upon independence, however. Much of the former British colony was now under the rule of Pakistan, which would be a constant rival of India. The partition of India had left many Hindus in Pakistan and Muslims in India, and religious tensions remained. India and Pakistan went to war, a war which ended in neither side getting what they wanted. India’s first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, was committed to keeping India a secular country, though not all saw things his way. In addition to secularism, Nehru would promote socialism (but not communism) as well.

1658579870834.jpeg

(Jawaharlal Nehru)

India, perhaps even more than China, represented a third way in the Cold War. Under Nehru, India would seek a middle approach in the economy and in foreign policy. The Indian economy would be different from both American capitalism and Soviet Communism. His vision for India was one where the public and private sector would exist side-by-side. India would receive aid from both the US and the USSR, and sought to maintain good relations with both. Nehru’s economic policies would continue to govern India after he was gone. The “License Raj” as it was called, a system of regulations on businesses in India, lasted until the 1980s. India did experience some economic growth during this period, but it was slow when compared to China or Japan.

India was an early leader within the non-aligned movement, consisting of countries that sided with neither the west nor the Communist world. Jawaharlal Nehru was at one time good friend of Chinese President Chiang Kai-shek, but later the two would have a falling out. Nehru was a strong supporter of democracy. By the 1950s, Nehru was convinced that Chiang was not a true supporter of democracy, and wrote to him to try to get him to change. He also protested China’s invasion and annexation of Tibet. This never led to any conflict, however, despite China claiming territory ruled by India. China would briefly support the Indian National Party, a secular nationalist party, to oppose the INC. The Indian National Party made no meaningful impact on Indian politics, and the party disbanded shortly after funding was cut in 1962. After that, China sought to maintain better relations with India. Nehru died in 1964, and his two successors, Lal Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi, were good friends of China.
 
Wouldn't the Swatantra Party be a more realistic China-backed party than a fictional "Indian National Party"? At the very least, I imagine they would be influenced by the KMT ITTL in terms of ideology and policy prespriptions they have.
 
五十五, Making Preparations
Chiang Kai-shek was getting old. He celebrated his 80th birthday on October 31, 1967. Chiang Kai-shek believed he had at least another ten years left of life. Nevertheless, planning for succession was important. He wanted his son to eventually become president, but there were many other powerful players in the Chinese government seeking that title as well. Chiang Kai-shek was considering not running for a fifth term in 1972. He fell and injured himself in the presidential palace in 1970. This made him lean further towards not running for reelection. The question now was who would succeed him. Who would the Kuomintang unify behind in 1972? The big-wigs in the KMT were all the subject of speculation. These men were mostly geriatric, not much younger than Chiang himself. Thus, they would likely be one-term presidents.

There was Defense Minister He Yingqin, born in 1890. He was a powerful figure in the Chinese government, and a trusted advisor of Chiang Kai-shek. There was another advisor, Zhang Qin born in 1889. He had served as Premier since 1968 (a position he also held from 1947-1948). Zhang was a strong supporter of democratization. Tao Xisheng, another trusted advisor, born in 1899, was a ghostwriter for Chiang Kai-shek. There were other members of the Kuomintang Central Committee. However, none of these men would succeed Chiang. There were two men, each considered by some to be the second most powerful man in China, who could become China’s next president. The first was Sun Fo, the son of Sun Yat-sen, born in 1891. He had served as Vice President since 1954. The second was Chen Lifu, leader of the CC Clique, born in 1900. He been President of the Legislative Yuan since 1954 (succeeding Sun Fo). He was friends with the Chiang family.

1658593600470.jpeg
1658593629457.jpeg

(Left: Sun Fo, Right: Chen Lifu)

Chiang Kai-shek decided informed Sun Fo and KMT Secretary-General Chang Li-sheng that he did not plan on seeking a fifth term. Sun was informed that he was Chiang Kai-shek’s chosen successor. Chen Lifu was his choice for Vice President. Those two men would unite the vast majority of the KMT behind them. Shortly before the 1972 election, Chiang Kai-shek would appoint his son, Chiang Ching-kuo, as Premier. This meant that if Sun Fo and Chen Lifu both died between 1972 and 1978, Chiang Ching-kuo would become president. In the case that Sun Fo served his full term, he agreed to support Chiang Ching-kuo for president in 1978. Chiang Kai-shek and Soong Mei-ling looked forward to enjoying retirement. But it was not to be. In 1971 Sun Fo was hospitalized and nearly died after having a heart attack. Citing health concerns, Sun Fo would not seek election as president or reelection as Vice President. Chiang Kai-shek would run for a fifth term.
 
Well, we're reaching a major turning point. Will Chiang live as long as he did OTL? Even if he does, he'll end up dying in office, which will probably just exacerbate the power struggle that'll most likely follow his death.
 
Well, we're reaching a major turning point. Will Chiang live as long as he did OTL? Even if he does, he'll end up dying in office, which will probably just exacerbate the power struggle that'll most likely follow his death.
I'll just say that there are things going on that will make a lot more sense when we get to 1978.
 
五十六, Authoritarianism
While China was much less politically restrictive than the Soviet Union, it still had a long way to go to be a fully free and democratic nation. Chiang Kai-shek was a dictator in all but name. Dissent was at times tolerated, but anything that was truly a threat to the regime would be crushed, though crushing dissent was milder than it was in the past. By the 1970s, China had mostly transitioned to arresting dissidents rather than killing them. Nevertheless, capital punishment was very much still in effect. In 1970, ten suspected Communists were executed in Zhangjiakou, Chahar. It was part of a wider campaign to root out Communists in Northern China. There were also cases of “disappearances” of proponents of independence for Xinjiang or Tibet.

A large source of opposition came from the far-left. Communism had been outlawed decades ago, but Communists remained. Communist rebels were a nuisance for the Chinese military and government. There was no chance of them taking over the country, but they were able to inflict damage on the ROC regime. From the 1950s to the 1990s, thousands of Chinese soldiers died fighting Communist rebels (with most of these casualties occurring before 1970). These rebels sometimes engaged in terrorism. High-profile supporters of the KMT and members of the Chinese government were attacked. But they were not the only victims. A series of bombings were carried out, targeting oil wells in the Northeast in 1958. Hundreds were killed. These sorts of attacks justified heavy-handed policies in parts of China, according to the government.

Communists were far from the only people to be on the receiving end of Chinese authoritarianism. Supporters of various separatist movements were arrested for “anti-China” activities. Huang Hua was arrested for his advocacy of Taiwanese independence, while Tsepon W. D. Shakabpa was arrested for his role in the Tibetan Independence movement. Others were arrested for protesting for democracy. In 1968, writer Li Ao was arrested after he called the government’s pro-democracy posturing farcical and his scathing critiques of Chinese government officials. Li Ao was a Chinese nationalist, but always despised the Kuomintang due to his father’s mistreatment by the party. He had a similar vision for China as the Kuomintang, but he decried authoritarianism and Chiang Kai-shek.

images

(prison for political prisoners)
 
Well, we all knew this was a problem that would have to be addressed eventually. Perhaps now that Chiang is on his last legs, we can start to see real democracy start to take root.
 
When democracy comes all politicians and presidents should be required to have the degrees needed to run a country and a license to run for office
Functionally, this is going to be the case anyway. Politics are almost always dominated by the upper class who have the luxury of being able to dedicate time and money to it. Tertiary educations basically are guaranteed with that.
 
五十七, The Presidential Election of 1972
The 1972 Presidential Election was coming up. First, however, would be the National Assembly elections. Early in 1971 there was still speculation in China and abroad that Chiang might not run. Assemblymen privately discussed amongst themselves who should be his successor, with a large faction supporting Chen Lifu, and a smaller faction supporting He Yingqin. Chiang Kai-shek had announced that he would be seeking his fifth and final term as president in the Summer of 1971. Thus, no major players in the Kuomintang would run for president (besides Chiang, of course). It was a little bit later that he appointed his older son, Chiang Ching-kuo, as Premier. He waited until a few months before the National Assembly elections to announce that Chen Lifu would be his preferred Vice President.

This announcement disappointed many within the KMT. Chen was the leader of the far-right CC Clique, and members of other factions wanted someone more in the mold of Sun Fo. Chen Lifu had made many enemies in his several decades in politics. Former Premier Chen Cheng did not get along with him well, though he had been dead for years by that point. In 1969, he had supported the efforts to remove powerful member of the Legislative Yuan Mao Bangchu for corruption. Mao Bangchu was guilty of the charges brought against him, and his penchant for fraud and misappropriation of funds went beyond China and included actions in the United States going back to World War II. But his removal turned was seen by the Kung family as an attempt to purge their allies in the Legislative Yuan.

1658923810123.jpeg

(Mao Bangchu during WWII)

The Kuomintang unsurprisingly won the National Assembly elections in a landslide. Chiang Kai-shek would face no challenger from within the party. Newspaper editor Lei Chen would run against him again, once again gathering a small minority of assemblymen to his side. Chiang Kai-shek’s victory was overwhelming, even if a slight bit less than in 1966. The Vice-Presidential election would actually be seriously contested. Pro-Lei Chen members of the National Assembly voted for Liang Shuming. But Chen Lifu’s main opposition would come from within the Kuomintang. Anti-Chen KMT members couldn’t decide on one candidate, however. Some voted for Interior Minister Lien Chen-tung of Taiwan. Others, including the Kung family, backed Finance Minister Yen Chia-kan of Jiangsu. Various other candidates received votes, including Defense Minister He Yingqin, Former Premier Zhang Qun, Former Premier Guan Jiyu, Army Chief of Staff Gu Zhutong, pro-Democracy member of the Legislative Yuan Cheng Shewo, and Commander of the Air Force Zhou Zhirou. The China Democratic Socialist Party ran it's leader Wang Shixian (the China Youth Party mostly backed Yen Chia-kan). Chen Lifu still won comfortably, but with much less support than Chiang Kai-shek.

1658924001070.jpeg
1658923906601.jpeg

(Left: Lien Chen-tung, Right: Yen Chia-kan)
Presidential Election of 1972
Votes
Chiang Kai-shek (KMT-Zhejiang)2,878 (94.5%)
Lei Chen (I-Zhejiang)167 (5.5%)

Vice Presidential Election of 1972
Votes
Chen Lifu (KMT-Zhejiang)1,693 (55.6%)
Yen Chia-kan (KMT-Jiangsu)460 (15.1%)
Lien Chen-tung (KMT-Taiwan)378 (12.4%)
Wang Shixian (CDSP-Fujian)241 (7.9%)
Liang Shuming (I-Hebei)213 (7.0%)
Guan Jiyu (KMT-Liaoning)33 (1.1%)
He Yingqin (KMT-Guizhou) 10 (0.3%)
Zhang Qun (KMT-Sichuan)6 (0.2%)
Gu Zhutong (KMT-Jiangsu)4 (0.1%)
Cheng Shewo (KMT-Hebei)4 (0.1%)
Zhou Zhirou (KMT-Zhejiang)3 (0.1%)
 
How independent are the former Cliques and Warlord territories still and how have they been integrated over time by Chiang exactly? Hope I haven't forgotten a chapter about that, if so shame on me pal.
 
Last edited:
How independent are the former Cliques and Warlrod territories still and how have they been integrated over time by Chiang exactly? Hope I haven't forgotten a chapter about that, if so shame on me pal.
They're completely integrated by this point. Three provinces (Ningxia, Gansu, and Qinghai) are governed by former warlords.
 
The fact that everyone didn't just roll over for Chiang's choice of VP seems like a sign that his grip is loosening a little. Not that it matters, since we're only a few years away from his OTL death date.
 
Top