七十, Politics
The Kuomintang was very much a big tent party. Throughout its history, the party included the far-right, the far-left, and everything in between (though there was much less of the left by the 1970s). There were many power brokers in the KMT, and Chiang Kai-shek had successfully been able to keep them united behind him after 1961. Even before 1975, Chen Lifu and Chiang Ching-kuo were trying to manage the different factions in the KMT. This made the party seem united from the outside. From the inside, the story was different. Many of the party’s power brokers were eager to expand their power and reach for higher office. They were not enthusiastic about permanent rule by the Chiang family.
Huang Shao-ku had served as President of the Legislative Yuan since 1972. He got along well with Chen Lifu, but was firmly in support of Chiang Ching-kuo for president. Within the Legislative Yuan, Liang Surong of Liaobei Province was the unofficial leader of the pro-Chen faction. Chen Lifu ensured that almost all of these politicians were also supporters of Chiang. Chen Lifu’s support had helped Chiang’s standing with the right wing in general, though there were some exceptions. The Kung family, proud descendants of Confucius, were skeptical. There was wide speculation that one of the late H. H. Kung’s two sons would run for president. Chiang Ching-kuo had separate meetings with both sons in order to secure their support.
The Kuomintang Future Committee was mostly in favor of continuing to support the government. They hoped that this would help them convince Chen and Chiang to support further democratic reforms. But there was soon a rift in the movement. Chen Shewo represented those who wanted to work within the system, while Lee Tze-chung represented those who wanted to organize opposition to both Chen and Chiang from within the KMT. Lee criticized the promotion of general Teng Jie, a former member of the Blueshirts. This decision was made by Chiang Ching-kuo, not Chen Lifu. Furthermore, Teng Jie was made a presidential advisor. In addition, the government appeared to be ignoring the demands of pro-democracy protesters.
(Teng Jie)
Chen Lifu only once left China during his presidency. That was in 1977 when he travelled to Guam where he met with US President Gerald Ford. Though Chen dreamed of a day when China would surpass America, and saw that America might potentially be a rival in the future, he was pro-America as president. Chen was a long-time supporter of the Republican party, viewing it as the better of the two major American political parties since the days of Franklin Roosevelt. He even helped the campaigns of Thomas Dewey and other Republicans. During his presidency, the ties between the KMT and the GOP were strengthened. The KMT overtly or covertly supported many other right-wing parties, mostly in Asia, such as the VNQDD in Vietnam.
Though Chen Lifu and Chiang Ching-kuo had much in common, they did not see eye-to-eye on everything. The biggest difference was on matters of foreign policy. Chiang Ching-kuo was a lot less hawkish on the Soviet Union. Georgy Malenkov had hoped that Chiang Kai-shek would survive until 1978 so his son would become his immediate successor, hoping that there might still be some Soviet sympathies within him. The two men also had differences when it came to political promotions. At first, Chen Lifu blocked Chiang Ching-kuo’s pick of Chen Li-an for governor of Zhejiang, though he would later agree to it. Chiang Ching-kuo supported Chen’s pick of Jiang Zemin for governor of Jiangsu.
(Jiang Zemin)
Huang Shao-ku had served as President of the Legislative Yuan since 1972. He got along well with Chen Lifu, but was firmly in support of Chiang Ching-kuo for president. Within the Legislative Yuan, Liang Surong of Liaobei Province was the unofficial leader of the pro-Chen faction. Chen Lifu ensured that almost all of these politicians were also supporters of Chiang. Chen Lifu’s support had helped Chiang’s standing with the right wing in general, though there were some exceptions. The Kung family, proud descendants of Confucius, were skeptical. There was wide speculation that one of the late H. H. Kung’s two sons would run for president. Chiang Ching-kuo had separate meetings with both sons in order to secure their support.
The Kuomintang Future Committee was mostly in favor of continuing to support the government. They hoped that this would help them convince Chen and Chiang to support further democratic reforms. But there was soon a rift in the movement. Chen Shewo represented those who wanted to work within the system, while Lee Tze-chung represented those who wanted to organize opposition to both Chen and Chiang from within the KMT. Lee criticized the promotion of general Teng Jie, a former member of the Blueshirts. This decision was made by Chiang Ching-kuo, not Chen Lifu. Furthermore, Teng Jie was made a presidential advisor. In addition, the government appeared to be ignoring the demands of pro-democracy protesters.
(Teng Jie)
Chen Lifu only once left China during his presidency. That was in 1977 when he travelled to Guam where he met with US President Gerald Ford. Though Chen dreamed of a day when China would surpass America, and saw that America might potentially be a rival in the future, he was pro-America as president. Chen was a long-time supporter of the Republican party, viewing it as the better of the two major American political parties since the days of Franklin Roosevelt. He even helped the campaigns of Thomas Dewey and other Republicans. During his presidency, the ties between the KMT and the GOP were strengthened. The KMT overtly or covertly supported many other right-wing parties, mostly in Asia, such as the VNQDD in Vietnam.
Though Chen Lifu and Chiang Ching-kuo had much in common, they did not see eye-to-eye on everything. The biggest difference was on matters of foreign policy. Chiang Ching-kuo was a lot less hawkish on the Soviet Union. Georgy Malenkov had hoped that Chiang Kai-shek would survive until 1978 so his son would become his immediate successor, hoping that there might still be some Soviet sympathies within him. The two men also had differences when it came to political promotions. At first, Chen Lifu blocked Chiang Ching-kuo’s pick of Chen Li-an for governor of Zhejiang, though he would later agree to it. Chiang Ching-kuo supported Chen’s pick of Jiang Zemin for governor of Jiangsu.
(Jiang Zemin)
