An Evil Miracle
‘The War of Dragons: China 1948-1953’ by Wu Long
With the fighting in the Chinese War now reaching its merciful conclusion, it was agreed to hold peace negotiations in Budapest owing to the location’s supposed neutrality. The current border was roughly around the Yangtze, while the Xinjiang Rebellion complicated matters. Though there were representatives of the new Jiang government at the meeting, everyone knew that in all matters the Soviets would have the final say. The Soviets, led by none other than Molotov himself, arrived in Budapest on December 5th as the negotiations began. He recalled, ‘we were pretending to negotiate when we were actually begging for our lives’ and called it his most brutal assignment in all his days. The Soviets merely wanted to get a peace that would ensure they could restructure their economy away from war and hold off incoming famine. If that meant trampling on the PRC’s toes, no one cared - and if Jiang cared, she would be informed she could share the same fate as her husband. By contrast, Chiang wanted to increase his hold over China and become the sole ‘legitimate’ ruler of the Middle Kingdom, which meant reducing the PRC to a small, dependent inferior. Patton was constrained by past statements that he wouldn’t end the war until Communism was ended too. He knew he had to get a good deal to maintain credibility.
On the subject of the border, though the Soviets attempted to create one on the Yangtze, UN negotiators would accept nothing of the sort. They knew that Red China’s forces were in shambles and that they could probably reach Beijing in six months. Ultimately, the final borders would be at the Yellow River and Wei River (the latter to stop an unnatural protrusion into the PRC and keep the border relatively stable). Thus, everything up to Xian and Jinan fell under Chiang’s heel, reducing the PRC to a rump state. Furthermore, much like Berlin, Chiang insisted on having half of Beijing. This too was finally accepted, and South Beijing would escape the poverty that enveloped the PRC for the Cold War. The trickier questions would fall on the fate of Xinjiang and Tibet. While Tibet’s independence (in both allegiance in the Cold War as well as its self-government) was quickly accepted, Xinjiang was where the Soviets refused to yield. They did not want gigantic border exposure to a ‘Fascist’ state like Chiang’s, and threatened to pull out of the Conference. Much to Chiang’s reluctance, Xinjiang would become an independent state, likewise unaligned. However, behind closed doors, the rebel leaders of Xinjiang would silently swear themselves to defend the ROC if the Stalingrad Pact attacked it. Chiang had agreed to the terms for one reason: the greatest prize he could imagine.
While swearing he would never accept the loss of Xinjiang, Molotov showed his ace. Molotov offered to hand over Mao for trial. Many were shocked, thinking he’d already been killed. Others were shocked they could potentially be handing over an extreme asset when it came to information on the Stalingrad Pact. Indeed, this was the suggestion of the British, who thought Mao could be a supreme source of information, as well as a great propaganda coup if he turned on Stalin. However, Chiang would have none of it. As he would later tell Emperor Akihito of Japan, “I would have sold my soul to the Devil to send that man to Hell myself”. With that done, Mao’s transfer to the ROC for trial was arranged. Chiang insisted that unlike Nuremburg, only Chinese officials would administer the trial. It would be an explicitly Chinese rebuke to Mao, all the way to the grave. When asked if it would be acceptable to the Soviets if the death penalty were on the table for the trial, Molotov smiled and replied, “Either you’re going to do it or we will”.
It was agreed that neither side would pay reparations to the other, prisoners would be transferred and that no side would take guilt. These were fairly standard clauses, but the Soviets wanted one in particular: they wanted to re-enter diplomatic relations with the West. This meant a re-opening of the Washington embassy. Patton replied, “I’d sooner let Jack the Goddamned Ripper into this country than a Soviet Diplomat”. Ultimately, the Soviets knew that this was coming. Discussing over the phone with Khrushchev, Molotov asked what carrot he could dangle to get the Americans to accept such a pledge. Khrushchev, however, had a plan. On December 23rd 1952, Molotov told UN negotiators, explicitly making sure there were Israeli, Polish and German representatives in the room, that not only would the Soviets return all World War 2 prisoners of war, but that they would offer unrestricted right of emigration to the Jewish population, as well as ending martial law in Poland. The reason this policy was chosen was that while all three of the Troika agreed the persecution of Jews had to end, no one was sure how they could be re-integrated into society. Their homes had been given to others, their jobs to others and society had been taught to harbor an intense hatred of them. Fearing social unrest if the Jews returned to the general population, it was reluctantly agreed that the best course of option would be to try and barter the population off in return for a desirable political end, in this case the reestablishment of diplomatic relations with America. The other clauses further excited interest. President Einstein of Israel would plead with Patton to accept the deal, offering political cover by loudly proclaiming the merit of the proposal. Gaitskell, De Gaulle and Adenauer would accept, but Patton and Mussolini were still reluctant. It would ultimately take a telephone conversation with Władysław Szpilman to convince Patton to accept the offer, at which Mussolini also relented.
The Treaty of Budapest would be signed on January 1st 1953. In the West, the massively favourable change of border northward convinced the populations that the war had been ‘won’. The capture of Mao also soothed much of the blood lust that had been whipped up against Communism, with everyone looking forward to the imminent justice the West’s greatest hate figure short of Stalin would receive. Most people, though it was controversial to extreme Anti-Communists like the John Birch Society, ultimately ignored the Soviet delegation clause. The new Soviet delegation was confined to a small cottage far away from Washington, under constant American military guard – both to protect the diplomats from attack and scare them into submission. As one Soviet diplomat recalled about his time at the new embassy, “It was once a statement of your capability to get a diplomatic assignment to America – now it was a punishment’. The Soviets did not push their luck and ask to take their UN seat back, thus ensuring the UN would remain a pristinely Anti-Communist organisation. Mussolini would crow about Italy’s role in the successful operation, while silently realising how much it had cost. Mussolini would further liberalize the economy in the coming years while cutting military spending – this would give Aflaq the time he needed to build up his army. In China, Chiang proclaimed from the ROC’s new capital of Nanking (South Beijing being too exposed) that he was the only ‘relevant’ voice in China. He was left with a country that, though in tatters, not only was resolutely in his hands following the destruction of the warlords, but saw him as by far the lesser evil compared to the Soviet sock-puppet up north. Jiang was hurt by the extent of the concessions she had been forced to make and would find the role of administering ‘this godforsaken state’ to be a tiring and depressing one. It would lead to her many ‘eccentricities’ that would make her infamous across the world.
On February 27th, symbolically five years to the day when Mao began his ill-fated adventure, the first day of the Dictator’s trial began. Free of any constraints imposed by the Western democracies, Chiang structured the trial more for his own gratification than any sense of finding the truth of Mao’s misdeeds, which were indeed many and unforgivable. Mao was torn to shreds by the endless line of witnesses from Chinese society, from mothers who had lost their sons on both sides of the conflict, to farmers who had lost their whole family in the agony of famine after collectivization, to those who lost everyone they ever loved due to Red Guard massacres. Witnesses and victims likewise listed Mao’s sexual misdeeds. The victims were often forced to pause when members of the court interrupted in their fury to demand Mao’s immediate execution. The prison guards, who had lost loved ones in the war, regularly abused Mao, and his spirit slowly faded as the trial continued. Ultimately, of course, there was no doubt. On August 12th, the verdict came in: guilty, with sentence of death. On September 11th 1953, Mao was publicly hanged in Nanking to a crowd of 500,000 gathering to attempt to get a look. Chiang himself was the most prominent spectator. While many in the West felt the display was somewhat primitive, the Roman Alliance applauded Chiang’s ‘superb rebuke of the Red Bandit, brought to justice before the millions whom he dreamed of enslaving’, to quote Ciano’s press-release on behalf of the bloc. Mao’s last confirmed words were spoken three days before, his spirit having been so thoroughly worn out that he was effectively mute thereafter. His last words were, “I should have invaded Russia”.
‘Miracle: The History of Israel’ by Joel Hagee
“One week we were slaves, the next we were free, the next we were off to the Promised Land.” So recalled acclaimed Israeli writer Boris Pasternak upon arrival in Israel shortly after the signing of the Treaty of Budapest. Fellow Israeli writer Vasily Grossman would call the news ‘Our Rapture’. The news of their deliverance was met more with shock and bewilderment than any wild outpourings of joy, but one thing was for sure: few wished to stay in the brutal confines of the Communist Bloc. The Israeli government and Zionist organisations across the world contributed everything they could get to help fund the transfer of Jews out of the Soviet Union. A period of harsh austerity would define the Israel of the 1950s, as the government was forced to spend inordinate amounts of funds on not only the transfer of the Jewish population but their accommodation in Israel, where some 1.5 million Soviet Jewish refugees would settle, almost doubling Israel’s population in the space of two years (America would be the next highest at 300,000). The refugees, though sometimes given resources barely more than what they endured in Siberia, were more than content with their escape from the Soviet jailhouse, a fate millions of their fellow citizens remained condemned to. Israel’s incredible victories in what was then simply called ‘The Arabian War’, culminating in the total recapture of the Holy Land down to the Temple Mount after nearly 2000 years of Jewish helplessness, had inspired Jews to believe anything was possible in the new Jewish state. They wanted to be part of the Israeli project, and gladly did what they could to help. Foreign journalists would note that while these ‘DIY Ghettoes’ as some Jewish comedians called them were almost invariably poor and struggling to get by, the mood was never glum. Crime was near non-existent and, ironically, a form of Socialism seemed to exist among the inhabitants, with everyone looking after their neighbor. Children with holes in their shoes would play in traditional Yiddish theatre; musicians with instruments literally kept together with tape and strings would give free orchestral performances to keep the morale of the settlements up. Some would last until 1958, but they would remain indelibly steeped into the Jewish collective memory.
The refugee camps (which eventually grew into their own metropolis-like settlements) were primarily located in and around major Jordanian cities, like Amman. Amman would quickly develop a reputation as a distinctly Russian city, in comparison to the more Western European Tel Aviv and Mizrahi-dominated Jerusalem (this division was usually encouraged by Israeli leaders to give each group ‘their own space’). Amman had been semi-abandoned following the flight and expulsions that accompanied the war, and the more urban Soviet diaspora quickly took advantage of the opportunity to construct their own society from the ground up. Even today, Amman’s streets often seem to have more Russian signage than Hebrew. Nevertheless, the Soviet refugee population would quickly occupy an important part of Israeli society in general. By 1970, the Soviet Jewish population would make up some 70% of Israeli University students. Russian was given the same legal prominence as Arabic and Hebrew, ahead of English. Thankfully for stability’s sake, the new influx proved diverse in their political leanings, as the Israeli Left had long since shed any sympathy for Communism. Though times were unquestionably tough in Israel, there was little organised resistance to the influx Thus, by the time of the Second Arab War, some 90% of Israel was Jewish, even with their expansion into Jordan. The Russian influx would prove to be of immense economic, military and demographic advantage to the fledgling Jewish state.
This miracle has one unlikely person to thank: Michel Alfaq. During the Budapest negotiations, the question of what to do with the Jewish population had arisen. Khrushchev’s policy of encouraging Jewish emigration, which he called ‘the Friendly Kick Policy’, was interesting to Molotov and Malenkov, but all agreed Aflaq would have to be consulted given that it could radically affect his security situation. Molotov called Aflaq and told him the plan. Molotov recalled, ‘When I said what we were considering, I couldn’t see it, but I could
feel a grin on the other side of the phone’. Aflaq informed Molotov that he would have no objection to the policy, the Soviet Foreign Minister was relieved but confused. Eventually, upon a state visit by Aflaq to Moscow in 1955, the UAR’s Dictator was asked why he had agreed to millions of Jews pouring into Israel when it would swell the army of his chief enemy. Aflaq smiled and replied, ‘It’ll be much easier to wipe them out if they’re all in one place, right?’
However, if Khrushchev thought that the liberation of so many Jews would result in good PR for the Soviets, he was dead wrong. Now millions of witnesses stood ready to testify to the dark days of their confinement in the Russian gulag system, a system that everyone knew still existed. No one attributed their freedom to the benevolence of the Soviets, since it was blatantly obvious that the country was already falling to pieces and needed a way to climb out of the hole. After winning the 1954 World Chess Championship for Israel after he had originally won the title for the USSR, Mikhail Botvinik would call the Soviet Union, ‘A monster in human clothes, only it’s so poor and ragged now few can fail to spot the monster anymore’. Though both ITO and the Roman Alliance would gradually readmit Soviet diplomats into their country following the Chinese War, the Soviets refused to recognise Israel right to exist right until the former’s abolition.
‘The Death Spiral: Stalin 1941-1953’ by Alexi Ivanovitch
The mood in the Kremlin on January 3rd 1953 was not a pleasant one, not that it had been anything else in recent months. The Troika was exhausted after they had desperately clawed the Soviet Union back from the brink. Stalin’s foolish waste of money and lives in the pointless struggles of Asia were brought to a merciful end. North China was dealing with the fact their former Demigod leader was being handed over on a silver-platter to their eternal enemy while every other Stalingrad Pact was now terrified the same fate would befall them. The relaxation of martial law in Poland and release of the German and Jewish population from their prison camps meant that the labour camp population would fall down to 3% from a height of 10% - still terrible but certainly an improvement. Their only non-Communist ally was Aflaq and they knew that wasn’t going to change anytime soon. The Soviet Union was despised like no other nation in peacetime had ever been. There was only one thing that seemed to be a source of pride: the West had not discovered Stalin’s comatose condition, at least as far as they knew. And yet soon, even that calm tranquility was about to change. It was a cold morning, cold even for winter.
The Troika was discussing what the Soviet’s official response to the Mao Trial would be. At that moment, they were startled when an adjutant burst through the door. Molotov recalled, “His face was in bliss but his eyes were in terror”. Though the Troika was not as cruel as their predecessor, they were angry at the young man’s entrance and demanded to know why he had burst in like that.
The young man stuttered. “C-comrades! I give you the greatest news possible! A miracle! Our brave leader, Comrade Stalin, he …
he’s woken up!”