Chapter 9: My Guy - The GOP Primaries and Convention
The race for the Republican nomination for President had become more clear as the new year dawned. With former Vice President Richard Nixon standing firmly behind Governor Rockefeller, the New Yorker had amassed the majority of the party’s moderate wing in his column. This was further strengthened in the lead up to the New Hampshire primary, on March 7th, when former Massachusetts Senator and Vice Presidential candidate Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. lent his support to Rockefeller as well. Though former President Dwight Eisenhower and countless others within the party had encouraged Lodge to make a run at the nomination himself, Lodge did not have any interest in pursuing the Presidency. At the same time, Lodge, who had been appointed U.S. Ambassador to South Vietnam by President Kennedy, was unnerved by the rapidly deteriorating situation there.
Following the coup of President Ngo Dinh Diem in November of 1963 by the South Vietnamese military, which Lodge had initially supported, the Ambassador observed that the subsequent leaders, jockeying for power in the wake of Diem’s fall, were not any better than Diem had been. Because of the rapid power grabs and rampant corruption, South Vietnam lacked a stable, centralized government, and paved the way for “Viet-cong” units and other communist militias to creep into the South, where they would lie in wait for a future invasion. In this path, Lodge saw only the expansion of communism or massive American military commitments to prevent it. Bearing all of this in mind, Lodge could not help but give his endorsement to Rockefeller. The New Yorker for all his faults, represented the party’s best shot at stopping Goldwater, which in Lodge’s mind was an absolute necessity. “If Senator Goldwater is elected this November,” Lodge warned in an interview with The New York Times. “We will see American boys die in a foreign war that cannot be won. Tensions with the Soviets will rise, unprovoked, and unnecessarily.”
An incensed Goldwater responded to such charges with vitriol and force. “The Ambassador is clearly mistaken.” The Arizona Senator insisted. “I have no intention of involving the American military anywhere unless it is a necessity. Though I would question Mr. Lodge’s commitment to fighting communism. One who would doubt America’s responsibility to oppose red expansion abroad is one who risks running counter to what this country is all about.”
The feud between Goldwater and Lodge only served to help Rockefeller, who kept himself at arm’s length from the war of words. When the polls closed in New Hampshire on the 7th of March, the results were staggering and forceful: Rockefeller won a resounding victory with 67% of the vote in the Granite State, while Goldwater received only 22%. The remaining 11% was split between Smith and Romney, with Governor Rhodes of Ohio and Governor Stassen, of Minnesota picking up next to nothing.
Rockefeller’s success, particularly after the scandalous nature of his marriage to Happy, was contingent upon the endorsement of other so called “establishment” Republicans. Nixon, for a time, had been considered by many to be a potential candidate in ‘64. As had Lodge. With both of them behind him, Rockefeller did not have to worry about sewing up the moderate vote, and so could focus his attacks squarely on Barry Goldwater.
Not all was peachy for the wealthy New Yorker, of course. Deep at the heart of the Republican base, there was a growing discontent among conservatives. For decades now, the GOP had been the whipping boy for the Democrats and their seemingly unstoppable New Deal Coalition. Decades had passed and the power of the Federal government seemed only to increase with each new administration. To these conservatives, working up within the party from its very roots, the “Eastern Establishment” of Rockefeller and his allies was elitist and watering down the ideals which the Republican Party was predicated upon: opposition to the expansion of federal power, a firm, aggressive stance against communism at home and abroad, and the free market. In Senator Goldwater, these conservatives had found their champion, their voice.
The race between Rockefeller and Goldwater came to a head as the California Primary loomed on June 2nd. Because of decisive victories in Massachusetts, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, West Virginia, and Oregon, Rockefeller held a seemingly insurmountable lead in the delegate count. In response, Rockefeller’s confidence grew. He felt that he had this thing in the bag.
For his part, Goldwater had campaign effectively and tirelessly across the west and south, rallying around his campaign’s slogan: “In your heart, you know he’s right.” The Arizonan managed to pull wins in Indiana, Nebraska, South Dakota, Florida, and Texas. In his stump speeches, Goldwater stressed his commitment to small government, as well as his clean record of public service, something many voters felt shaky on with regard to Governor Rockefeller, especially considering his marriage to Happy.
Senator Margaret Chase Smith of Maine had managed to pull out a surprise win in the Illinois Primary, taking a significant amount of delegates in her own right. She was the first female candidate of a major party for President, and her candidacy attracted plenty of media attention. Not wanting to bow out of the race until the end, Smith refused to promise her delegates to either candidate, and would wait “until the Republicans of the great state of California have made up their minds.”
The stakes were certainly high heading into the Golden State’s primary. If Rockefeller won, he would be within a handful of delegates from the nomination, and would probably win it on the first ballot. If the state went to Goldwater, the two would be nearly tied, and a long, tiring contested convention would follow. Neither felt that they could afford to lose.
Rockefeller began campaigning in Oakland on May 25th, once again supremely confident that his victory was assured. Richard Nixon, the state party’s favorite son, had been one of his earliest and most vocal backers throughout the campaign. There was no way the good people of California could go for such a “rabble rouser” as Goldwater, the New Yorker believed. Unfortunately for him, that was all thrown into question the morning of May 30th, three days before the primary, when Happy Rockefeller delivered the couple’s first baby, a boy, named Nelson Jr.
The newspapers’ coverage of the event made sure to include details about Happy and the Governor’s relationship prior to their marriage. Happy had worked on Rockefeller’s staff prior to either of them divorcing their long time spouses to marry each other, leading many to believe, correctly, that the two had been engaging in an extramarital affair long before they tied the knot. Such information was not new, but hard largely been forgotten by the public in the momentum of Rockefeller’s campaign. The reports brought the issue back to the forefront just in time to be fodder for Goldwater attacks on the stump, the radio and television.
“Who do you want in the White House next November?” Goldwater joked in a speech. “A leader, or a lover?”
Polls conducted the day of the primary showed the two candidates in a dead heat. Clearly, it would come down to the wire. Though many Republicans, especially women, reported switching their allegiances from Rockefeller to Goldwater after being reminded of Rockefeller’s infidelity to his first wife, it seemed that Nixon’s support, Rockefeller’s strong position in the rest of the country, and his vigorous campaigning had paid off. The next morning, the news reported that by a slim margin, 51 - 49%, Governor Rockefeller had won the day in California.
In San Diego, where Goldwater had built his campaign headquarters, there were said to be emotional, turbulent outbursts from staffers and volunteers. Despite their best efforts, and nearly a year of hard work, the rich, snobby, pinkie elitist from New York had beaten their ideological purist. The hero of the “true Republicans” would not be the nominee. The Senator himself was said to have taken his defeat with grace, however. “There’s always next time.” Goldwater reminded his staff. “However, unlike in ‘60, I’m not going to take this loss lying down. We need to remind this party what it stands for. We’ll be in San Francisco for the convention. I will demand the floor.”
A rule was in place which allowed any candidates with delegates pledged to them to demand the floor of the convention for five minutes to speak. Goldwater did not want to burn too many bridges within the party, should he decide to run again, and so would keep his speech short and civilized. There would be no attacks on his opponent, only a solemn reminder that “extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice and that moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue." The speech, which would go on to be called “the defense of liberty” became one of Goldwater’s great political legacies, and would be seen as turning point for the Conservative movement.
Another major impact that Goldwater’s ultimately unsuccessful run for the nomination in ‘64 had was on the life and career of Hollywood Actor and former Screen Actor’s Guild President Ronald Wilson Reagan. Reagan, a staunch conservative and Goldwater supporter, had recorded a speech in support of the Arizona Senator during the primaries to be aired on Television. The program, entitled “A Time for Choosing”, received high ratings and was considered the best rhetoric employed in support of Goldwater throughout the entire primary process. Because of the success of the speech, Reagan would go on to be encouraged to run for Governor of California in 1966. Only time would tell how that would go, however.
At the convention, held in San Francisco’s “Cow Palace” from July 12th - 15th, 1964, the Republican Party stood (mostly) united behind their presumptive nominee. Rockefeller remained 30 delegates below the threshold needed to guarantee his victory on the first ballot, however. Eager to remedy this situation, and realizing there was no chance in hell of convincing Goldwater to release his delegates, whom Rockefeller had referred to as “the crazies” throughout the campaign, the New Yorker instead turned to Senator Smith, and her pledged Illinois delegation.
The day before the speeches and the pomp were set to begin, Rockefeller invited Smith to a meeting with his campaign. “What will it take to get your endorsement, Senator?” Rockefeller asked, hunger for victory plainly evident in his eyes. “Romney’s bowed out and backed me, same with Scranton and Stassen. You’re the only Republican candidate, who isn’t crazy, that hasn’t given me the go ahead.”
Smith nodded. “That is true, though I wouldn’t call Senator Goldwater crazy. The man simply has a different take on the issues.”
Rockefeller snorted. “Very well. So, I repeat. What will it take?”
The Senator from Maine waited a minute before responding. “You took a real beating in that California primary because of the women vote, didn’t you?”
Rockefeller’s face flushed. “Yes, I would say that’s accurate. What’s your point?”
“If you want to beat Kennedy, you’ll need every vote you can muster, including from the ladies of this party and this country. What I’m suggesting Nelson is rather simple, really. You want my delegates and my endorsement? It’s easy as pie. Put me on the ticket.”
The Governor’s eyes went wide. In all honesty, he had never considered that Smith would ever ask for such a concession in exchange for her support. The prospect of having a woman on a Presidential ticket was rather historic, Rockefeller thought. It might be a good display of Progressivism for the only party which ran a candidate opposing the Civil Rights Act in the primaries to nominate a woman to the Vice Presidency. At the same time, however, Rockefeller worried about what he’d lose in nominating Smith. She was a moderate, not much further to the right than he, throwing the ticket out of ideological balance. Additionally, she was from Maine, a Northeastern state and a safely Republican stronghold in most races. These factors would prevent the Governor from potentially picking up a swing state or from following the traditional advice of balancing a ticket geographically as well. Still, the pressure was beginning to weigh on Rockefeller’s mind. If he didn’t secure the nomination in the first few rounds, he risked the Goldwaterites starting something and causing him to lose the nomination to a compromise candidate… such as Smith, the New Yorker realized.
Rockefeller sighed. “Very well, Senator. You have yourself a deal.”
And so it was that the Republican Party made history by nominating Nelson Rockefeller and Margaret Chase Smith for President and Vice President of the United States. The decision, and its acceptance by mainstream Republicans was especially impressive for the time given the contemporary news coming out about Vice President Johnson which ultimately lead to his resignation. The Johnson scandal, in addition to the attempt on President Kennedy’s life shone a white hot light on the Vice Presidency, and highlighted its importance in the line of succession.
In his acceptance speech, Rockefeller called for party unity and “the repudiation of the claim that we need a new type of Republicanism. The Grand Old Party of Lincoln and Eisenhower works just fine for me.” Post convention polls had Rockefeller trailing the President by a few points, but the Johnson Scandal, and Kennedy’s failure to recognize his number two’s shady dealings publically before his resignation were beginning to weigh on him.
Now it was President Kennedy and the Democrats’ turn for a convention. A single question dominated the public consciousness heading into election season: Who would the President select as his running mate?
Next Time on Blue Skies in Camelot: Kennedy names his running mate in ‘64.