Blue Skies in Camelot: An Alternate 60's and Beyond

Marilyn Monroe in the Tippi Hedren role in the Birds...interesting...butterflies are already starting to flap...

My favorite story from the Birds is Tippi Hedren's asking Alfred Hitchcock why she'd go up to an attic full of birds. His reply: "Your salary."

That certainly sounds like Hitchcock lol :) Marilyn will definitely continue to see film work throughout her continued career, especially thanks to her cleaner bill of health and public persona as both a serious actor and a vocal feminist. Stay tuned ;)
 
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With Preston Smith as the governor five years earlier, the Sharpstown Scandal, assuming it isn't butterflied away, is not going to go the same way as OTL...

Heck, if you could somehow get funding for a Trans-Texas railway (Houston-Dallas-San Antonio), I'd like TTL even more...
 
With Preston Smith as the governor five years earlier, the Sharpstown Scandal, assuming it isn't butterflied away, is not going to go the same way as OTL...

Heck, if you could somehow get funding for a Trans-Texas railway (Houston-Dallas-San Antonio), I'd like TTL even more...

You never know! It's the fabulous 60's, anything can happen. :)
 
On a side note, Oswald (if he makes it to trial) will fry for killing the governor and a deputy sheriff; I suspect Kennedy will let the justice system run its course. There's also going to be less conspiracy theories than OTL...
 
Chapter 8
Chapter 8: A Hard Day’s Night - January through July 1964


1964 was going to be a pivotal year in American history. On this much, President John F. Kennedy and his allies, as well as his opponents were in virtually universal agreement. With the assassination attempt behind him, his shoulder nearly fully recovered, and the determination to make his country better set in the President’s heart, battle lines were being drawn on the biggest issue in America: civil rights. Steadfast now in his belief that comprehensive civil rights legislation was not just a legal issue, but a moral one, Kennedy began to give weekly speeches on the issue via television and radio. In these addresses, modeled on Franklin Roosevelt’s famous “fireside chats”, Kennedy broke the issue down for the average American, and explained why civil rights were a necessity for moving the country forward.

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A major step in the right direction for the movement came on January 23rd, with the ratification of the 24th Amendment to the United States Constitution, forever banning poll taxes, a favorite voter suppression tactic of the Jim Crow South. Though the issue of poll taxes would not appear before the Supreme Court until 1966, where they were struck down in a 6 - 3 decision, the Amendment finally took a major instrument of oppression out of the hands of state governments.


In the House of Representatives, The Civil Rights Act Kennedy and his allies in Congress had drawn up languished in the Rules Committee, whose chairman, Howard W. Smith, a Democrat and avid segregationist from Virginia, indicated his intention to keep the bill bottled up indefinitely.


The attempt on President Kennedy’s life and his series of addresses on the issue, however, changed the political situation. A series of polls by gallup and other agencies showed that an overwhelming majority of Americans in the North of the country favored the passage of the legislation. Kennedy, utilizing the bully pulpit he wielded as President spoke often and vigorously about the bill’s importance in public, and met with swing votes in private to get the necessary signatures for a petition of discharge, which would send the bill directly to the House floor.


Though Kennedy rarely involved Vice President Johnson in the goings on of his administration, the President knew that on this issue, the Texan and veteran former Senator could be a great asset. Known for his domineering personality and no nonsense attitude, Lyndon Baines Johnson quickly earned a reputation as Kennedy’s “enforcer” on civil rights. After several tense meetings with lawmakers, many receiving the infamous “Johnson Treatment”, the necessary votes to pass the discharge petition were acquired. Rather than face the embarrassment of a successful discharge, Chairman Smith dropped the issue and allowed the bill to reach the House floor, where it passed on February 10th, 1964 with a vote of 290 -130.

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...​

The passage of the Civil Rights Act in the House of Representatives came three days after another movement reached America’s shores, this one from across the pond in Britain: Beatlemania. On February 7th, four shaggy haired lads from Liverpool, England began what would go on to be called the “British Invasion” of Rock N Roll music. The group’s single “I Want to Hold Your Hand”, which had been their fourth number 1 hit in the UK, became their first in the United States. To a nation shocked and angered by the assassination attempt on their President, and desperately wanting an escape from the growing tensions surrounding the Civil Rights movement, the Beatles proved a welcome sigh of relief and comfort.


After landing in New York’s Idlewild Airport on the 7th, the band gave a press conference before being whisked away to their hotel in Manhattan, where George Harrison hoped to recover from a 103 degree fever. Two days later, on the 9th, the Beatles made their first U.S. television appearance on The Ed Sullivan Show. Ratings for the program showed that 73 million Americans, approximately two fifths of the nation’s population, tuned in to watch the band perform. Their first concerts in the nation, one at Washington Coliseum and another at Carnegie Hall, were both sold out to audiences of 8,000 and 2,000 respectively. Following a second appearance on The Ed Sullivan Show, this time a live broadcast from Miami Beach, Florida and drawing 70 million viewers, the band returned to the UK, vowing to return in August for their first full tour of the country.

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...​

In the struggle with Congress, timing seemed to be on the side of President Kennedy. As the Civil Rights Act came to the floor of the Senate for debate in March, the media began reporting on the trial of Lee Harvey Oswald for the attempted murder of the President, First Lady, and Nellie Connally, as well as the successful murder of Governor Connally. Though the bill had begun to lose momentum in the Upper House thanks to well organized filibusters led by Southern Democrats Strom Thurmond (D - SC), Albert Gore, Sr. (D - TN), and others, the reports of Oswald’s trial, conviction and sentencing (death by electric chair) reminded the American people what a white southerner had tried to do a northern progressive when he fought to do the right thing. The Segregationists’ cause was further set back by the arrival of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X to Capitol Hill to hear arguments on the Senate Floor on March 26th, the first meeting of the two ideologically opposed Civil Rights leaders.


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Strom Thurmond, the Senator most fervent in his opposition to the legislation, had this to say during his filibuster of the bill, which clocked in at well over twelve hours: "This so-called Civil Rights Proposals, which the President has sent to Capitol Hill for enactment into law, are unconstitutional, unnecessary, unwise and extend beyond the realm of reason. This is the worst civil-rights package ever presented to the Congress and is reminiscent of the Reconstruction proposals and actions of the radical Republican Congress.”


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A “Southern Bloc” of 18 Democrats and 1 Republican, led by Richard Russell (D - GA), organized their filibusters together to push back as strongly as possible against the bill. Said Russell: "We will resist to the bitter end any measure or any movement which would have a tendency to bring about social equality and intermingling and amalgamation of the races in our (Southern) states.” These movements not only vexed the President, they angered him on a deeply personal and moral level.


“How can these men be so fucking unreasonable?” JFK fumed to Bobby one afternoon after being refused a meeting by Senator Albert Gore, Sr. “All we want is equal protection under the law, the protection of the right to vote for all Americans. An end to discrimination. It’s unbelievable.”


Bobby nodded, also disturbed. “They’re backward, Jack. You know that well as I do. That’s why we’re taking the lead on this, we’re pushing forward because they never will unless we lead the way.”


After 54 days of filibuster and delay, Senators Hubert Humphrey (D-MN), Mike Mansfield (D-MT), Everett Dirksen (R-IL), and Thomas Kuchel (R-CA), introduced a substitute bill that they hoped would attract enough Republican swing votes in addition to the core liberal Democrats behind the legislation to end the filibuster once and for all. The compromise bill was slightly weaker than the House version with regard to government power to regulate the conduct and action of private business, but not so weak as to cause the House to reconsider the legislation. Following a final filibuster by Senator Robert Byrd (D - WV) lasting 14 hours, 13 minutes, Humphrey managed to gather together the needed votes for cloture, bringing the nearly sixty day long debate process to an end.


The Civil Rights Act of 1964 passed the United States Senate by a vote of 73 - 27 on June 19th. This new, compromise version of the bill swiftly passed through the House-Senate Conference Committee which adopted the Senate’s version of the bill. The conference bill was passed by both houses of Congress and signed into law by President Kennedy on July 4th, 1964. Much was made by both the President and the press of not only the historic nature of the legislation, but of the day on which is was signed. Signing the Act into law alongside Dr. King and several other Civil Rights leaders, Kennedy followed the ceremony with a brief address. In the speech, the President said: “Today, our nation comes one step closer to fulfilling the promise it made to its people 188 years ago today, when the Continental Congress issued forth the Declaration of Independence. ‘We hold these truths to be self evident: that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights and that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.’”


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Despite this historic victory for Kennedy and the Civil Rights Movement, there was another issue boiling up for the administration in the U.S. Senate. The Republican-led Senate Rules Committee had been conducting an investigation into the financial dealings of one Bobby Baker, a Democratic party organizer and political aide to Vice President Johnson. Baker was investigated for allegations of bribery using money allocated by Congress and arranging sexual favors in exchange for votes and government contracts. The investigation had been ongoing since September 1963, but had stalled somewhat when no links could be found between Baker’s suspicious dealings and President Kennedy. The committee did, however, manage to connect the Vice President to several of Baker’s corrupt bargains throughout the 1950’s. Johnson’s arm twisting on behalf of the Civil Rights Act, along with ancient grudges never buried between the Texan and others in the Senate, had dissolved any of the goodwill left for Johnson in the Upper House. Facing possible hearings and a long, embarrassing investigation which could very well end with his removal from office, the Vice President thought it better to resign his office with dignity. On the morning of July 21st, Lyndon Baines Johnson resigned the Vice Presidency. In his announcement, Johnson relayed his intentions to quietly retire to his ranch in Stonewall, Texas with the Second Lady.


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Mixed feelings arose for the President following his number two’s decision. Johnson, his advice and his legislative experience and aggression had been instrumental in passing the Civil Rights Act, which Kennedy believed would be his greatest legacy. At the same time, the President had never been close to Johnson. In fact, the icy relationship between the two had led to open speculation that the Vice President would be dropped from the ticket when reelection came up in ‘64. Obviously, following Johnson’s resignation, the matter was put to rest. Kennedy would need a new running mate. To that end, the President tasked his brothers, Bobby and Ted, with finding someone suitable.


Next Time on Blue Skies in Camelot: The Republican Primaries and Convention
 
This is looking really good. I like seeing JFK becoming a better person because of his challenges.

Thank you for the read and the compliment! :) Hope you enjoy the direction of things moving forward.

I always felt JFK had it in him to match his personal life to his crusading public persona. Just needed a few nudges in the right direction, and tragedy to bring it out of him.
 
Chapter 9

Chapter 9: My Guy - The GOP Primaries and Convention


The race for the Republican nomination for President had become more clear as the new year dawned. With former Vice President Richard Nixon standing firmly behind Governor Rockefeller, the New Yorker had amassed the majority of the party’s moderate wing in his column. This was further strengthened in the lead up to the New Hampshire primary, on March 7th, when former Massachusetts Senator and Vice Presidential candidate Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. lent his support to Rockefeller as well. Though former President Dwight Eisenhower and countless others within the party had encouraged Lodge to make a run at the nomination himself, Lodge did not have any interest in pursuing the Presidency. At the same time, Lodge, who had been appointed U.S. Ambassador to South Vietnam by President Kennedy, was unnerved by the rapidly deteriorating situation there.


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Following the coup of President Ngo Dinh Diem in November of 1963 by the South Vietnamese military, which Lodge had initially supported, the Ambassador observed that the subsequent leaders, jockeying for power in the wake of Diem’s fall, were not any better than Diem had been. Because of the rapid power grabs and rampant corruption, South Vietnam lacked a stable, centralized government, and paved the way for “Viet-cong” units and other communist militias to creep into the South, where they would lie in wait for a future invasion. In this path, Lodge saw only the expansion of communism or massive American military commitments to prevent it. Bearing all of this in mind, Lodge could not help but give his endorsement to Rockefeller. The New Yorker for all his faults, represented the party’s best shot at stopping Goldwater, which in Lodge’s mind was an absolute necessity. “If Senator Goldwater is elected this November,” Lodge warned in an interview with The New York Times. “We will see American boys die in a foreign war that cannot be won. Tensions with the Soviets will rise, unprovoked, and unnecessarily.”


An incensed Goldwater responded to such charges with vitriol and force. “The Ambassador is clearly mistaken.” The Arizona Senator insisted. “I have no intention of involving the American military anywhere unless it is a necessity. Though I would question Mr. Lodge’s commitment to fighting communism. One who would doubt America’s responsibility to oppose red expansion abroad is one who risks running counter to what this country is all about.”


The feud between Goldwater and Lodge only served to help Rockefeller, who kept himself at arm’s length from the war of words. When the polls closed in New Hampshire on the 7th of March, the results were staggering and forceful: Rockefeller won a resounding victory with 67% of the vote in the Granite State, while Goldwater received only 22%. The remaining 11% was split between Smith and Romney, with Governor Rhodes of Ohio and Governor Stassen, of Minnesota picking up next to nothing.


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Rockefeller’s success, particularly after the scandalous nature of his marriage to Happy, was contingent upon the endorsement of other so called “establishment” Republicans. Nixon, for a time, had been considered by many to be a potential candidate in ‘64. As had Lodge. With both of them behind him, Rockefeller did not have to worry about sewing up the moderate vote, and so could focus his attacks squarely on Barry Goldwater.


Not all was peachy for the wealthy New Yorker, of course. Deep at the heart of the Republican base, there was a growing discontent among conservatives. For decades now, the GOP had been the whipping boy for the Democrats and their seemingly unstoppable New Deal Coalition. Decades had passed and the power of the Federal government seemed only to increase with each new administration. To these conservatives, working up within the party from its very roots, the “Eastern Establishment” of Rockefeller and his allies was elitist and watering down the ideals which the Republican Party was predicated upon: opposition to the expansion of federal power, a firm, aggressive stance against communism at home and abroad, and the free market. In Senator Goldwater, these conservatives had found their champion, their voice.


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The race between Rockefeller and Goldwater came to a head as the California Primary loomed on June 2nd. Because of decisive victories in Massachusetts, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, West Virginia, and Oregon, Rockefeller held a seemingly insurmountable lead in the delegate count. In response, Rockefeller’s confidence grew. He felt that he had this thing in the bag.


For his part, Goldwater had campaign effectively and tirelessly across the west and south, rallying around his campaign’s slogan: “In your heart, you know he’s right.” The Arizonan managed to pull wins in Indiana, Nebraska, South Dakota, Florida, and Texas. In his stump speeches, Goldwater stressed his commitment to small government, as well as his clean record of public service, something many voters felt shaky on with regard to Governor Rockefeller, especially considering his marriage to Happy.

Senator Margaret Chase Smith of Maine had managed to pull out a surprise win in the Illinois Primary, taking a significant amount of delegates in her own right. She was the first female candidate of a major party for President, and her candidacy attracted plenty of media attention. Not wanting to bow out of the race until the end, Smith refused to promise her delegates to either candidate, and would wait “until the Republicans of the great state of California have made up their minds.”


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The stakes were certainly high heading into the Golden State’s primary. If Rockefeller won, he would be within a handful of delegates from the nomination, and would probably win it on the first ballot. If the state went to Goldwater, the two would be nearly tied, and a long, tiring contested convention would follow. Neither felt that they could afford to lose.


Rockefeller began campaigning in Oakland on May 25th, once again supremely confident that his victory was assured. Richard Nixon, the state party’s favorite son, had been one of his earliest and most vocal backers throughout the campaign. There was no way the good people of California could go for such a “rabble rouser” as Goldwater, the New Yorker believed. Unfortunately for him, that was all thrown into question the morning of May 30th, three days before the primary, when Happy Rockefeller delivered the couple’s first baby, a boy, named Nelson Jr.


The newspapers’ coverage of the event made sure to include details about Happy and the Governor’s relationship prior to their marriage. Happy had worked on Rockefeller’s staff prior to either of them divorcing their long time spouses to marry each other, leading many to believe, correctly, that the two had been engaging in an extramarital affair long before they tied the knot. Such information was not new, but hard largely been forgotten by the public in the momentum of Rockefeller’s campaign. The reports brought the issue back to the forefront just in time to be fodder for Goldwater attacks on the stump, the radio and television.


“Who do you want in the White House next November?” Goldwater joked in a speech. “A leader, or a lover?”


Polls conducted the day of the primary showed the two candidates in a dead heat. Clearly, it would come down to the wire. Though many Republicans, especially women, reported switching their allegiances from Rockefeller to Goldwater after being reminded of Rockefeller’s infidelity to his first wife, it seemed that Nixon’s support, Rockefeller’s strong position in the rest of the country, and his vigorous campaigning had paid off. The next morning, the news reported that by a slim margin, 51 - 49%, Governor Rockefeller had won the day in California.


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In San Diego, where Goldwater had built his campaign headquarters, there were said to be emotional, turbulent outbursts from staffers and volunteers. Despite their best efforts, and nearly a year of hard work, the rich, snobby, pinkie elitist from New York had beaten their ideological purist. The hero of the “true Republicans” would not be the nominee. The Senator himself was said to have taken his defeat with grace, however. “There’s always next time.” Goldwater reminded his staff. “However, unlike in ‘60, I’m not going to take this loss lying down. We need to remind this party what it stands for. We’ll be in San Francisco for the convention. I will demand the floor.”


A rule was in place which allowed any candidates with delegates pledged to them to demand the floor of the convention for five minutes to speak. Goldwater did not want to burn too many bridges within the party, should he decide to run again, and so would keep his speech short and civilized. There would be no attacks on his opponent, only a solemn reminder that “extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice and that moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue." The speech, which would go on to be called “the defense of liberty” became one of Goldwater’s great political legacies, and would be seen as turning point for the Conservative movement.


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Another major impact that Goldwater’s ultimately unsuccessful run for the nomination in ‘64 had was on the life and career of Hollywood Actor and former Screen Actor’s Guild President Ronald Wilson Reagan. Reagan, a staunch conservative and Goldwater supporter, had recorded a speech in support of the Arizona Senator during the primaries to be aired on Television. The program, entitled “A Time for Choosing”, received high ratings and was considered the best rhetoric employed in support of Goldwater throughout the entire primary process. Because of the success of the speech, Reagan would go on to be encouraged to run for Governor of California in 1966. Only time would tell how that would go, however.


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At the convention, held in San Francisco’s “Cow Palace” from July 12th - 15th, 1964, the Republican Party stood (mostly) united behind their presumptive nominee. Rockefeller remained 30 delegates below the threshold needed to guarantee his victory on the first ballot, however. Eager to remedy this situation, and realizing there was no chance in hell of convincing Goldwater to release his delegates, whom Rockefeller had referred to as “the crazies” throughout the campaign, the New Yorker instead turned to Senator Smith, and her pledged Illinois delegation.


The day before the speeches and the pomp were set to begin, Rockefeller invited Smith to a meeting with his campaign. “What will it take to get your endorsement, Senator?” Rockefeller asked, hunger for victory plainly evident in his eyes. “Romney’s bowed out and backed me, same with Scranton and Stassen. You’re the only Republican candidate, who isn’t crazy, that hasn’t given me the go ahead.”


Smith nodded. “That is true, though I wouldn’t call Senator Goldwater crazy. The man simply has a different take on the issues.”


Rockefeller snorted. “Very well. So, I repeat. What will it take?”


The Senator from Maine waited a minute before responding. “You took a real beating in that California primary because of the women vote, didn’t you?”


Rockefeller’s face flushed. “Yes, I would say that’s accurate. What’s your point?”


“If you want to beat Kennedy, you’ll need every vote you can muster, including from the ladies of this party and this country. What I’m suggesting Nelson is rather simple, really. You want my delegates and my endorsement? It’s easy as pie. Put me on the ticket.”


The Governor’s eyes went wide. In all honesty, he had never considered that Smith would ever ask for such a concession in exchange for her support. The prospect of having a woman on a Presidential ticket was rather historic, Rockefeller thought. It might be a good display of Progressivism for the only party which ran a candidate opposing the Civil Rights Act in the primaries to nominate a woman to the Vice Presidency. At the same time, however, Rockefeller worried about what he’d lose in nominating Smith. She was a moderate, not much further to the right than he, throwing the ticket out of ideological balance. Additionally, she was from Maine, a Northeastern state and a safely Republican stronghold in most races. These factors would prevent the Governor from potentially picking up a swing state or from following the traditional advice of balancing a ticket geographically as well. Still, the pressure was beginning to weigh on Rockefeller’s mind. If he didn’t secure the nomination in the first few rounds, he risked the Goldwaterites starting something and causing him to lose the nomination to a compromise candidate… such as Smith, the New Yorker realized.


Rockefeller sighed. “Very well, Senator. You have yourself a deal.”


And so it was that the Republican Party made history by nominating Nelson Rockefeller and Margaret Chase Smith for President and Vice President of the United States. The decision, and its acceptance by mainstream Republicans was especially impressive for the time given the contemporary news coming out about Vice President Johnson which ultimately lead to his resignation. The Johnson scandal, in addition to the attempt on President Kennedy’s life shone a white hot light on the Vice Presidency, and highlighted its importance in the line of succession.

In his acceptance speech, Rockefeller called for party unity and “the repudiation of the claim that we need a new type of Republicanism. The Grand Old Party of Lincoln and Eisenhower works just fine for me.” Post convention polls had Rockefeller trailing the President by a few points, but the Johnson Scandal, and Kennedy’s failure to recognize his number two’s shady dealings publically before his resignation were beginning to weigh on him.


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Now it was President Kennedy and the Democrats’ turn for a convention. A single question dominated the public consciousness heading into election season: Who would the President select as his running mate?


Next Time on Blue Skies in Camelot: Kennedy names his running mate in ‘64.
 
Very interesting timeline so far! Really loving it, and the really interesting use of the butterfly effect being caused by Marilyn Monroe living leading to JFK surviving.

Also, I’m curious if, as a counter balance to Smith becoming the first female vice-president nominee, if JFK will choose a African-American as his vice president nominee, in line with his civil rights work.

Also, this might be a little early (I have no idea how far in the timeline you’ll go afterall), and a little weird, but in light of the latest release of the new film, I think it’d be really cool if Marilyn Monroe ended up playing a character in one of the Star Wars films, like Mon Mothma in Return of the Jedi.
 
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Very interesting timeline so far! Really loving it, and the really interesting use of the butterfly effect being caused by Marilyn Monroe living leading to JFK surviving.

Also, I’m curious if, as a counter balance to Smith becoming the first female vice-president nominee, if JFK will choose a African-American as his vice president nominee, in line with his civil rights work.

Also, this might be a little early (I have no idea how far in the timeline you’ll go afterall), and a little weird, but in light of the latest release of the new film, I think it’d be really cool if Marilyn Monroe ended up playing a character in one of the Star Wars films, like Mon Mothma in Return of the Jedi.

Loving this so far!

For my opinion of the TL thus far, see the above two comments. Loving it!

This is some interesting stuff. Count me interested.

I can't thank you all enough for the wonderful compliments! :D I'm so happy to hear that you folks are enjoying the TL, and I'm having a lot of fun sharing it with you. Having just come back from seeing The Last Jedi, I can confirm that I loved it and definitely have some plans of working Star Wars into the TL as we come around to it ;)

As for JFK's running mate in '64, I can't make any statements without spoilers. The good news is the wait will soon be over. Stay Tuned. :)
 
She definitely brings a lot to the Republican ticket!
Certainly interesting...
I

. can't thank you all enough for the wonderful compliments! :D I'm so happy to hear that you folks are enjoying the TL, and I'm having a lot of fun sharing it with you. Having just come back from seeing The Last Jedi, I can confirm that I loved it and definitely have some plans of working Star Wars into the TL as we come around to it ;)

As for JFK's running mate in '64, I can't make any statements without spoilers. The good news is the wait will soon be over. Stay Tuned. :)
Scoooooooooop
 
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