Twilight of the Red Tsar

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Keep Fighting
  • Keep Fighting


    Excerpt from Behind the Iron Curtain by Margarita Sellons​

    Soviet counterinsurgency techniques were based on one principle: using overwhelming force to crush the opposition. These techniques had suited them well in China, and the Soviets saw no reason why they wouldn’t work in Eastern Europe. These tactics did prove quite deadly when hitting rebel strongholds. For example, in July 1966 the Soviets targeted Czech bases in the Ore Mountains. Intelligence told them that the main rebel stronghold was around the village of Kliny. First, the Soviets sealed off the area around the town, then sent in the bombers. A survivor of the attack later wrote that “Out of nowhere dozens of planes blanketed the skies. Our tiny village was reduced to rubble within minutes, and worse still they firebombed the forest to ensure we couldn’t hide.” Soviet helicopters then swept through, killing everyone they could see. Finally, a small number of Soviet troops moved in and mopped up any remaining resistance. In all the operation was credited with killing 100 insurgents and 50 “sympathizers” (the Soviet term for civilian casualties). However, such operations were proved ineffective for two reasons. First of all, the Soviets didn’t hold the territory, instead choosing to withdraw all but a token force. This allowed the insurgents to regroup and reestablish their bases, forcing the Soviets to eventually go back. This was very demoralizing for Soviet troops, who saw no gains being made. The other problem was that these operations only served to turn public opinion even more against the Soviets. The rebels used these incidents as proof of their moral superiority, and played on people’s desire for retaliation.

    In the cities the Soviets also used overwhelming force, but in a different way. They turned every major city in Eastern Europe into a maze of checkpoints. There were constant random searches of apartment blocks, factories, and other buildings; anyone found with weapons or insurgent propaganda was imprisoned. To counter these tactics, the rebels trained their troops to be ready for a fight at any moment. They also developed weapons to destroy checkpoints, the most infamous of which was the barrack buster[1]. A barrack buster is an improvised mortar, most commonly made out of a propane cylinder, which fired around 20-50 kg of explosives. The most common way of using a barrack buster in the cities was to set it up on a roof and shell nearby checkpoints. This was a suicide mission, since Soviet troops would quickly find and eliminate the barrack buster. Still, the barrack busters proved to be a hugely successful weapon. As one Soviet soldier observed “We lived in fear, knowing that at any moment we could be shelled.”



    Excerpt from The Eastern Bloc in Revolt by Wladyslaw Immenski​

    In the early months of 1967 Poland was unusually quiet. There was a sharp decrease in the number of attacks, and Soviet intelligence didn’t pick up nearly as much chatter as it had before. Naturally, many Soviet commanders were uneasy, but the high command believed that this was simply the effect of a successful counterinsurgency. Some, such as Defense Minister Ustinov, even believed that they had entered the endgame. However, the Poles were not defeated, simply organizing for one of the most ambitious operation of the war. Dubbed Operation Pilsudski[2] the plan called for dozens of attacks on against the Soviets, with the goal of killing as many people as possible. On May 1st (a date chosen due to its significance to the Soviets) the Poles struck. The first attack was against Wronki Prison. This was the largest prison in Poland, and it held about 3000 inmates. Several barrack busters were brought against the prison, breaking down the walls and killing many guards. By the time the Soviets had regained control of the prison nearly 900 prisoners had escaped. The second major attack was against a Soviet military base a few miles outside of Lublin. The rebels had managed to obtain a truck, and hundreds of pounds of explosives were hidden in the truck, hidden underneath a shipment of rations. Once the truck got near the base it sped up and crashed straight into it, causing the explosives to detonate. One survivor (a cook) recalled “Out of nowhere there was there was this massive boom, and the force of the blast threw me several feet, onto the ruins of what had been one of our stoves.” As the clouds of black smoke cleared the Soviets tallied up their losses. 230 people were dead and another 100 injured, making this the single worst attack the Soviets suffered during the entire Eastern European insurgency. But the Poles weren’t done yet. Over the next week Soviet troops across Poland were attacked. Operation Pilsudski proved to be the most damaging operation of the war, killing about 1200 Soviet soldiers and injuring many more.

    Operation Pilsudski also led to a split in the Poliburo. In the aftermath of these attacks some members of the Politburo, most notably Fyodor Kulakov and Dmitri Polyansky, came to believe that the war was unwinnable. They argued that the Soviets should begin negotiating with the rebels, perhaps even abandoning some countries so they could focus on winning the war elsewhere. Suslov, Ustinov, and several other hardliners were absolutely opposed to this approach[3]. There was also a third group, made up of those undecided about the war, and they proved to be the kingmakers. That faction’s unofficial leader Nikolai Tikhonov managed to forge a compromise. The Soviets secretly began negotiations with every country except Poland, East Germany, and Romania (who were excluded because of their strategic significance). Unfortunately for the Soviets the Hungarians, Bulgarians, and Czechoslovaks were unwilling to negotiate. But the East Austrians were. That rebellion, while serious enough to hold down Soviet troops, was not as strong as they were in other parts of Eastern Europe, in part because of East Austria’s small size and population. East Austria was also not deemed very strategically important by the Soviets, particularly since the union of West Austria and West Germany meant that NATO was easily able to move troops from Italy to Germany. The negotiations lasted until February 1968, but in the end produced an agreement. Under the terms of the agreement the Soviets would withdraw all troops from East Austria and accept the existence of a non-Communist East Austria. At the same time East Austria agreed not to attempt to join West Germany, guaranteed the safety of East Austrian communists, and pledged neutrality in the Cold War. In effect the Soviets Finlandized East Austria. The agreement was quite controversial with the Politburo, only passing by one vote. Those who supported the agreement believed that seeing the success of negotiation would encourage other rebels to come to the table. In fact, the opposite was true. Seeing the Soviets leave East Austria proved to the rebels that the Soviets could be beaten. It also had the same effect on the Soviet population, particularly for rebellious groups like the Armenians or the Chechens.

    [1] IOTL barrack busters were invented by the Irish Republican Army in the 1970s-1990s.
    [2] Jozef Pilsudski was the first leader of independent Poland, and played a key role in holding the Soviets off in the 1920s Polish-Soviet War.
    [3] Tensions ran so high that Kulakov, formerly Suslov's protégé, became estranged from his mentor and the other hardliners.
     
    All the Tea in China
  • All the Tea in China


    Excerpt from China’s Wars by John Fulnauer​

    For the Chinese the years between 1959 and 1967 were a long stalemate. The years of brutal fighting had burned out both sides, and as a result both had turned inward and focused on governing and rebuilding their nations rather than conquest. Of the two sides the KMT proved to be much better at this, mainly due to American intervention. From 1965 onward President Knowland made the support of the ROC his signature foreign policy. The most important element of this was the Jackson Plan, named after Senator Henry “Scoop” Jackson of Washington, one of the key organizers of the plan. The Jackson Plan was much like the Marshall Plan that had helped Europe recover from the devastation of World War II. $15 billion was spent on rebuilding China’s infrastructure, industry, and military. The most intensive efforts were put into rebuilding northern and eastern China, the areas which had seen the worst of the fighting. The Jackson Plan resulting in major successes. China entered an era of unprecedented economic growth. New factories sprung up across the nation, thousands of miles of road and rail were rebuilt, and living standards rose back to pre-war levels. The best example of the reconstruction was Beijing, which by 1964 had fewer than 500,000 people living in the ruins. The city was rebuilt virtually from scratch, and by 1970 there were over 3 million people living there.

    Lacking a foreign power to aid them the Yellow Banners were much less successful. The biggest success of the Yellow Banners was ending the famine in the areas they controlled. Almost immediately after taking power the Tianshi Emperor had abolished the collective farms, redistributing the land in private plots to the farmers. Prisoners of war and ex-Communist officials were put to work in the fields, which lead to a boost in productivity. The famine and the smallpox epidemic also resolved themselves to a certain extent. The loss of so many people also meant that there were far fewer mouths to feed, and eventually the survivors of the smallpox outbreaks developed a resistance. However, in other areas the Yellow Banners were much less successful, with the best example being the rebuilding of infrastructure. The Yellow Banners simply lacked the resources to carry out mass reconstruction, so instead they focused on rebuilding infrastructure in areas where it was militarily essential.


    Excerpt from The Yellow Banners by Li Zhimin​

    On September 22nd, 1967 the KMT launched a massive offensive against the Yellow Banners. With 2 million men and hundreds of tanks, armored vehicles, and planes it was one of the largest offensives of the war. The army was divided in half, with one part moving through Chunking and the other moving through the Kwangtung and Kwangsi provinces; they were supposed to meet up at the Yellow Banner capital of Guiyang. The Yellow Banners had never encountered an enemy this large and well-equipped before, and when they did meet the Yellow Banners were crushed. The KMT was able to use their artillery and uncontested control of the skies to hammer their enemy’s fortified positons into the ground, then use their numerical superior troops (the ratio of KMT to Yellow Banners was about 2:1) and armor to roll over the survivors. That isn’t to say that the Yellow Banners didn’t fight. To the contrary they fought ferociously and to the death. Many KMT soldiers later recalled seeing Yellow Banners who were horribly injured continue to fight, while others launched banzai-style suicide attacks. But in the end by December the KMT was only 50 miles from Guiyang.

    As the KMT closed in the Tianshi Emperor and his court debated what to do. Many were in favor of turning Guiyang into a last stand, while others wanted to retreat and return to their guerrilla roots. It was at this point that the Tianshi Emperor had a vision in which he was slain by a monster, who was then killed by his followers. The Emperor took this to mean that he was destined to die, but that a new emperor would take command and bring the Yellow Banners to victory. He appointed one of his lieutenants, a man named Ming Shihkai, as his successor, giving him the royal name the Tianlong (Heavenly Dragon) Emperor. The Tianlong Emperor departed with several thousand Yellow Banners towards Yunnan, while the Tianshi Emperor and some 200,000 troops prepared for a fight to the death. For weeks the Yellow Banners and the KMT fought over the city, until on February 1st, 1968 the KMT broke through the front lines and into the city. They had expected to encounter fierce resistance, but instead they found a necropolis. Bodies were scattered everywhere, with the nearby Nanming River being so full of bodies that one soldier remembered “you could walk across it.” Talking with the survivors it soon became clear what had happened. The Tianshi Emperor had no intention of being captured alive, and once it became clear that a KMT breakthrough was imminent he decided to kill himself. But the Tianshi Emperor didn’t want to go alone, and asked that everyone in Guiyang join him. Those who killed themselves were promised a much better position in the afterlife, and as a further incentive horror stories were spread about how the KMT ravaged captured cities. Over the next few days thousands upon thousands of people took their own lives. Poison was widely distributed, while others chose to jump in the Naming River where, unable to swim, they drowned. There is strong evidence that many people didn’t want to kill themselves, but were forced to by Yellow Banner soldiers. The Massacre of Guiyang, as it came to be known, is by far the largest mass suicide in world history.
     
    No Gods, No Masters
  • No Gods, No Masters



    Excerpt from Grey Eminence: The Life of Mikhail Suslov by Konstantin Chernakov​

    Agricultural issues, including famine, had plagued the USSR since the beginning, so it is fitting that the August Revolution was the result of a horrible harvest. The harvest of 1966 had not been very good[1], and by the summer of 1967 it was clear that an even worse harvest was underway. The winter and spring had been abnormally hot and dry, resulting in a severe decrease both in volume and quality of the winter wheat crop. The situation was not helped by the wave of agricultural strikes that had hit the Soviet Union in the winter of 1966-1967. Fearing famine, the government took another fateful step: it began diverting the grain crop towards human rather than animal consumption. For years the Soviet state had diverted a large portion of the grain crop to livestock feed in an effort to keep meat prices low. While this averted famine this measure meant that meat, already a scarce commodity, virtually vanished from Soviet stores. But even though famine was averted there were still problems. To understand the main problem one has to understand the nature of the Soviet economy. In a capitalist system a bad harvest might mean a rise in food prices, but Soviet prices largely stayed the same regardless of supply. The reason was that the Soviets spent a huge amount (up to 4% of the GDP) subsidizing the agricultural sector, ensuring low bread prices. The Soviet leadership figured that as long as they could provide cheap bread they would maintain order. A side effect of this policy was that it artificially inflated demand, and due to the bad harvests of 1966/67 the Soviets simply could not produce enough to meet that demand[2]. Suddenly bread became scarce across the Soviet Union, creating a situation where the stores ran out of bread by the afternoon and those in the back of the lines went home empty handed.


    Excerpt from The August Revolution by Timothy Snyder​

    The final straw came when the authorities announced the reintroduction of rationing, which had been ended in 1947. Back then of course the USSR was recovering from World War II, but now the government had no explanation for the rationing other than vague statements about the “troubled international situation.” The main response was panic (rumors quickly spread that famine or war were on the way), followed by anger. For many rationing represented everything they had come to hate about the Soviet government, from the failures to bring prosperity to the repression that held them down. Things came to a head on August 15th, when workers from the Moscow Metallurgical Plant, the ZiS Car Manufacturing Plant, the Tikhonov Meat Processing Plant[3], and the Moscow Oil Refinery staged strikes to protest rationing. The strikes quickly turned into a march on Red Square, with thousands of workers taking to the streets. Many housewives and grandmothers joined, which is unsurprising considering that they were often the ones who had to deal with food collection firsthand. The army and MGB were called in to break up the protests. It is at this point that something amazing happened: a large number of soldiers refused to fire on the protestors. Several explanations have been proposed for why this occurred. The most popular is that by August 1967 army morale had hit a low point, with the soldiers sick of both the wars in Eastern Europe and having to constantly put down protests at home. As one soldier later put it “We had come to realize that we were the tools of oppression.” There had also been limited mutinies before, which some scholars take as an indicator that the army was coming apart. Whatever the reasons the Soviet authorities now faced a crisis, and they dealt with it the same way they dealt with most other crises: brute force. The MGB, militsiya[4], and non-mutinying soldiers were ordered to stop the mutineers, using however much force was needed to achieve this goal. It was at this point that the mutiny spread throughout the army. Even those soldiers who were willing to kill civilians found themselves unwilling to kill their comrades-in-arms. The mutiny also turned violent, since the soldiers realized that by refusing to follow orders they were effectively condemning themselves to death should the Soviet authorities win.

    Violence swept through Moscow. The streets became a battleground between mutinying soldiers and protesters (often armed with rifles looted from armories) on one side and the MGB, militsiya, and non-mutinying soldiers on the other. The Soviet authorities called up more army units from across the Moscow Military District, only to see most of them join with the rebels. After four days of fighting the rebels’ superior numbers and morale turned the tide in their favor. On the 19th rebel tanks shelled the Lubyanka Building, forcing the MGB to surrender their headquarters. By that point most of the city was in rebel hands, with only the area around the Kremlin remaining under government control. Realizing that help wasn’t going to come on the 21st the forces around the Kremlin surrendered in exchange for amnesty. In all around 5000 people were killed during the Battle of Moscow.



    Excerpt from Strange Days: the August Revolution and Its Aftermath by Claude Summers​

    The fall of Moscow was an extraordinary event, but it would have meant nothing had events only been confined to that city. Despite the best efforts of the government news of the events spread across the country, although at first the news was only that there were large protests that had turned violent in Moscow. In response to this news people in the cities of Leningrad, Smolensk, and Sverdlovsk took to the streets. Like the protestors in Moscow their main issue was rationing, and like the Moscow protestors they were met with force (although the government, having learned their lesson from Moscow, sent only the MGB in). That should have been the end of it, but then on August 17th the rebels captured the Radio Moscow headquarters. The Soviets were caught off guard, having figured that the building would hold out for far longer, and thus hadn’t jammed radio signals or destroyed the station. This allowed the rebels to broadcast several messages, allowing people outside of the Moscow area to know what was happening for the first time. The public believed these messages in large part because the Soviets had imposed martial law throughout the country, something that wouldn’t have happened if something serious wasn’t going on.

    The response was swift and severe, with thousands in Smolensk, Leningrad, Gorky, and other cities in north and central Russia taking to the streets. They were joined by soldiers and sailors, many of whom shared the opinions of their comrades in Moscow. From these bases the revolution spread, until cities across the Soviet Union were in revolt. By the start of September the rebels controlled most of north and central Russia, most Siberia (the Yenisei River is generally agreed by scholars to be the approximate edge of their control), and a large chunk of the Urals (namely the cities of Sverdlovsk, Perm, and Chelyabinsk). Independence-minded rebels controlled most of the territory in SSRs outside of Belarus and Central Asia. The stage was set for the Second Russian Civil War.

    [1] IOTL the harvest of 1966 was very good, but agricultural problems and climate changes from the use of over a dozen nuclear weapons changes that.
    [2] IOTL this problem was solved by importing grain from the US. Of course ITTL that's not an option.
    [3] Originally called the Mikoyan Meat Processing Plant, and after his execution changed to the Khrushchev Meat Processing Plant, and then given its current name after his execution.
    [4] The civilian police force of the USSR.
     
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    The Government
  • The Government



    Excerpt from The August Revolution by Timothy Synder​

    In the immediate aftermath of the August Revolution the military (led by Major General Mikhail Kashnikov, one of the few in the top ranks to side with the rebels) assumed power, but everyone recognized that this situation was untenable in the long term. Few desired to, as Andrei Sakharov put it “Replace the Soviet jackboot with a military one.” To that end on August 28th the government brought together a convention of dissidents, former officials, military men, etc. to help form what became known as the Council of National Salvation. One of the biggest issues that faced the Council was getting all sides to work together. The rebel coalition included everyone from religious conservatives to socialists, and about the only thing everyone could agree upon was that the Soviets had to go. A partial solution was found by giving every side a seat on the Council. Each of the big factions (military, liberal, conservative, nationalist, and socialist) was to be given two seats on the council[1]. The chairman of the Council was Kashnikov, who was chosen mainly because he was the least political person there, and it was thought his military background would help him with managing the various factions. In addition, all of the factions agreed to wait until the war was over to determine the system of government and how the country would be run.

    The second order of business was to build an alliance with the separatist rebels. To gain their support the Council agreed that autonomy or independence would be granted after the war was completed. The Estonians, Ukrainians, Moldovans, Azerbaijanis, Balkars, Karachays, and Circassians[2] answered the call and became allies of the Russians. Of the other national groups, the Armenians refused to be in any alliance with the Azerbaijanis, the Latvians, Lithuanians, and Chechens declared that they would seek independence without the Russians, and the various Dagestani rebel groups joined by later broke away from the Russians[3]. Later on the Kazakhs and Tartars would join the alliance.


    Excerpt from Grey Eminence: The Life of Mikhail Suslov by Konstantin Chernakov​

    The August Revolution caught the Soviet leadership totally off guard. As they regrouped in Stalingrad many members of the Politburo began looking for someone to blame. That person was Mikhail Suslov. By this point in time Suslov’s dogmatism and various failures had alienated basically everyone in the Politburo. As such when the Politburo convened on August 23rd their first move to depose Suslov. As the meeting started Fyodor Kulakov asked to give a speech, and when this was granted he started listing the various failures of Suslov, calling him “a man too small to fill Stalin’s shoes.” After Kulakov finished speaking he made a motion calling for Suslov’s dismissal. At that point Suslov surprised everyone by standing up and announcing his resignation. When later asked why he did this Suslov responded “I remember what happened to Malenkov, and it was clear that I was not going to emerge victorious. I figured “I’m a tired old man, let someone else worry about how to rebuild the Soviet Union.” With Suslov gone Kulakov took over the position of General Secretary, and he also unveiled a plan to gain even more power. He argued that given the current unrest there should be a troika (consisting of himself, Dmitry Ustinov, and Dmitry Polyansky) that would have plenipotentiary power (meaning they could make decisions without consulting the Politburo). This would streamline the decision-making process and reduce bureaucratic infighting. The other members of the Politburo were initially skeptical, fearing that this could mean the return of a Stalin-like figure, but after hours of debate the troika wore them down. The new troika’s decided that the first Soviet counteroffensive would be at the areas of Sverdlovsk and Chelyabinsk.

    [1] Socialist here refers to democratic socialism.
    [2] The Cherkessk and Kabardian people are both from the Circassian ethnic group.
    [3] At first the various Dagestani ethnic groups (namely Avars, Dargins, Kumyks, and Lezgians) didn't work together, but they soon realized that they would have to in order to force the Russians out. The result was the creation of the Dagestani United Front, which withdrew from the alliance and worked towards unilateral independence.
     
    The Wall Falls
  • The Wall Falls



    Excerpt from The Eastern Bloc in Revolt by Wladyslaw Immenski​

    The August Revolution meant the end of the Soviet empire and the Eastern Bloc. When news of the revolution reached Eastern Europe Soviet soldiers turned on each other. Most of the soldiers, exhausted by years of war and swept up in the tide of freedom, joined the rebels, but a significant minority stayed with the Soviet Army. For about a week both sides fought in bloody, fratricidal battles before being called home by their respective sides. The retreats were a disorganized affair, with units more or less falling apart as they moved through hostile territory. The soldiers still took every opportunity to attack each other, and due to supply issues they were forced to raid local villages as they retreated. Still by September 12th there were no more Russian troops in Eastern Europe. With the Soviet Army no longer there the governments of the Eastern Bloc faced their doom. There were several different reactions to this. The governments of Bulgaria and Czechoslovakia attempted to negotiate with their rebels, only to be informed that the rebels demanded their unconditional surrender. In Hungary, East Germany and Poland top government officials fled with the remnants of the Soviet Army. Only Romania chose to fight on, with General Secretary Nicolae Ceausescu declaring “The forces of history are on our side. Socialism will triumph.” Four days later, on September 16th, Bucharest fell and Ceausescu and his wife Elena were summarily executed.

    Across Eastern Europe the fall of Communism was a time of great joy. On September 12th tens of thousands of Germans, both East and West, gathered at the Berlin Wall. They came with sledgehammers, power tools, and even explosive with one purpose: to knock the Wall down. In the following weeks vast sections of the Berlin Wall were taken down, and East and West Germans mingled to together. British rock band The Who even came to the Wall, performing their famous “Berlin Concert” on top of its remnants. In other parts of the Eastern Bloc the celebration was no less joyous. In Poland over 500,000 people gathered in the streets of Warsaw to witness a parade of several thousand resistance fighters, while in the Czechoslovak Federation[1] a similarly sized crowd turned out to see the Stalin Monument demolished and a new “Freedom and Sacrifice” Monument constructed in its place. In Hungary Budapest police were forced to stop arresting revelers who had passed out drunk, the city drunk tanks being too full.


    Excerpt from Hungary’s Syndicalist Revolution by Joseph Jones​

    In every case except one the fall of Communism in Eastern Europe led to democracy. That one exception is Hungary. Instead the Syndicalists, by far the most powerful rebel faction, used their power and control over Budapest to recreate the state in their image. As Hungarian Workers’ Union Secretary General Imre Nagy said “We have now the opportunity to bring about the first successful workers’ revolution in Europe.” From the perspective of a revolutionary Hungary was a golden opportunity. The years of war had destroyed much of the country, the non-syndicalist movements either passively accepted the new agenda or were too weak to make a difference, and the people were ready. Much like their comrades in Cuba the Hungarian Syndicalists quickly turned all industries over to workers, banned all political parties, and set up an umbrella union (the Hungarian Workers’ Union) to manage the country. There was really only one coercive law: to help rebuild Hungary all workers had to contribute a certain amount of labor hours to helping repair the country. While not popular the law saw results: within two years Hungary was about where it was before the rebellion.

    The international community, particularly the US, was stumped about what to do about Hungary. On the one hand Hungary was a revolutionary left-wing government, and there were fears that it would spread across Eastern Europe. On the other hand, Hungary was clearly not a Soviet puppet state. However, Hungary did refuse to join the EDC and NATO, and almost immediately began working with Raul Castro’s regime in Cuba (for example after 1970 most of the surplus grain grown in Hungary was exported to Cuba). However, Hungary did desire to access the long-inaccessible Western markets, and was afraid of the possibly of an invasion. As such Nagy took the lead on carving out a path which later became known as “Switzerlandization.” In exchange for the maintenance of trade and peace Hungary agreed not to export the revolution abroad and to remain neutral in any conflicts on the European continent. While some Syndicalists denounced this as a betrayal of their founding ideals it did keep Hungarian syndicalism going up to the present day.


    Excerpt from Reunification by Ed Morrell​

    The biggest problem in international politics in 1967-68 was what to do with Germany. For many Europeans the answer was simple: West Germany, East Germany, and East Austria should remain as separate states. They remembered far too vividly the last two world wars, in particular the horrors of Nazi Germany, and wished to ensure that Germany would stay weak so as to ensure that this would never happen again. A major proponent of this idea was Charles De Gaulle, who famously remarked that “If Germany is to get its Anschlussed borders back we will most certainly see the reemergence of Prussian militarism and German aggression.” De Gaulle even went as far as to declare that France would leave the EDC, like it had withdrawn from NATO military operations, if all the Germanies were reunited. Across the Channel British Prime Minister Harold Wilson also oppose German reunification, joking “I love Germany so much that I want to see three of them[2].” However Wilson secretly held the belief that some form of German reunification was inevitable[3], and so sought to find ways to negotiate around the edges and gain concessions from Germany. Of course the most important opinion was that of the Knowland Administration in America, and they were torn. Basically no one favored reuniting all of Germany, but at the same time there was little agreement as to how Germany should be reunited. Some took the position that Germany and Austria should be split like they were pre-1938, while others argued that deintegrating West Austria from West Germany and reintegrating the two Austrias would be too expensive and time-consuming. As such they thought East Austria should remain its own state. Ultimately Knowland chose the latter view, and when presented with this idea Harold Wilson accepted it (although with some other conditions about Germany’s military, etc. being attached). From there things moved smoothly. De Gaulle’s opposition didn’t much matter to Knowland and Wilson (neither of whom were members of the EDC), while the Germans were willing to accept whatever reunification deal the major powers agreed on. Once it became obvious that Germany would be reunified De Gaulle gave in, and on September 5th, 1968 the process of German reunification began in earnest. There was only one issue left: The Oder-Neisse Line. After World War II the Allies had pushed Poland’s borders to the west, seizing a large chunk of German land. The Germans had never accepted this agreement, and weren’t about to now. However, Germany was not about to start a war to regain their territories, although to this day the issue remains a tense topic in German-Polish relations.

    [1] After independence Czechoslovakia stays together, but as a federation of Czech lands and Slovakia
    [2] The Italian PM made a similar joke during German reunification IOTL.
    [3] This switches the British and French positions from IOTL, where the French were resigned to German reunification happening and the British (or at least Thatcher) were militantly opposed to it.
     
    Bye Bye Red China
  • Bye Bye Red China

    Excerpt from The Reconquest of China by Yue Min​

    The collapse of the Soviet Union into civil war marked the beginning of the end of three Asian states: Mongolia, the PRC, and North Korea. Although at the time the KMT was preparing for a massive offensive against the Yellow Banners they didn’t let the situation with their northern neighbor go unexploited. About 100,000 troops were sent to the Mongolian border, and on September 13th Chiang sent a letter to Mongolian General Secretary Yumjaagiin Tsedenbal threatening that unless Mongolia surrendered and allowed Chinese troops to occupy the country there would be war[1]. In exchange Mongolia would be an autonomous province, similar to the Hui, and the Communist leadership would be allowed to go into exile. For the Mongolians it was a tough decision. Surrendering would mean the end to Mongolia’s precious sovereignty, but at the same time the Mongolians could not hope to defeat the Chinese. Ultimately Mongolia surrendered, a decision made only after the PRC informed them that they would not join in the defense. By September 20th Mongolia was no more. A few Mongolians did attempt to fight on, creating the Mongolian Liberation Army. However, it proved to be little more than a nuisance for the Chinese (killing less than a dozen soldiers per year), and the movement was crushed once the Chinese decided to finish it off in 1970.

    With Mongolia out of the way the KMT turned its focus to the People’s Republic of China, although military operations were put on hold until the summer of 1968 (owing to dealing with the Yellow Banners and then climate). It was a fairly anticlimactic showdown. 1 million KMT troops invaded both from the south and the east (using roughly the same route the Soviets had when invaded Manchuria in 1945), and easily crushed the People’s Liberation Army. On August 5th they captured the PRC capital of Changchun, thus ending the life of the PRC. One of Chiang’s biggest goals had been to bring Mao Tse-Tung to trial, a final humiliation for his old rival. Unfortunately for Chiang Mao had died in October 1965. After his fall from power Mao had fallen into a deep depression and began drinking heavily; reportedly he fell down a flight of stairs while intoxicated and broke his neck.

    The war with the Communists was not quite over however. Realizing that their state was doomed the leaders of the PRC gathered about 100,000 soldiers and escaped, attempting to rebuild their former stronghold in Yan’an. This “Second Long March” was even more brutal than the first. The KMT ruthlessly pursued the fleeing Communists, in several cases surrounding them and forcing bloody breakouts. The worst part of the march was the movement through the Gobi Desert. The Communists got there in October, a month of both cold temperatures (barely above freezing) and little precipitation. Food and water quickly became scarce, and the Communists died by the thousands of starvation, dehydration, and, as November rolled around, freezing. By December, after several attempts to get out of the desert were thwarted by the KMT, it became clear that to continue fighting was suicide and the Communists surrendered.


    Excerpt from The Reunification of Korea by Lee Ka-i​

    The day after the August Revolution North Korean leader Pak Chang-Ok wrote in his diary “Choson’s[2] destruction is now inevitable.” Indeed, it did not take long for South Korean President Park Chung-Hee and US President William Knowland to begin planning to conquer the North. On September 6th Knowland told a joint session of Congress that “North Korea remains one of the last bastions of Stalinism in the world. The cause of liberty demands that it falls.” The next day the US issued an ultimatum to North Korea: surrender or go to war. North Korea was in no shape to fight. The Sino-Soviet War had destroyed most of North Korea’s army, and the Soviets never really bothered to rebuild it. Instead Soviet troops protected the border, with a few poorly-armed and trained North Korean regiments to back them up. The North Koreans estimated that they had only a few weeks’ worth of supplies, and there were strong doubts about the population’s willingness to support their leaders. It is thus no surprised that, like Mongolia with the Chinese, North Korea surrendered.

    [1] Taiwan to this day claims Mongolia as a part of China (although nowadays it's more because the PRC won't let them drop the claim than any desire to own Mongolia).
    [2] North and South Korea have different names for their country, with North Koreans using Choson, and South Koreans using Hanguk.
     
    War and Genocide
  • War and Genocide


    Excerpt from The Soviet Civil War by Joshua Reddings​

    The Soviets had decided to attack the areas of Sverdlovsk and Chelyabinsk first. It was assumed that since the two cities were cut off from the rest of the rebels’ territory it would be easy to retake them. For the citizens of the two cities it was a desperate time. Thousands fled, while of those who stayed were put to work building barricades, weapons, and other materials of war. In this effort they were helped greatly by the fact that Sverdlovsk and Chelyabinsk were home to large military factories. All of the men, as well as many women and quite a few children, were armed to serve as a militia force. As the Soviets closed in the rebels asked their leaders to create an air bridge to the cities, allowing supplies to flow, but the leaders refused. There was a shortage of skilled pilots, and since Sverdlovsk and Chelyabinsk were considered lost causes anyway it was decided that using them on such a mission would be a waste.

    It is often observed that civil wars are some of the most brutal wars, and the Soviet military seemed determined to prove this maxim true. This doctrine was set from up high; Ustinov was even quoted as saying “We are facing the greatest threat to the Revolution since the Nazis. The only appropriate response is to exterminate them so thoroughly that they can never rise again.” Like in China the Soviets used their superiority in artillery and air power to level the cities. Once they entered the cities Soviet soldiers were given the order to “kill every living thing,” and the fact that almost every civilian was either a militiaman or worked on building the defenses helped this mentality. That is not to say that the rebels were innocent. In Chelyabinsk captured Soviets were often buried alive, while those suspected of being fifth columnists were used as human shields.


    Excerpt from War and Genocide by Jenna Miller​

    Latvia had long been a powder keg waiting to go off. With a roughly even split between ethnic Latvians and ethnic Russians the SSR was always on the brink of massive ethnic unrest, particularly since the Latvians were marginalized in an increasingly Russian nationalist USSR. With the coming of the Soviet Civil War that powder keg was lit. At the first meeting of the Latvian National Congress (the leadership of the Latvian rebels) it was decided that “as long as Russians remain on Latvian soil there will be oppression,” and therefore the Russians had to be driven out. The Latvians began a campaign of terror against the Russians. Russian-owned stores and homes were burned to the ground, while the Russian people were murdered indiscriminately by gangs of Latvians. A special squadron, nicknamed The Black Squad, was formed by the rebels for the purpose of assassinating Russians who worked in the Latvian SSR’s administration. For their part the Soviets responded to the terror with a terror of their own. Under the guise of “arresting those who commit genocide” the Soviets launched mass arrests of the Latvians, in many cases massacring them. Even after the Russian rebels drove the Soviets out of Latvia in June 1968 the ethnic conflict continued.
     
    Red and White Terror
  • Red and White Terror



    Excerpt from The Soviet Civil War by Joshua Reddings​

    The success of the August Revolution spurred the Soviet government to launch a massive crackdown. The initial order, signed by MGB chairman Mikhail Solomentsev, declared that anyone “deemed a threat to the Soviet state” should be immediately seized and executed. This included “social outcasts, former GULAG prisoners, and those with personal connections to the rebels.” In practice this meant that virtually anyone could be arrested. By this point the Soviet terror apparatus was a well-oiled machine, and the path from arrest to execution was quick. Once arrested prisoners would be tortured and forced to name names. After that they were taken before an MGB troika to be judged, and then executed. As time went on the process was simplified even further, with prisoners being arrested and then executed almost as soon as they arrived at the jails. To hide the omnipresent sound of gunfire many prisons began blasting music. For example, the residents of Stalingrad came to associate the operas of Tchaikovsky with the local prison.

    In many of the SSRs and ASSRs ethnicity was used as a factor to determine loyalty. The most famous case of this was in Chechnya, where in the wake of the August Rebellion the LFI became even more aggressive. After a wave of violence in Grozny the Soviets decided that the best way to crush the uprising was to destroy the Chechen people. To that end between October 5th-10th the entire Chechen population of Grozny, amounting to about 100,000 people, was rounded up and loaded into trucks, allegedly to be deported to Central Asia. In truth they were taken to the North Ossetian town of Digora, where about 500 MGB Security Troops were waiting. After they arrived the Chechens were driven forward by rifle butts and whips into deep trenches. The Security Troops then sprayed the trenches with submachine gun fire. One of the executioners remembered that by the end the trenches “were a mass of putrefied flesh, with men, women, and children packed together so tightly that their bodies were indistinguishable.” Vladimir Volodarsky, who led the massacre, was awarded the Order of Lenin and put to work on similar missions throughout the North Caucasus.

    For their part the rebels were little better than the Soviets. The obvious targets for the rebels was anyone associated with the Soviet regime, in particular MGB agents, informers, and high-level officials. Unlike the Soviets the rebels tried at first to hold public trials (such as the case of First Secretary of the Moscow Regional Committee Vasily Konotop), but the volume of cases quickly overwhelmed them and it was replaced by a system of summary execution, using martial law as a legal justification. Much like the Soviets the CNS also suffered from an espionage craze. They ended up executing around 50,000 people for the crime, often on very flimsly grounds. The craze reached the height of absurdity in July 1969, when Pyotr Masherov, the former First Secretary of Belarus who turned against the Soviets in the aftermath of the August Revolution, was arrested as a spy. Despite Masherov’s work exposing Soviet crimes he was held without trial (only being saved from death thanks to the intervention of figures like Alexandr Solzhenitsyn).


    Excerpt from Genocide in the Soviet Union by Paul Jefferson​

    The example of Siberia, where former Gulag inmates and forced settlers had revolted, weighed heavily on the minds of the Soviet leadership, particularly when it came to Central Asia. Although the region was considered on the most loyal in the Soviet Union there were about 1.8 million people who had been deported there during the 1940s and 50s. Almost half (about 900,000) were Germans who had been moved during the opening days of the Great Patriotic War. Other major groups included Chechens (230,000) and Balts (around 200,000). In the panic after the August Revolution the plenipotentiary troika decided that these people needed to be dealt with, leaving the specifics of the task to the MGB. After reviewing the situation, and given the labor shortages created by the war, MGB chair Mikhail Solomentsev decided to reintern the exiles and use them as slave labor. From September-December 1967 these almost 2 million people were deported to hastily built “Special Camps” (Spetslag) in Uzbekistan and southern Kazakhstan. Much like the old Gulag system there were a few main camps and dozens of sub-camps, where prisoners worked mining, making ammunition, growing food, and other types of work.

    Conditions in the Spetslag resembled those of the Nazi concentration camps a generation earlier. Prisoners were required to work 14-hour days, with every last ounce of labor being squeezed out of them. To make things worse the Soviets failed to provide anywhere near enough food. Although after the war Solomentsev would maintain that this was due to a combination of the agricultural crisis and the material needs created by the war, many scholars argue that this action was deliberate. The most frequently cited document supporting this claim is a letter from Solomentsev to Spetslag-2 commandant Konstantin Rodov. Solomentsev wrote “Although we need the labor now, in the long term having a large prisoner population is undesirable. Remember what happened when Stalin died. Examine the situation in your camp and prune the population where you see fit.” Under these genocidal conditions around 1.2 million people died. Some ethnic communities were virtually destroyed. For example, of the 30,000 Abkhaz living in Central Asia only about 800 survived.
     
    Culture War
  • Hello, everyone.

    Napoleon IV gave me permission to upload this update about the sixties' counter-culture, with a little insight into British electoral politics.

    Culture War!


    An excerpt from Jerry Falwell’s 1959 sermon on Objectivism​


    “Now I could not believe it, ladies and gentlemen, to see Atheism so openly and proudly declared in the streets of a Christian country! But these were not Communists, ladies and gentlemen! They are called ‘Objectivists’, and their ranks include ever sin that Hell could conceive: loveless debauchery, wicked poisons, everything! These are people who take pride at the word ‘selfish’! They take pride in it! These, ladies and gentlemen, are the people behind the so-called ‘Civil Rights Movement’! [1] They don’t care about whether God fearing Christians will be attacked by gangs of thugs, or whether our moral integrity decays, as long as they can keep rolling in the money to take their next batch of drugs! God made the distinctions between people, and now these dumb kids and some Judges are going to tell God that he’s wrong? Are these the people we want imposing their rich-boy fantasies on the hard-working people of the state of Virginia? I say, never!


    "I’m telling you, ladies and gentlemen, because we all know the End Times are getting closer every day, that these Objectivists are every bit the fellow travellers of Satan as the Kremlin! We will declare with all out heart, God hear our prayer, that America is a country where we believe in Jesus Christ, the Saviour of Mankind! And if they don’t like it, then they can go back to Russia or wherever they come from!”


    Excerpt from Of Reefers and Rand: The Sixties by Amy Peters​


    With few exceptions, the name of Rand was perhaps the quickest way to make parents hold their noses in disgust and make teenagers shudder with mischievous excitement. To older Americans, who were much more Socially Conservative, defiantly patriotic and suspicious of the Civil Rights Movement, Rand became a boogeyman to explain the moral decay of the newest generation; a sex-crazed, selfish, short-sighted generation who were inviting disaster for themselves and the country. In many ways, these were terms always thrown at younger generations, but Rand was an easy way to crystallize it. As a result, she never found wide appreciation in mainstream society (Milton Friedman’s professed appreciation for some of her work put him under fire). Even Nixon felt compelled to publicly declare Rand, “Someone who thinks the answer to evil is indifference, and the answer to good is indifference too.”


    But to the youth of America, Rand became something of an inspiration. They loved how steadfast she was, her simple ethics code that appealed to youthful idealism, but most importantly, they loved the fact that their parents really hated her. Of course, no red lines were crossed for many; she was explicitly anti-racist, anti-Nazi, anti-Communist, but especially anti-authority as well. When it came to the more controversial aspects of Objectivism (namely its indifference to the suffering of others) some took a fundamentalist view, others justified charity as their own preference (thus keeping Objectivist code intact, despite being derisorily called ‘God-fearing Randists’ by non-Objectivists) [2], and others just went along with whatever they thought at the time, since they were only there to hang out. “You don’t think I really read all of ‘Atlas Shrugged’, do you?” recalled one Berkley Student. “It’s totally boring; but a lot of the cool guys, not to mention the guys who could get you drugs, I wanted to hang out with them. I didn’t give a damn about ‘the ethics of selfishness’ or any of this stuff. I was just like a lot of guys back then, just wanting to feel like I was part of something and that I still mattered even if I were part of that larger whole.”


    Suddenly ‘cool kids’ started defying the teachers while citing Rand as an inspiration, drugs started becoming mainstream, while the social mores that had previously held America together seemed to be fraying, like the Hays Code. It drew a dividing line in the sand between two generations of Americans. Conservative parents angrily lambasted their children for reading Rand, Liberal parents did much the same and the satisfaction of rebellion was equal in both children to defy their parents.


    Objectivists were easily identifiable on college campuses, as they were dressed like businessmen, often hung out together and had the distinct smell of various forms of drugs. [3] Unlike their parents, this generation was dead-set on being socially mobile, climbing the ranks of the ladder in a dog-eat-dog world. They eschewed Christian prudency and restraint, and spoke proudly of materialist pursuit. Though they adamantly opposed the Social Conservatism of many Republicans, they usually supported Knowland in his elections, seeing the Democrats as a party of ‘racists and losers’ according to some. This would mean profound effects on the coalitions of the major parties in America over time, as the Republicans continued to pursue a socially moderate-to-liberal program, while the clout of the social liberals in the Democrats continued to decline.


    The Objectivists started cultivating their own culture and media presence, be it through musicians (notably Frank Zappa), bodybuilding (notably Arnold Schwarzenegger) or perhaps more obviously in cinema, where New Hollywood was beginning to blossom. [4]



    Excerpt from Film: A History by Geoffrey Loach​


    In Europe, Syndicalism was ideally positioned to take advantage of multiple, revolutionary movements in cinema, notably French New Wave. Luis Bruñel, Jean Luc-Goddard and Federico Fellini all created great, politically charged films which gave support to the Syndicalist movement. Through the proxy of mockery of the values of the Bourgeoisie, or their inability to distinguish the genuine concerns of working men and women with the death-screech of Communism, these filmmakers challenged society. Bruñel even made ‘Mr. America’ (1964), a startling parody of American policy towards Cuba, featuring a shipwrecked American landing on an island, having gone mad and thinking himself a messenger from God to save the people from their ‘primitive, crypto-Communist ways’; the ignorance of the American is noted, as is the suffering of those he tries to control. However, Syndicalism found itself shut out of American cinema in the Sixties and Seventies, and a new band came into town, inspired by the work of a former Hollywood scriptwriter, whose name was Ayn Rand.


    The New Hollywood era was a milestone in film history, where cinematic auteurs were unleashed into the studios of America; all desperate to tell the stories they wanted to tell. It was an exciting time to be a filmmaker in the United States, liberated from the shackles of the Hays Code, inspired by film movements around the world, but many were in thrall of a particularly American movement. The Objectivists had continued to increase their control in the cultural sphere, especially among disaffected Jews who turned to despair rather than to God when news of the Second Holocaust became public.


    Among them was Steven Spielberg, a victim of Anti-Semitic bullying, who was sickened when news of the Soviet Holocaust became mainstream. Coupled with his embarrassment of his Orthodox Jewish parents, one reading of ‘The Fountainhead’ (1943) would change his life. “I was really fascinated about what was going on inside Rand’s head,” he would recall, “so I discovered all this stuff at a really formative age and it stuck with me a lot, about Communism, Nazism, Freedom. But most of all, it made me want to make the films that I wanted to make, not the suits back in the boardroom. Fortunately, I arrived at a time when that sort of philosophy was making waves not just in Berkeley, but the studios too.” Though he would cool down on his earlier fundamentalism, the imprint of Rand remains in Spielberg, and the inspiration it gave to others.

    Among his close friends was another person highly influenced by Objectivism: George Lucas. Lucas had been introduced to Rand from Spielberg, although he wasn’t as impressed. However, the themes of a rogue standing up to the world in defiance of the system was something that Lucas definitely saw a bit of himself in, especially as he made his student film 'Electronic Labyrinth: THX 1138 4EB’ (1967), inspired by Rand’s 1938 novella ‘Anthem’. The film made a positive impression, and soon Lucas was ordered to make a real, big-budget movie from a major film studio … an adaptation of ‘Anthem’. Hoping to cash in on the Objectivist wave, producers were eager for someone who ‘understood these people’ to make a film. Rand would meet Lucas to give the final thumbs up or down depending on how she saw him. As Lucas recalls, “I was literally just mouthing off some of the stuff that Steve said all the way through the night. Thank God that she really liked to monologue or I would have been in a world of trouble.” With that, Lucas got the directorship, the film got made, and so did George Lucas’s career.

    While Objectivists began their long, slow slog into cinema, the current elite pulled no punches when it came to depicting Objectivists in cinema. They were often portrayed (not without reason) as arrogant, stoned, faux-intellectuals who hadn’t faced a lick of discomfort in the real world. Of course, some nuance was granted, notably in Billy Wilder’s 1969 film ‘The Samaritan’ a comedy-of-manners where a Rabbi (Sid Caesar), who turned to religion after learning of the Soviet atrocities, has his son (Dustin Hoffman) return from college only to discover that he has become an Objectivist due to the same Soviet atrocities. Though about a Jewish family, many Christian families related to the cultural conflict that they had endured themselves.


    Extract from ‘The Samaritan’ (1969)


    Rabbi: “I don't get it, son! You're a smart guy! Why would you ever buy that baloney coming from that Rand lady? What would God have to say about this?”


    Son: “Oh, come on, Dad, I can’t understand how you could still believe in God after all the terrible stuff that’s happened to us!”


    Rabbi: “What are you talking about?”


    Son: “Dad! We’ve been discriminated against for thousands of years, been persecuted in almost every country we’ve ever been in, hated, insulted, shot at and got two Holocausts within the space of ten years!”


    Rabbi: “Exactly! The fact there’s any of us left proves that God’s got to exist!”


    Excerpt from Britain in the Sixties: A Common Man’s guide by Terry Cole​


    Since we’re slap-bang in the middle (relatively-speaking) between Europe and America, we also had to endure something the rest of the world happily avoided in the Sixties: Objectivist vs. Syndicalist silly-slapping. The Americans thought Syndicalism were a plot to take their freedom and the Europeans thought that the place they should truly strive to be was some basket case in the Caribbean, just with crap weather. So we in Britain got stuck in the unfortunate position of seeing two sets of people slag the other off despite no one outside London giving a single molecule’s worth of a damn. Oh, but it was truly something to see a bunch of slicked-hair public schoolboys call Syndicalists ‘Stalinists’ and watch a bunch of Cockney mugs call Objectivists ‘Fascists’. The only thing this proves, of course, is that kids are idiots.


    Somehow, it was even worse than that. Back in 1965, the Beatles’s frontrunner, John Lennon, was seen in a photo with some guy who was a Syndicalist. The Objectivist Society of Oxford openly denounced the Beatles as a bunch of hypocrites for making money despite being on decent enough terms with someone who didn’t agree with him on every measure. Lennon publicly stated later that he did not agree with Syndicalism and regarded himself as apolitical, but Syndicalists somehow got the message to make him an unofficial martyr for the Syndicalist movement, with Beatles songs illegally played at many rallies. The Objectivists clearly thought the situation hadn’t gotten stupid enough yet, and decided to endorse the Rolling Stones, apparently since their songs were less ‘troubling’. Suddenly, the most politically charged question of 1966 was ‘Stones or Beatles’? If you said ‘Stones’ you wanted to run the poor under a steamroller; if you said ‘Beatles’ then you wanted another Holocaust.


    That led to both movements thinking that they hadn’t stank out the country enough, and they decided to try and take over the Labour and Conservative Parties. The Objectivists worked out pretty quickly that life outside a novel is pretty hard, and ran into fierce opposition from almost everyone at the top of the Conservative Party. Then, astonishingly, they made a good decision, a rarity in this fiasco; they would pressure the Conservative party outside it, not trying to take it over. This healed a lot of bad blood, and paved the way for more Classical Liberal thought to reassert itself within the Tory ranks. While the Tories hardly became an Objectivist party, it doesn’t take long to see how more Free Market oriented economics became more popular after the Sixties among many Tories.


    The Syndicalists thought, apparently, that it didn’t matter if the Labour Party was ashes as long as the ashes sung the Internationale. Then, not only did the Syndicalists grab the idiot-ball, so did the whole bloody Labour Party. In 1966, they stunned the British political system when a young Tony Benn took over the Labour Party as a result of Union support, who had been betrayed by Gaitskell’s abolition of Clause Four [5], still failing in the 1966 General Election under Roy Jenkins. This left the door open for the Party to take an astonishing chance and put Benn in charge. The sight of Labour politicians on television demanding the party take a revolutionary Syndicalist course put the fear of God into anyone making more than a few quid. However, despite looking like they had won the game, the Syndicalists were screwed harder than a German hooker on coupon day. While they were playing Snakes and Ladders, the Tories were playing three-dimensional chess. The Tories mercilessly battered the inexperienced, unpopular Benn, Labour’s poll rating crashed through the floor and then some due to infighting, so bad that the Liberals got past them. After multiple attempts to get the Syndicalist factions kicked out, Benn did that himself, losing his own seat in the spectacular bloodbath that was the 1970 General Election [6]. Whatever was left of the Labour Party ran the Syndicalists out of town with pitchforks, who soon joined the rump British Syndicalist Party. On top of losing the party, Syndicalists enjoyed a Tory government to boot, who had been in power since 1951 and would not be removed until 1975 by the Lib-Lab Coalition.



    [1] – Falwell supported segregation well into the Sixties IOTL, so I don’t think it’s too much to think he would do a low-key sermon talking about how terrible desegregation would be in 1959. This is to underscore the Christian backlash in particular to Rand.


    [2] – At the end of the day, a lot of these kids who are Objectivists are only into it for the community, not Fundamentalism, much like Communism gets a lot of support among kids before they grow up.


    [3] – The Yuppies are here, twenty years early.


    [4] – Zappa was adamantly anti-censorship and organised religion, while also condemning Communism and saying he supported low taxes and small government; he seemed like someone who would become Objectivist if pushed hard enough. Schwarzenegger is also Right-wing, low-tax/business while also possessing a near religious determination for self-improvement, so I felt he could become an Objectivist too with the Zeitgeist.


    [5] – Gaitskell attempted the same thing IOTL but was blocked; here, he succeeds because Labour’s leadership is trying to actively disassociate from anything close to Communism. Of course, that’s what makes the next GE loss all the worse, leaving a more bitter taste among the Left and the Unions, who are more interested in Syndicalism than OTL, for obvious reasons.


    [6] – Benn lost his seat in the 1983 election, so a similar election loss, I feel, would be likely. He would be chronically unpopular for his foreign policy opinions alone and would likely shatter Labour if he were around for a GE.
     
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    Exodus
  • I present to you another update with Napoleon's permission. This covers efforts to relieve the Soviet Jews, and the international response to the August Revolution.

    Exodus


    Excerpt from Red in the Soil: 20th Century Russia by Vasily Prechov​

    Despite the sharp divisions within the Council of National Salvation, on one issue, besides opposition to the Soviets, the Council was unanimous about: freedom for the Soviet Jews. All sides understood that freeing the Jews was both a moral issue and as a way to rebuild Russia's destroyed prestige. And as almost all the "free settlements" were found in the liberated Siberia, it wouldn't require much violence to evacuate them.

    This biggest dilemma among the Council was how to prevent atrocities toward Jews from their own side. There was a legitimate fear that, like the Whites in the First Russian Civil War, members of their own side would attack, rob, and kill Jews. Many Salvation officials were World War II veterans who remembered witnessing crimes committed by Poles against Jews in the aftermath of the war, and feared Russian civilians would attack Jews with little provocation.

    "Should there be a Kielce [1]," wrote Social Democratic Party founder Andrei Sinyavsky ,"Rossiya would be as cursed forever. We could rebuild the Second Temple and it would not suffice the Jews."

    After much debate, the Council decided to create a special army that would evacuate and protect the Siberian Jews. Officially labeled the 15th Division, it became known as the Red Sea Brigade [2].

    The Red Sea Brigade had a unique training that combined riot prevention training (to deal with potential pogroms), Judaic studies, and Holocaust education. The Red Sea Brigadiers were told the story of Exodus, and how the deliverance of Jews from slavery in Egypt was the most holy act of all. The end goal was to create a unit, in the words of Yuri Galanskov, "that would be as loyal to the Jews as the Cossacks were to the tsars".

    To test their worthiness, their commander, Nikolay Kiselyov [3] often staged surprise pogroms and hate crimes using actors and fake weapons to demonstrate the extent of their loyalty. When one was willing to get between a Jew a gun, is when one was ready to join. By December 1967, over 5,000 people had reached that level.

    "Unbeknownst to me my commander hired actors to play a criminal and a Jew, with the criminal attacking the Jew", wrote Brigadier Nikita Korzhanik, "But not knowing the truth, I attacked the actor with the righteous rage of a man protecting a child."

    To reduce the chance of a pogrom even less, The Council agreed to allow these rescue missions to be accompanied by humanitarians, NATO representatives, and Western journalists. The latter was especially crucial, as it would show the world the conditions Jews lived under, and destroy the reputation of the Soviet Union.

    The Council also declared that any attack on Jews by soldier or civilian would be a capital offense, punished by hanging. To demonstrate this new law would be put into effect, every MGB Agent in Moscow was rounded up and imprisoned. Some, like Nikolai Ryzhkov and his Syndicalist allies, called for all the MGB agents to be taken outside Moscow and massacred in a ditch. Mikhail Kashnikov and others, however, ruled that out, claiming that unleashing terror would only set the stage for another tyrant.

    Instead, a short but professional trial was organized for Vyacheslav Dorofyev, the leading MGB Agent in Moscow. Evidence of his role in the deportation of the Jews was gathered, and many MGB Agents were coerced into providing evidence through promises of leaner sentences rather than torture. On December 27, 1967, he was hanged in for "crimes against the Jewish people", and the news was announced in every single local and foreign newspaper. Many Jewish comedians called the hanging of Dorofyev, "the best Hanukkah present ever."


    Excerpt of Transcript of CBS Evening News Report - January 15, 1968.​

    Walter Cronkite: Good evening. Our CBS Team has arrived at Yakutia-15, one of the so-called Jewish free settlements, accompanied by the Red Sea Brigade of the Russian Army, and a delegation of Red Cross members, NATO representatives, and other members of the media. Our team was invited by the request of the non-Communist Moscow government, to reveal the conditions Jews lived under. Due to much of Central Russia still under Red control, our team arrived in Russia through Vladivostok last week, but weather concerns delayed the journey to Yakutia-15. With the arrival of our delegation, the conditions the Soviet Jews have lived under, long a subject of intense speculation and anguish, can finally be revealed. We now cut to Yakutia-15. Bob?

    Bob Simon: Hello Walter. As you can see, the conditions here can be described, at best, as ascetic. Were it not for trucks and our equipment, I feel like I would have traveled back in time to the Middle Ages.



    Excerpt from The Icy Shtetl: Life in the Free Settlement by Thomas Freund​

    By 1958, the Free Settlements were home to almost all the surviving Soviet Jewish population. 500,000 people were scattered across 63 settlements. The largest, Yakutia-15, held 58,000 people, while the smallest, Tuva-9, held less than 300.

    Conditions in the free settlements, were described by one journalist as "the worst, most free" place in all of Russia.

    Indeed, living standards in the free settlements were possibly the lowest in all of the Soviet Union. Many Jews lived in conditions similar to their ancestors in did in the old Pale of Settlement. To avoid romanticizing the conditions for survivalists, it must be clear that these communities lacked the most basic amenities of modern civilization.

    There was no plumbing or even wells, so water, for hydration, washing, and laundry had to be collected from melting snow. The housing for Jews was little more than tiny shacks that had to accommodate as many as ten people in one room.

    All heating had to come from firewood that would be collected in the woods. Even then, the winter were brutal. Thousands of people in the settlements died of hypothermia during their first full winter in the Settlements, in 1958-59. The people crammed into the shacks would cuddle together for warmth.

    Food was provided, but just enough to prevent starvation. During the scant time when farming could occur, during the summer months, some wheat and vegetables could be grown. Some food was provided by Soviet officials, but it was often stale or spoiled.

    Medical supplies were rarely provided, and what was provided could only treat rudimentary illnesses. The only medical professionals were themselves Jews whose skills had atrophied during the Gulag.

    However, there was one bright spot living in the free settlement: despite living in the worst conditions outside of the Gulags, the Jews had a freedom and autonomy unknown in the rest of the Soviet Union. There is a debate over why authorities largely ignored these communities. Some believe that, because of their isolation and poverty, Suslov and Malenkov didn't seem the as a serious threat. Others speculate that guilt prevented Soviet authorities from entering: no one wanted to stare a symbol of their betrayal in the face.

    But in any case, this degree of autonomy had several consequences. Even though all these settlements were isolated from each other, a certain pattern emerged.

    With no Soviet authorities interfering, the residents of these shtetls began rediscovering their Jewish faith. Indeed, there was an religious and cultural renaissance during the 1960s throughout these communities. In small shacks, schools teaching Hebrew prayer opened. Yiddish instruction became mandatory. Religious instruction that had been suppressed even well before the 1950s became common.

    Religious faith, like in the past, was often used an escape from daily hardships. But for many, it was also done as a means of building a separate identity. By the time these Jews entered the free settlements, they had long stopped thinking of themselves as Soviets, or even Russians. Rediscovering religion was meant to permanently sever themselves from the communist society that so brutally failed them.

    Jewish culture also thrived. In every settlement, there was at least one writer or musician. Near the end of the unified Soviet system, they became the centers of their communities, composing stories, plays, and songs, often in Hebrew and Yiddish.

    Yakutia-15, the largest settlement, also had the largest numbers of cultural innovators. The famed composer Matvey Blanter [4] wrote dozens of songs during his stay, which are still sung by Russian Jewish communities in Israel. Vasily Grossman, who famously wrote The Yellow Star during his time there, also wrote short stories that were the beloved by the men and women who swept it up.

    It was in the settlements that the tradition of Shney Teater, or Snow Theater in Yiddish, was born. During the harsh winters, dozens of plays, with stories that often related to World War II and the Revoluton, were written and acted out in the largest shacks in the settlements. Whole communities would crowd in to watch plays done with little props but a lot of imagination. These plays were what kept Jews going during harsh winters.

    "The real heroes were the playwrights," wrote the far-right Israeli politician and settlement resident Vladimir Eidelstein [5], "they were what made us want to live into the next day. Simply so we could hear more of the story".

    When the Soviet Jews arrived in Israel, they brought the tradition of Shney Teater with them. Which is why the most active period of theater in Israel is January and February.


    Excerpt from The History of the Refugee by Harold James​

    The plight of Soviet Jews quickly became an issue that unified the American people. The US Congress, with bipartisan support, contributed $98 million (in modern day value) to the UN to provide aid to the newly liberated Soviet Jewry. But there were no shortages of private efforts to raise funds for Soviet Jewish aid.

    Private donations from philanthropists, non-profit groups, and ordinary citizens raised tens of millions of dollars. Volunteers from across the US traveled to Siberia to help out with humanitarian efforts. Celebrities organized benefit concerts. One such concert hosted by the Rat Pack raised $500,000 dollars. Sammy Davis Jr., a convert to Judaism, called it the "saddest, but most beautiful night of my career." There were even rumors that the gangster Meyer Lansky made a contribution, but it was never proven. The odd couple of Southern Baptist churches and African-American churches associated with the Civil Rights movement both made many donations, which was all the more notable as many congregants were themselves very poor.

    In other foreign nations, aid efforts were no less dramatic. Jewish groups and other non-profits in Canada, Australia, the UK, Hungary, Argentina, South Africa and France contributed aid money and volunteers. Chiang Kai-Shek and Park Chung-Hee, as a favor to President Knowland, sent hundreds of Chinese and Korean volunteers to aid Jews in the refugee camps set up for them in Siberia. As it turned out, there were more volunteers than slots available. Almost all of these volunteers (like every person in China and the former North Korea) lost family during the Korean and Sino-Soviet Wars, and saw Jews, themselves victims of Soviet tyranny and betrayal, as kindred spirits. M It had helped that these countries lacked a history of antisemitism found in Europe.

    "My parents were slaughtered by the Slavic barbarians," wrote Lee Pai Chou, one of the Chinese volunteers, "I spent my childhood forced to eat rats. Nobody was able to help me. I came to Yakutia, because I didn't want a Jewish child to go through what I went through, with no one able to help them."

    The effort made by the international community can be attributed to a mixture of guilt: guilt over their humanitarian failure during the First Holocaust, but also guilt for the failure to provide aid during the Chinese Refugee Crisis. The international community was determined to make up for its failure in the past.

    By March 20, thousands of UN soldiers and volunteers entered Siberia, and hundreds of millions of dollars had been raised to aid the Jewish people.


    Excerpt from The Sixth Aliyah by Michael Rosenberg​

    The process of evacuating the Jewish settlements proved to be one the greatest successes of the Council of National Salvation. Settlements were quickly evacuated, with Jews given food. As they had been trained to do, the Red Sea Brigadiers ensured that no Jew came to harm. There were countless incidents when they were needed.

    During the evacuation of a free settlement near Khabarovsk, a mob of 15 neo-Stalinists descended upon a makeshift camp of Jews. The three Red Sea Brigadiers, armed with little more than pistols and fists, quickly put down the mob, and strictly disciplined the soldiers who had failed to protect the refugees. Countless incidents proved to the world that a new Russian government emerged that would not harm the Jews.

    There was even an urban legend of a young Brigadier who stood up to three heavily armed Council soldiers who were about the rape a Jewish woman. As the rumor went, they had rifles, and all he had was a pistol. One of soldiers told him "beat it boy, or we'll cap you." The young man replied, with nothing but absolute confidence,"Yes, but not before I send at least one of you to hell." The soldiers were so shaken by his resolve, that they surrendered the woman and ran away.

    There were indeed confirmed stories of Brigadiers standing up to racist soldiers and policemen, some of them twice their age. Many Jews were so moved by the devotion of these young men, that some were granted Honorary citizenship in the state of Israel.

    By the end of February 1968, virtually all the free settlements were evacuated. The roughly 500,000 Jews were congregated around 12 UN run refugee camps in the Sakha Republic. Yakutia-15, with the addition of tens of thousands of refugees, grew to a population of 95,000, making it the largest refugee camp in history at the time [6].

    These communities became semi-permanent. Despite the desire of the international community to evacuate the Jews as soon as possible, it was clear they were in no shape to be moved. Over a decade of hard labor and isolation left many infirm, underfed, and diffident. Many were not physically or psychologically capable of re-entering a new society. The UN, with the help of doctors and psychologists, set up a six-month rehabilitation program for the Jewish refugees. It consisted of language education (mostly in English and Hebrew), physical exercise and therapy, Jewish instruction, and some technical education which helped Jews relearn the skills they had lost during their incarceration. Cafeterias were set up, providing Jews with the first real meal they had in years. More often than not, their meals were followed by controllable crying. After years of mistreatment, real kindness was impossible for them to comprehend.

    Despite the fears of the Council, who kept countless Red Sea Brigadiers on guard at the refugee camps, who were joined with a lot of UN peacekeepers, rarely did the natives of the area make any attempt to harm Jews in the UN camps. In fact, many of the locals mingled well with the residents. Some clever locals even made a small fortune from the informal economy of the refugee camps [7], selling food and other goods to Jews, soldiers, and countless volunteers. In turn, the camp officials provided Russians (both Jew and gentile) with the first Western Goods they had seen in decades, which they then sold to their neighbors. William F. Buckley memorably called these small-scale entrepreneurs, "the people who re-discovered free enterprise in Russia."

    Some groaned that the Jews were being coddled and conditioned to remain, but the UN was already making plans to evacuate them to Israel and any other country would provide refuge. In September of 1968 the first evacuation of Jews from the camps was made. Due to the recent conflict in Manchuria, and continued Soviet domination in central Russia, the Jews had to be evacuated by boat from Vladivostok, first to Hokkaido, where they stayed in other less sophisticated transit camps before going off to the destination of their choosing. Despite this long, somewhat inefficient process, within six months, 50,000 Jews had been evacuated.

    By January 1971, almost all the Jews had immigrated, and the UN camp in Yakutia 15, the last of the refugee camps, was closed. The structures built to house refugees were either donated to the State of Israel or stolen by locals.


    Excerpt from The Stalingrad Government by Harold Kinter​


    When the Solzhenitsyn Report was published, it sent Fyodor Kulakov into a terrible fit.

    "He kept cursing almost every traditional opponent of communism" recalled Valentina Tryium, an aide, "capitalists, Zionists, reactionaries. Punctuated by a number of swear words."

    With his dirty laundry exposed to the world, Kulakov's response was typical of any person who was a cog in a machine of mass murder: repression. Learning his lesson from Stalin, Kulakov resisted the destructive urge to mass murder members of his government and military, choosing instead have MGB agents publicly drag random people off the street and imprison them. This campaign of terror, launched in January 1968, had effect was to scare the people of Stalingrad into compliance.

    By the beginning of 1968, Stalingrad was the most totalitarian city in the world. The protests from the August Revolution had long been put down, and an atmosphere of paranoia not seen since the 1950s reigned over the city. Even in daytime, the streets, watched over by brutal secret police, were as quiet as a graveyard. Speakers throughout the city blared communist slogans against the "reactionary traitors". To many, these proclamations were less of a rallying cry, and more of a coded warning against any dissent.

    Even food lines, often areas of emotion, remained eerily calm. Even those who left them empty handed avoided crying or screaming in public.

    Despite creating an atmosphere of persecution, Kulakov still felt other enemies needed to be put down. On March 8, he gave a top secret order, motivated by paranoia, racism, and a bizarre attempt at political cover-up: "The Zionist influence in Russia is to be eliminated." The message was clear. Any Jews found by the reds were to be shot.


    Unfortunately, for Kulakov, his order was soon intercepted. The Stalingrad Government of was indeed full of rebel spies, who now had more ammo to use against Kulakov. By March 28, the infamous memo was published in the New York Times, creating an international uproar.


    Excerpt from the Foreign Relations of the USSR by John Carson​

    The Kulakov Memo was described as the point of no return for the USSR by world leaders. Many had already suspicious of the kind of man Kulakov was, and the fact that Kulakov attempted to finish was Stalin started proved to the world that he was indeed "a Stalin in a suit". It marked the end of the diplomatic recognition of the Soviet Union by many countries.

    Since the August Revolution, many nations already began to question their continued diplomatic ties with the Soviet government. The US was pressuring many of them to recognize the rebel Russian government, but many nations refused, believing that maintaining ties with the Soviet government, a nuclear power, was a geopolitical necessity. There was also skepticism about the Council Government and its stability. The Kulakov Memo, however, destroyed any faith that the Soviet government could be a responsible international partner. By the end of April, almost every nation on Earth expelled their Soviet embassy.

    Some embassies, like the embassy in Switzerland and India, saw whole defections by their entire staff.

    In North Vietnam, Ho Chi Minh was planning the expulsion [8] of the Soviet diplomats in Hanoi. But before he could issue the order, a group of private citizens ended up doing the deed for him. On April 10, 1968, a mob of 29 Vietnamese citizens and Chinese refugees appeared in front of the Soviet embassy, carrying guns, clubs and Molotov cocktail bottles. All of them had faces scarred by smallpox, and a murderous look in their eyes. They launched a vicious assault on the embassy, overwhelming the security staff. Once they breached the walls of the embassy, they began attacking embassy workers. The Soviet ambassador tried to call for help from the Hanoi police, but the assailants already severed the phone lines. But it is unlikely that it would have mattered. Hanoi police did appear on the scene, but refused to step in, watching the attack with the expression of men watching a cockfight as did other Vietnamese citizens.

    Within an hour, almost the entire staff had been killed and the facility destroyed. The police only stepped in to arrest the attackers when they feared that the fires they would start would spread into the rest of Hanoi, but even in court, they were given meager sentences for arson.

    The Vietnamese Embassy Massacre, as it became known, was the ultimate symbol of the USSR's fall from grace. Even more humiliating for Kulakov was Ho Chi Minh's pointed refusal to extradite the mob or even send back the bodies of those killed.

    By the beginning of May, even the recognition of the USSR as a nation by international law began to be questioned.


    Excerpt of Transcript of UN Ambassador George H.W. Bush's Speech to the UN-June 17, 1968​

    When the representatives of world's nations gathered in San Francisco in 1945, the deadliest war humanity had known was nearing its end. The soil of Europe had been stained with the blood of innocents. All of its nations laid in ruin. Within a few months, the Empire of Japan would be brought to its knees through the terrifying power of atomic warfare.

    At the conference, it was the goal of representatives that such horrors would never again stain the world. When the USSR came to San Francisco and signed the charter, and was given a seat on the UN Security Council, it was assumed by all of us that the USSR believed in this same humble goal. We believed that the USSR, itself ravaged by war and genocide, would be willing partner toward international peace.

    But since that hopeful day over the generation ago, what has the USSR given us, in return for our faith and cooperation. Were the promises of a free and democratic Eastern Europe fulfilled? No! The people of Eastern Europe found the Nazi jackboot replaced with a Communist one. Did Joseph Stalin honor the Genocide Convention of 1948? No! Stalin not only completed the Final Solution, but attempted genocide on the Baltic States and the Caucasus. Has the USSR honored its promises against wars of aggression and crimes against humanity? No! The USSR launched a war on its own ally, China, unleashing nuclear bombs, gas, and germ warfare with wild abandon. So many died during the Sino-Soviet, that some argue it to be worse conflict than the Second World War.

    Even after Joseph Stalin's death, the leadership of the USSR continued to flaunt the principles of the United Nations when it suited its purposes. When the people of Eastern Europe rose up demanding freedom, the USSR met those demands with the threat of force, bringing back the horrors of the Second World War. Warsaw, a proud and beautiful city, was again was flattened for the second time in the 20th century.

    When its own people rose up demanding bread and liberty, the Soviets chose to act like the tsars they abhorred, and punched its people in the throat. Even today, the government of the USSR continues to wage a war on its own citizens in defense of a cruel tyranny, and continues to deny statehood and self-determination to those who demand.

    Ladies and gentlemen, we are at a turning point. To continue to let the USSR sit in this chamber, is to continue to be a party to the worst violations of human rights since World War II. Let us set an example, let us prove that we are a body that represents the hope for mankind, by throwing the USSR out, and inviting the Council of National Salvation in.


    Excerpt from History of the United Nations by Albert Fritz​

    On May 7, 1968, one of the most important Resolutions in the history of the United Nations was introduced. Resolution 2758 [9], introduced by US Ambassador to the UN George H.W. Bush, would recognize the Council of National Salvation "as the only legitimate representative of the Russian people." In effect, it would end UN recognition of the Soviet Union, and gives its seat on the UN Security Council to the Council of National Salvation. The goal of the Resolution was to weaken the Stalingrad government by robbing it of all legitimacy, and strengthen the resolve of the rebel government.

    However, the resolution required two-thirds vote in the United Nations for it to pass. Even though almost the entire body of nations had ended their foreign relations with the USSR, they still believed that the USSR needed to have a seat on the Security Council. The Soviet ambassador, Oleg Troyanovsky [10], was by this point one of the most despised men in geopolitics. Appointed in 1964, he, like all Soviet diplomats, continued to repeat the official line of the Soviet government, to the jeers of many. He was nevertheless commended for his incredible patience in the face of ridicule and threats.

    By July 17, 5 versions of the Resolution had failed to pass. The most recent went 63 to 55 with 10 abstentions. Ambassador Bush, in an attempt to push the UN members into an agreement as the final vote approached, gave his famous ,"Throwing the USSR Out," speech. Observers noted that Troyanovsky listened to Bush's angry tirade with a look that combined sadness and disgust.

    The next day, before the final vote was cast, Troyanovsky asked to speak before the UN assembly. He came to the podium jeered and ridiculed, but nevertheless continued to march with his trademark stoicism. Instead of speaking his usual dogma, Troyanovsky did something unexpected; he pulled a stack of papers out of his coat packet, claimed they were a script, and declared "I will not be an actor anymore," and tore up the documents, to the shock of everyone present.

    Troyanovsky then admitted that he, like millions like him, believed in the promises of the Soviet state. He claimed, with tears in his eyes, "the hardest thing to admit is spending your life serving a lie. Well that's what I've done." He admitted the USSR sold out its promises of a worker's paradise, and finished his speech with ,"I love my homeland. I love it with all my soul. But that love cannot blind me to the fact that madmen now control it. Please vote for 2758. Please help my nation right itself again." After finishing, the whole assembly gave one of its loudest ovations ever. Troyanovsky's confession forever marked him as a brave man who stood for what was right, even when it meant standing against his homeland. His willingness to denounce his homeland proved to be the ammo needed to push 2758 through.

    On July 18, Resolution 2758 was adopted by a roll call of 94 to 24, with 11 abstentions, with one of the for votes by Troyanovsky himself.

    Across the world, millions of people in dozens of cities who had been protesting in favor of 2758 broke out into a thunderous cheer and applause. The excitement was greatest in Central Park, where a million people had gathered.

    On July 31, the Council of National Salvation began representing Russia at the UN, and its delegates were seated on the UN Security Council. On that day, the flag of the USSR was removed from its place in the United Nations.

    By the end of the year, the name "Soviet Union" would disappear from all official maps, replaced with Russia instead. However, this would soon complicate the issue of independence for the SSRs.

    [1] That was a post-war pogrom against the surviving Jewish community in Poland. It was considered to be the final nail in the coffin for Poland's Jewish community.

    [2] The idea is, like Moses splitting the Red Sea, The Brigadiers will split the Reds, and deliver the Jews from bondage.

    [3] This guy helped rescue hundreds of Jews while serving as a partisan in Nazi-occupied Belarus, for which he became a member of the Righteous Among the Nations. ITTL, he was shipped off to a gulag, and after he got out, he quickly joined the dissident movement. ITTL, running the Red Sea Brigadiers is going to give him even more recognition.

    [4] Blanter composed Katyusha, one of the most famous Soviet songs. His fate will again underscore the utter depravity of Stalin, and his war on the symbols of the USSR.

    [5] Yes, that's Zhirinovsky. Due to his father fleeing Russia, his Jewish faith wasn't revealed until the tail end of the Soviet Holocaust, until a man betrayed his mother. His mother was executed, and he spent just a few months in Kolmya. I think he would probably more nuts than OTL, because of the sheer trauma of it all.

    [6] By contrast, the Zaatari camp in Jordan is home to about 80,000 people.

    [7] In the Syrian camps, a similar phenomenon has also occurred. It might even encourage the people living there to settle permanently.

    [8] Ho Chi Minh, by this point, despised the Soviets. He himself was appalled by the Soviet Pogrom and Stalin's duplicity, having OTL had a cordial relationship with David Ben Gurion. He was also pissed off by the military setbacks Stalin's wars caused. He kept the embassy open for the sake of international clout, but with the Kulakov Memo, he decided to push the Soviets out.

    [9] This was the OTL resolution that made the PRC the legitimate representative of China. In fact, I read about the events of that resolution to write this part.

    [10] OTL, he became UN ambassador in the 1970s, but the frequent purging of foreign affairs sped up his promotion up a little.
     
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    A Dragon Reawakened
  • With Napoleon's permission, I wanted to explore events in China, both political and cultural, as it begins to rebuild.


    A Dragon Reawakened

    Excerpt From 1912 And Beyond: A History of Modern China by David Wong Lee​
    By 1970, Chiang Kai Shek's power over Mainland China was more secure than it had ever been. With the death of the hated PROC, the downfall of the Yellow Banners, he had crushed all opposition to the Kuomintang and himself, and earned respect among the armed forces. His military victories and the economic boom brought about by American aid made him as universally loved by the Chinese people as Mao Zedong had once been, the corruption of his pre-1949 regime now rendered a distant memory by a decade of turmoil.

    But the old Generalissimo found out he would not live to truly enjoy the fruits of his reign. Over a decade of his war to retake the Middle Kingdom had taken a severe toll on his health. Chiang frequently suffered severe chest pains in the years of his rule. On September 17, 1970, Chiang suffered the first of three heart attacks while on a diplomatic visit to Washington. He suffered a more severe heart attack on May 7, 1971 which left him incapacitated. Realizing his death was not to far away, his began to prepare for his son, Chiang Ching-Kuo, to take power. Finally, on December 12, 1971, Chiang Kai Shek suffered his final heart attack, and died hours later in his sleep. He was 84.
    ....

    Having died just a few years after unifying China, Chiang was no longer a mere statesmen. In the words of American ambassador to China, Leonard Unger, "Like FDR and Lincoln, Chiang's death in the midst of his greatest triumph had turned him into martyr." To this day, Chinese people refer to Chiang affectionately as Tongyī zhī fù, or "Father of Reunification".
    From December 13 to December 20, Chiang laid in state at the entrance of the newly built Yuan Legislature [1], in Tienanmen Square. Millions of Chinese citizens had gathered in the newly rebuilt Beijing, many of them openly weeping the death of China's President on the streets [2]. Over a million people filed past Chiang's body to pay their respects.

    Countless foreign dignitaries, including US President William Knowland, Senator Henry Jackson, the Dalai Lama, and Israeli President Zalman Shazar, all arrived to pay their respects.

    A 20 minute eulogy was given by Yen Chia-ken, China's acting President who praised Chiang's great accomplishments.

    Excerpt from Tale of a Statesman: Chiang-Ching Kuo by Arthur Mai​
    On May 20, 1972 [3], a new era in China had begun with the ascension of Chiang-Ching Kuo to his father's office. Inheriting office in a period of economic expansion and reconstruction, Chiang wanted to ensure the longevity of the Republic of China. To do so, Chiang wanted to reduce the corruption and oppression that had plagued his father's own governance.

    To this end, he implemented very harsh, legalistic measures to crackdown on corrupt officials. So many officials were incarcerated during Chiang's presidency, some nicknamed him "Shang Yang", after the ancient Chinese legalist.

    He also sought to attract foreign investment so the country could both modernize and develop a strong domestic arms industry. The latter was also meant to placate the extreme nativism many Chinese held.

    Chiang's policies brought about what was called The Dragon Economy: Between 1973 and 1990, the Chinese economy grew by an average of 9 percent per year. GDP per capita quadrupled during that same period.

    While he would remain an authoritarian figure throughout his governance of China, Chiang's policies would nevertheless bring about an era of political openness and incredible cultural achievements.


    Excerpt from The Chinese Renaissance by Wu Yun Tang
    By 1969, Chinese cultural expression had reached an incredible low. Two decades of war and Red China's anti-historical policies had left much of China's historic sites in utter ruin. Temples were destroyed, ancient sites burned, many artifacts shattered or stolen (often by Soviet soldiers).

    Among Chiang Ching Kuo's most consequential policies had been a desire to resurrect China's cultural scene from the ash heap.

    There were several motivations for Chiang's cultural policy. One was that Chiang envied America's worldwide cultural influence, and believed that China could secure its dominance on the world stage through the export of Chinese culture. For similar reasons, he envied Hong Kong's own film industry.

    The other was that Chiang wanted to end the worldwide perception of China as merely a battlefield where people died. Shedding that image could bring investment and tourist dollars to the Middle Kingdom.

    On June 10, 1972, the Republican Yuan established the Ministry of Culture (later renamed The Ministry of Culture and Tourism in 1981). The Ministry of Culture would be tasked with reconstruction of destroyed cultural sites, obtaining Chinese artifacts from abroad, funding programs that celebrated traditional Chinese art, and promoting tourism to China.

    However, it would be the excavation of the Terracotta Army in 1974 that would officially spark China's Cultural Renaissance. The uncovering of these statues breath new air into efforts to uncover China's past and to rebuild Chinese culture and pushed the Beijing government into sponsoring more archaeological and historical programs.

    Throughout the 1970s, volunteers from China and elsewhere could be seen rebuilding or renovating old, destroyed pagodas. Young people would often be seen dressing in old, Chinese clothing. Chinese people carried pocket versions of the works of Confucius and Laozi. Millions of people flocked to Buddhist and Taoist temples.

    ****

    The ad campaign to bring foreign tourists to China bore fruit. By 1980, almost 1 million foreign tourists came to China.


    Excerpt From A Cup of Rice by Sister Agathe​

    I held out my bowl to a man who wore a military uniform. He was tall, thin figure with a thick mustache. He open his mouth with a smile, revealing yellow teeth. I believed his smile to be one of sympathy, until a thick boot came into contact with my forehead. When I regained my senses, the soldiers dangled my bowl over my held.

    "Stupid vet seo [4] whore," he screamed at me. His smile was one that resembled a devil. He took the few coins and rice I received, put them into his pocket, and threw the bowl to the ground, where it shattered into many pieces.

    ***

    As I returned home, I saw the scene of a terrible struggle. In the street next to mine, I saw a woman lying on the ground, dead with a bloody wound staining her green ao dai. On her face, was an expression of defeat. Not the sorrow I had witnessed when as I saw my grandmother's body burn. It was the expression of someone who had lost a great battle.

    Next to her was woman, lying on her hands and knees, sticking in her head into a rice pot. She made the noises of a starved dog as she ate. Her hand was soaked in blood, and next to her was a knife caked in blood.

    As I tried to walked away from this scene, I stepped on a can, which made a loud crunch. The dog-like woman stuck her head of the point. Her mouth was covered with sticky rice. The look she gave me was of a vicious animal, threatening me not to take her food. She bared her death, eyes never leaving me as I backed away.


    Sister Agathe, Author of A Cup of Rice, Dead at 42-Published April 24, 1990 in Le Monde​
    Sister Agathe, author, refugee, human rights advocate, Roman Catholic nun, and Nobel Laureate, died yesterday in Loudeac, Brittany. She was 42.

    The office of the President of the Republic has issued a press statement, stating "humanity has lost one of its greatest humanitarians." The Vatican has also issued a statement claiming "one of god's warriors has left the material world. We wish her the best and she goes before the Almighty".

    Her 1976 best-selling memoir, A Cup Of Rice, which depicted her childhood as a vet seo refugee in Saigon's massive slum, moved millions of readers around the world, and earned her the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1979. The 1985 film adaptation, directed by Hong Kong film director Ann Hui [5], would not only win an Academy Award for Best Foreign Film, but would mark the rebirth of China's film industry.

    She was born Wu Lang on January 17, 1948 in a small farming village near the city of Zhaoqing, China. Before she was two years old, Mao Zedong would declare the formation of the People's Republic of China. Her father, Wu Den, was a die hard Mao loyalist. One of her earliest memories was seeing her father execute a landlord by firing squad.

    But by July 1956, Sister Agathe's peaceful life was gradually torn apart. With the Sino-Soviet War approaching, her father, an extreme communist, quickly volunteered to resist to Soviets. She never saw her father again, who she assumed had either been killed in battle or starved.

    By the winter of 1957, famine and disease had killed half her village, as well as her grandparents and younger sisters. Eventually, she, her mother, and her eldest brother abandoned their village and fled on a fishing boat to Saigon, where they arrived in February. Soon after her arrival, she contracted smallpox, which nearly killed her, and left with her with her distinctive scars.

    As a smallpox stricken Chinese refugee living in Saigon, she lived in utterly impoverished conditions. She spent much of her childhood as a beggar for coins and rice. She and her family also faced horrific discrimination at the hands of native Vietnamese. Her brother was among the thousands who were killed during the July 29th riot.

    A turning point came in her life in 1963 when she met Albert Belleville, a French Jesuit priest a man she described as "noble but strict". After inviting her over for a meal, Belleville offered her French language lessons. Albert Belleville became her father figure, and influenced her religious turn. By 1964, she was able to speak and write fluently in French. In 1966, she entered the Archdiocese of Saigon, and on March 19, 1968, she took her religious vows, and took the name Agathe, after St. Agathe, the patron saint of nurses.

    She spent much of her life traveling to parishes in China, Belgium, and France, before settling down in the diocese of Loudeac, a small commune in Brittany, in 1972. Having poor memories of city life in Saigon, she came to prefer simple, rural life and lived a strongly ascetic lifestyle.

    By 1975, she became a staunch advocate for the rights of Overseas Chinese in France and elsewhere. Her desire to "speak for the broken souls" in her words led her to write her semi-autobiographical tale, A Cup of Rice.

    Her book, suspenseful, painful, and moving, became an instant best-seller when it was published in 1976. It earned instant worldwide acclaim.

    It became popular across Mainland China and in the large Overseas Chinese community which proved to be a very popular market. It also gained widespread acclaim in the United States for its depiction of the horrors of Communist China, and especially in the growing Sino-American community.

    As of 1990, it sold nearly 35 million copies worldwide, and has been published in 29 different languages. Sister Agathe was at one point labeled "the Chinese Vasily Grossman," for her ability to give a human outlook of a horrific tragedy

    Almost all the royalties she earned for her book were donated to Catholic charities, whom she served faithfully throughout her life. Using her celebrity, she promoted tolerance, interfaith unity, and Russian-Chinese reconciliation. In a visit to Moscow in 1987, she publicly met Russian veterans of the Sino-Soviet War at the Cathedral of Christ the Savior, hearing their confessions.

    [Picture of Sister Agathe consoling a sorrowful Soviet veteran]
    She, however, also faced criticism in her life for her die-hard stance against abortion, her rumored donations from organized crime. Some of the hospices she ran were criticized for withholding medicine from the poor. [6]

    In recent years, the complications of smallpox took an enormous toll on her respiratory system, which doctors have stated was only aggravated by her ascetic lifestyle.

    In 1986 and 1988, Sister Agathe was hospitalized with pneumonia. Her second hospitalization led to her semi-retirement and the end of her world trabels. Last week, during an Easter vigil in Loudeac, Sister Agathe collapsed into a coma and was transferred to a hospital where she died.

    [1] Yuan is the name of Taiwan's Legislature.

    [2] A similar thing happened after Mao died OTL, but I imagine that ITTL, the tears are more genuine.

    [3] OTL, this was the beginning of Chiang's last term as President.

    [4] "Vet seo" means "scarred" in Vietnamese. I imagine it being a slur used against Chinese who were infected with small pox, or simply used to generalize all Chinese by the Vietnamese.

    [5] Ann Hui OTL won acclaim for making a movie about Vietnamese refugees. ITTL, the topic of Chinese refugees would suffice.

    [6] Similar criticisms were leveled against Mother Teresa and how she operated her homes for the dying.
     
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    The Offensive of Victory
  • The Offensive of Victory



    Excerpt from The Soviet Civil War by Joshua Reddings​

    In February 1968 the Soviets decided to march on Moscow. Propaganda proudly declared this “the Offensive of Victory”, and the Soviets devoted a huge chunk of their resources to it. Over two million men, 5000 tanks, and 7000 aircraft were put on the line. The timing of the attack proved fortuitous for the Soviets, since the rebels were in the midst of reorganizing their military. Most of the military, particularly the officer class, had sided with the Soviets, which created leadership and training problems in the rebel armies. Over the first 5 months of the war this had proved to be a major albatross across the rebels’ neck. The Soviets managed to win battle after battle, and by February the city of Voronezh, about 330 miles from Moscow, was in Soviet hands.

    The offensive started off slow. The rebels proved to be a much tougher enemy than the Soviets had anticipated, and it took a month and a half to advance to the town of Yelets, about 90 miles from Voronezh. But at Yelets the Soviets won one of the biggest victories of the war. On March 20th the worn-out and battered 5th and 6th Armies decided to halt and reorganize. Rebel general Ivan Veremei decided to use this opportunity to launch a counterattack. Veremei had been promoted following the August Revolution, and wanted an opportunity to prove himself further. From March 21st-28th the rebel armies pounded the Soviets, and the Soviet center seemed to give way. Veremei didn’t notice that, like the Romans at Cannae, his men were moving into a pincer. On April 1st that pincer slammed shut. Aided by fresh troops the Soviets cut through the rebel lines and quickly surrounded about 70,000 men. In a panic Veremei threw troops at the Soviets in an attempt to break through and rescue the trapped men, but this failed. With a whole army’s worth of men lost the rebels were forced to retreat in disarray. Using the tactics of deep battle, the Soviets were able to push to the city of Tula by the beginning of May, leaving them only a little more than 100 miles from Moscow.


    Excerpt from A History of Atomic Warfare by Jack Bridges​

    Throughout May and June, the rebels kept losing and giving ground around Moscow. By June 15th the Soviets were at Serpukhov, about 60 miles from Moscow. By this point the CNS was desperate. The rebel armies were exhausted and beaten down, barely holding the line. It seemed that Moscow’s only hope was the roughly 200,000 troops from the east, but those wouldn't arrive for another 3 weeks. It was at this time that the CNS began considering the use of tactical nuclear weapons. A large scale nuclear attack could seriously damage the Soviet armies, giving Moscow valuable time. But there were many risks. The foremost of these was the fear that things could devolve into a general nuclear war. Both sides had enough nuclear weapons to destroy each other, so such a war would mean the end of the Russian state. It was Kashnikov who convinced the CNS to use tactical nukes. As he put it “If we do not use nuclear weapons we shall lose Moscow, and losing Moscow is a physical and morale blow that we cannot recover from. If death is our lot either way, then I say that we take the Soviet Union with us!”

    The nuclear attack was launched on June 20th. 10 nuclear-tipped Scud B missiles, with payloads ranging from 5 to 20 kilotons, were launched at various points along the Soviet lines. The missiles’ effect was incredible. One Soviet soldier recalled that “For an instant I was blinded by a flash of light; I thought to myself “Is this the end of the world?” As my sight came back I gazed at a scene of horror. All around men lay dead or horribly burned, with their uniforms fused to their bodies. Our tanks and artillery had been ripped apart and scattered like a child’s toys on the floor.” While the damage had been minimized by the fact that the Soviets anticipated such an event, and structured their armies accordingly, it was still tremendous. Around 100,000 soldiers were killed, along with an untold number of civilians. Despite Soviet preparations the army’s medical system was completely overwhelmed with wounded, to the point where all civilians were turned away and left to die.

    News of the attack quickly reached Stalingrad, where the ruling troika gathered to determine what to do next. Since it was unclear if the attack was localized or if it was the start of a general nuclear strike a decision had to be made quickly. Ustinov wanted to strike and use as many nukes as possible. Thankfully for the world Kulakov and Polyansky disagreed. Both felt that the Soviets were too close to victory to risk escalating the conflict, particularly if the rebels only meant to use nuclear weapons in a tactical setting. The previous use of nuclear weapons by both the US and the USSR in Asia had also done a lot to influence nuclear strategy. The idea had developed that it was possible to use nuclear weapons in a tactical setting, and that nukes were just another level of escalation rather than being a game-ending move. This view was challenged by many, but Kulakov and Polyansky were willing to accept it. Instead the Soviets decided to respond with a tactical nuclear strike of their own. 8 nuclear missiles were detonated around Moscow, to much the same effect as the rebels’ attack.

    Although the destruction of Russia had been avoided it proved impossible to put the nuclear genie back in the bottle. Throughout the rest of the Soviet Civil War tactical nuclear weapons were used with every major offensive. In the rest of the world the Russian experience confirmed the idea of nukes as a tactical element, something which would prove to have a devastating impact in both the Arab-Israeli and India-Pakistan wars.
     
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    The World Reacts
  • The World Reacts

    Excerpt from The Soviet Civil War by Joshua Reddings​

    From the very start of the war the West was strongly on the side of the CNS. A mere 5 days after the August Revolution President Knowland promised “We stand with the anti-Soviet Russians and promise to provide them with anything they need. At long last our crusade against Soviet Communism is nearing its end, and we shall see it through to the finish.” Congress quickly passed the Jackson-Goldwater Act[1], more commonly known as the Second Lend-Lease. Like the First Lend-Lease this act allowed America to send war materials and weapons to the CNS. The biggest problem with the Second Lend-Lease was that the aid didn’t come fast enough. It took until August of 1968 for the program to reach its full effect, which meant that the rebels were outmatched in early battles such as the Moscow Offensive. Knowland would later call the Second Lend-Lease’s failure to get up and running quickly “the greatest failure of my Presidency.”

    More important than weapons was food. Unfortunately for the rebels most of the agricultural land in the Soviet Union was in the hands of the regime, which meant that the rebels didn’t have nearly enough food to supply all of their people. The situation was so bad that for the first year or so of the war famine, not the Soviets, was the main concern of the CNS. As Kashnikov put it “The people may want freedom in their hearts, but when you get down to it they’ll always listen to their stomachs.” Luckily the Americans had plenty of food they could export. One of the American’s biggest food exports was a crop that most Russians didn’t eat: corn. Corn production had never really taken off in the Soviet Union[2], but in the American Midwest corn was a huge crop. Corn quickly established itself in the Russian diet, to the point where in some areas corn beer replaced vodka as the drink of choice (at least for the duration of the war).

    Of course, the Americans weren’t the only country to aid the rebels. Many European nations also contributed to the war effort. In fact, rebel forces preferred the French FN FAL over the American M16, which had a tendency to jam. Even the Chinese sent a limited amount of aid, less out of an interest in democracy and more to get back at the Soviets for the Sino-Soviet War. But the nation which intervened the most in the conflict, oddly enough, was Romania. Although one might think this was done as payback for what had happened under the Iron Curtain it was in fact carried out because of Moldova. There was a strong irredentist movement in Romania that wanted to retake Moldova, much of which had been part of Romania before the Soviets seized it in 1940. Many Moldovans also wanted to rejoin Romania, with a pan-Romanian movement becoming very popular after the August Revolution. While Romania never declared war on the Soviet Union it allowed many Romanians to join the Moldovan National Army. By the war’s end a good 15% of the MNA’s forces were Romanian volunteers.


    Excerpt from The White Emigres by Marlene Laruelle​

    For the White Émigré community, the August Revolution gave a newfound hope. For many this was simply a chance to return home. As Alexander Kerensky put it “My one wish is to be buried on Russian soil.” For others, mostly on the younger end of the spectrum, it was a call to arms against the Soviet regime. Perhaps the most famous of these groups was the National Alliance of Russian Solidarists (NTS). The NTS had been founded before World War II with the goal of starting a revolution to overthrow the Soviet Union. After the August Revolution the group relocated from Frankfurt to St. Petersburg, and began trying to build their party into a political force. While this effort largely failed the NTS was able to influence the direction of a number of small Russian political parties, the most notable of which was the far-right Svoboda. The NTS was also able to organize a small band of emigres (around 500 men) into a military unit, which would end up serving in Latvia. All in all however the Whites’ contribution to the rebels’ military effort was minimal.


    Excerpt from The Refugee Crisis by Abraham Voloda​

    The Soviet Civil War would displace 40-50 million people. Of these roughly 8 million would flee abroad, creating the largest refugee crisis Europe had seen since the end of World War II. The majority of the refugees came from western or southern Russia, the Baltic States, Ukraine, and Belarus. The most common route to Europe was either overland or crossing the Baltic and Black Seas in small boats (many of which sank). The nations of Eastern Europe would end up playing host to most of these refugees. Unsurprisingly the refugees were quite unwelcome, given the history between Russia and Eastern Europe, as well as the fact that most of Eastern Europe was still rebuilding from their independence wars against the Soviets. Nowhere was this truer than in Poland, which saw around 3 million refugees pass through it. In November 1967 the Polish government passed a law restricting refugees to specially built camps, and giving criminal penalties for those who tried to settle in Polish cities. While these were nowhere near the death camps that Russian nationalists would later portray them to be, conditions in the camps were poor. There was severe overcrowding, and since there wasn’t a lot to do or ways to make money crime was endemic. Men in the camps were also investigated to see if they had served in Poland during the Soviet occupation. Those who had were classified as war criminals and sent to prison, and sloppy investigations meant that many were wrongfully imprisoned. But even in these harsh conditions refugees kept coming, and by October 1968 there were 2.5 million refugees in Poland. To reduce these numbers, the Polish government disbanded several of the larger camps and ordered 700,000 refugees to leave the country. Many fled to Germany, greatly increasing Polish-German tensions.

    At the beginning of 1969 the European countries met in Schengen, Luxembourg to discuss refugee policy. By this point the refugees had flooded Eastern Europe, and those countries demanded that Western Europe take around 3.5 million refugees. After some negotiation it was agreed that Western Europe would take around 2.5 million refugees, a compromise that left no one happy. However, problems soon emerged. First, the regime of Francisco Franco in Spain refused to accept any refugees, and the Swiss soon followed suit. The Schengen Agreement quickly fell apart, leaving Eastern Europe with millions of refugees and little way to support them. The rise of the far-right in Eastern Europe can be directly traced back to the refugee crisis.

    [1] Named after Senators Henry "Scoop" Jackson and Barry Goldwater
    [2] Corn production in Russia really took off under Khrushchev (who was obsessed with the crop). With Khrushchev having been purged there's no one to advocate for corn.
     
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    A Russian In Africa
  • A Russian in Africa



    Excerpt from The Portuguese Empire by Tomas Costa​

    In the aftermath of the collapse of the Schengen Agreement Portugal made a startling offer: they would take 1.5 million refugees. The plan was for these refugees to be moved to Portugal’s African colonies, where the men would serve in the Portuguese Army. This would also shift the demographics of Portuguese Africa in favor of the whites. The only requirements for the refugees was that they would have to convert to Catholicism and take Portuguese names. Many refugees disliked these requirements, but accepted them due to a lack of options.

    Under the plan roughly 500,000 refugees would move to Angola, 800,000 would move to Mozambique, and the rest would settle in Guinea and Portugal’s other colonies. The first refugees arrived in July 1969 and quickly got to work building a new life for themselves. Many ended up living on the coast, particularly in major cities. Housing was seized from black residents to make room for the refugees. However, many other refugees, often motivated by a desire to own large amounts of land and have more freedom to practice their culture, travelled to the interior. These settlements (known by their Russian name poseloki) largely consisted of medium to large-sized estates which operated much like plantations (although Russian historians often compare these estates to those of the nobility back when Russia had serfdom). In the center of the settlements was a small village where non-farmers lived and worked. The settlements ranged in size from 15,000 to a couple dozen people. At first many Russians grew food, but over time they started to focus on cash crops such as tobacco, cotton, and sugar. Of course, there was a dark side to all these settlements. The land of thousands of black farmers and villagers were seized to create these settlements. This forced them to either move to less arable lands or become muzhik (the old Russian word for serf)[1]. The Portuguese government had a policy of deliberately building these settlements in areas that heavily supported the rebels, as a way of breaking their hold on the population. This served to make relations between the white and black communities worse, and many uprisings by the muzhik had to be crushed by the settlers. The large inflow of settlers also created a food shortage for the native population, which was neglected by the Portuguese government. As a result, many fled or starved to death.

    Russians would continue to stream into Portuguese Africa even after the Soviet Civil War. During the 1970s many Russians emigrated there in search of a better life. This was particularly true of those who stayed in the refugee camps due to the inability of the Russian government to help them come back (or in the case of those who had supported the losing side, their fervent wish never to go back). Thus by 1977 the now mostly Russian white population made up 15% of Angola and Mozambique, 20% in Portuguese Guinea and a narrow majority Sao Tome. All of this allowed to Portuguese to substitute Portuguese soldiers with Russians, and significantly lowered the cost of fighting the colonial wars. In addition, by 1974 all of the independence movements had either been crushed were on life support[2]. However, the delicate balance that had been established was completely overturned by the Carnation Revolution of 1977, and the new government’s policy towards colonial areas.

    [1] If you want to get technical it's the word that English speakers commonly translate as "serf." The literal translation is "man."

    [2] It doesn't help that the Soviet Union and China aren't there to provide the MPLA, FRELIMO, and the other independence movements with weapons and supplies. Cuba's aid is also more limited than IOTL because the lack of external sponsors means that they can't afford as much.
     
    Redeeming an Ideology
  • With Napoleon's permission, I decided to bring some insight into Hungary's syndicalist leaders, and how they go about restoring the value of leftist ideology.

    Redeeming an Ideology

    Excerpt from From the Ashes of Stalinism: Modern Hungary by Robert Vanice​
    By 1968, Hungary's Syndicalists had largely solidified their control over the country. Their program of distribution and reconstruction brought the highest period of economic growth Hungary had seen since the Great Depression, but Hungary's leaders realized that the building of economic ties to the rest of the world was needed to ensure the viability of syndicalism. And most were keenly aware of how their ideology was largely distrusted by a world weary of Stalinist excess.

    "We cannot make deals, if the world believes behind our outstretched hand is a knife ready to stab them," wrote Deputy Secretary General[1] and former rebel leader Pal Maleter [2] to Imre Nagy.

    Their solution did in fact take inspiration from their previous communist overlords: a propaganda campaign. Only instead of creating images of a powerful colossus, as Soviet propaganda did, Maleter pushed for images that would humanize the newly liberated country.

    Nagy concurred, and the Hungarian Worker's Tourism Council [3] was established to draw visitors to Hungary. Appointed to Secretary of the council, and specifically demanded by Nagy, was famed photojournalist Andre Kertesz. Exiled from his country during the Second World War, the elderly Kertesz proved to be an eager figure in capturing subtle images of his homeland.

    The desire for Hungary's leaders to create an image of normalcy meshed well with Kertesz's humble, but beautiful style. Simple images of men sitting in the park playing chess, or woman walking down an avenue in Budapest [4] appeared in tourist ads throughout Europe. They became simple but powerful tools which drew previously uncertain tourists to visit Hungary. The PR also led to increased trade between Hungary and the capitalist West, as the latter's fears of a Stalinist nightmare were gradually whittled away.

    Kertesz's photos are still used to this day in government sponsored ads, and have influenced photojournalism and marketing across the world.

    Excerpt from Reinventing the Worker's State: The Beginnings of the IBSU by Slavoj Zizek​
    By 1970, the foundations for the IBSU were already being laid. Against the objections of the US government, Hungary began trading, or more specifically, providing aid to the somewhat isolated Cuban syndicalist state. Surplus grain, technical assistance, and the arrival of young Hungarian students to the island has profound effects beyond ending the extreme want that most Cubans faced as a result of the US Embargo.

    "Our presence on the island proved joyous to the Cubans," recounted Miklos Nemeth [5] then a young exchange student,"the solidarity between them and us Eastern Europeans who could not speak a word of Spanish was incredible".

    The phenomenon of Hungarian-Cuban collaboration, famously dubbed "Caribbean Goulash" by columnist Mike Royko, had profound effects on the culture of each country. Hungarians enjoyed Cuban jazz and cigars, while Cubans enjoyed Hungarian Palacinsta, or pancakes. Mixed marriages between Cubans and Hungarians became very common.

    While refusing to join the capitalist, integrated Europe, Hungary saw how it could breed success for its model by integrating with other syndicalist, or syndicalist-leaning countries. Hungary and Cuba realized that through the creation of a super-national bloc, they could actively promote syndicalism and gain favorable markets for their goods.​

    The efforts to integrate drew fruit, and at the Havana Summit in 1971, the leaders of the two countries founded the International Brotherhood of Syndicalist Unions or the IBSU. Their mission would be to provide technical and economic aid to any nation that embraced syndicalism, as well the removal of travel and trade barriers between each country to stimulate growth and intercultural and student exchange. The IBSU would have a profound impact on geopolitics in the 1970s.


    Excerpt from Nefesh Yehudi: The Jewish History of Hungary by Isaac Roth​
    The efforts by the US government to push Holocaust education had varying degrees of success across Europe. But no nation proved more receptive than Hungary.

    As much as American diplomacy can be credited for Hungary's interest in the Holocaust education, two other events would push Hungary's revolutionary government into embracing its fierce policy of anti-racism.

    One was the publishing of the Solzhenitsyn Report. The first volume held all the sordid details about Stalin's purges, but more importantly to the Hungarians, it revealed the antisemitic nature of the purge of Matyas Rakosi.

    After Stalin offed Rakosi, the former Hungarian dictator had been virtually airbrushed from history. After Stalin's death, Suslov and Malenkov returned Rakosi to the history books, but for obvious reasons, concealed the truth of his death from the world, claiming "Zionist agents had murdered Rakosi for his defense of the proletariat". [6] Hungarians disbelieved such reports, and speculated for years about the reason for Rakosi's murder. The Solzhenitsyn Report revealed this truth to the government of Budapest. The infamous letter Stalin wrote singling out the secular Rakosi for his "Zionist ties" sent shock waves across the Hungarian landscape.

    While little love was found among Hungarians for their former dictator, the fact that even their former head of state was not protected from antisemitism provoked a profound re-examining of racial attitudes.

    But the more serious incident that pushed the Syndicalists toward an anti-racist stance was a disastrous visit to New York by Nagy in May 5, 1969. A group of Hungarians, including Nagy, came to a conference in Manhattan to promote Hungarian syndicalism. They hoped to try and spread their ideas to the American population, but they badly underestimated the hatred many held for leftism. Many of these students had been harassed by many New Yorkers. Even African-American and Latin American populations, known for their economic-leftism, snubbed them.

    "We know there would be tension," said Erika Dobo, one of the students, "but we truly did not expect the violence we got.

    The meeting descended into violence when it was attacked by angry Jewish Objectivist protesters, many of them Hungarian Jews who had survived the Holocaust, who infamously began beating the Hungarians with copies of Atlas Shrugged. Dobo, however, admitted some in her party labeled the Objectivist's "Jew running dogs". The head of the demonstration, a Jewish Hungarian exile named Thomas Erdelyi [7] assaulted Nagy with an egg to the face, which forced Nagy to end the conference early. Adding insult to injury, NYPD officers called to the scene detained several of the Hungarians under anticommunist laws still on the books. While the federal government released the
    detained Hungarians, the incident led to a chill of relations between the two countries.

    According to Nagy, however, what truly mortified him were the placard signs the Objectivists carried, that compared him and the Syndicalists to both Stalin and the Nazis.

    "Seeing the image of my face looking down evilly at oppressed Jews alongside Stalin shook me to the core," wrote Nagy in his autobiography, "I understood than that burying the past was not the way to build the future. We must right wrongs, no matter how painful it is to face them."

    On September 22, 1969, Nagy pushed for a series of programs that came to be called Bunbanat, or Hungarian for "repetence". The program was a collective call for the Hungarian nation to turn away from antisemitism. Aside from a moral stance, Nagy knew it was the most meaningful way that syndicalism could distinguish itself from the specter of Stalinism.

    Bunbanat consisted of the following measures.

    1. Compensation for the victims of Hungary's role in the Holocaust.

    2. A large program of Holocaust education

    3. A recognition of Jews as a threatened minority, and laws against hate speech.

    4. A pro-Zionist foreign policy, with staunch ties made to the Israeli state.

    5. The restoration of Jewish cultural sites, and promotion of Jewish culture.

    The question of compensation was one of the most contentious parts of Nagy's program, as many Hungarians questioned whether the Hungarian state could afford the cost of reparation. Unfortunately, some opposition went into outright antisemitism with some claiming Nagy to have been bought "by Jew interests".

    The debate at Hungary's National Assembly in November of 1969 became very heated. In a famous exchange, assemblyman Erno Grisn asked "How can be afford to pay," to the Assembly, to which Nagy firmly replied ,"If our grandchildren are as hated as Stalin, they'll ask you 'why did you not pay'." Nagy's reference to Stalin moved many, and the Assembly narrowly agreed to a reparation plan.

    The amount came down to $30,000 (in today's money) to victims as a down payment, plus an additional $6,000 to be paid every year [8]. The program continues to compensate surviving Hungarian Jews to the present day.

    Other efforts to combat antisemitism were more easily implemented, since they were not only cheaper, but could enhance Hungary's image and bring in tourist dollars.

    Hungary began to build staunch ties to the Israeli state. The Hungarian government saw economic potential in trade with Israel, and taking a cue from the German government, made huge payments to the state of Israel, totaling $200 million dollars in today's money over 20 years. Hungarians sent technical and academic assistance to help Israeli industries. Hungarian students came to work on kibbutzim, and Israeli students were invited to Hungarian universities. To this day, Hungary remains one of the strongest allies of the state of Israel in Europe.

    Hungary began a robust system of Holocaust education. The crimes of both Stalin and the Hungarian fascists were put on display in history classes. Large memorials to Jews killed in both Holocausts were built in every town. Trips to Yad Vashem by diplomats became perfunctory. Vasily Grossman's The Yellow Star became mandatory reading in every Hungarian school. As said, the goal by Nagy and the syndicalists was to make themselves as different from Stalinism as possible.

    Elie Wiesel, the famed Holocaust survivor and author of the Nobel Prize winning memoir And the World Remained Silent [9] was invited to speak at Hungarian schools yearly, and in a rare diplomatic collaboration between Hungary and Romania [10], his former home in Sighet was transformed into a large Holocaust museum by the two governments.

    Hungarian museums were built celebrating Jewish culture, and contributions by Jews to Hungarian history and progress were mentioned in classrooms and cultural studies curricula, including the work of Andre Kertesz', himself of Jewish descent. Synagogues that had been closed or demolished under oppressive regimes were rebuilt. On May 3, 1971, the Levys, a British Jewish family was invited to have their sons Bar-Mitzvah (the first one in Hungary since World War II) in the reopened Dohany synagogue, a ceremony Pal Maleter publicly attended. Much of these efforts were (and still are) partly funded, ironically, by the wealthy capitalists, including George Soros, himself a Hungarian Jew who survived the Holocaust. The investment in these cites were made up by the large numbers of tourists who visit these sites.

    The celebration of Jewish culture was so fierce, the country's tiny but dormant Jewish community underwent a massive Renaissance. Hungary remains the only Eastern European country with a higher Jewish population (120,000) in the years after the fall of the Iron Curtain then before it.

    But one of the greatest fruits of this anti-racist campaign would arrive in 1979. Branko Lustig, the famed Croatian filmmaker and Holocaust survivor [11], produced the Academy Award-winning Wallenberg, a film about the famed Swedish diplomat and his efforts to protect many of Budapest's Jews from deportation. The aid provided by the Hungarian government toward the making of the movie, both in historical documentation and in providing money and a technical crew, was invaluable. Though the film's ending remains controversial [12], the cooperation between Lustig and the authorities of Budapest were a testament to how Hungary sought to be the nation that would right a wrong.

    [1] The title refers to "Deputy Secretary General of the Hungarian Worker's Union", the body that controls Syndicalism.

    [2] This guy was one of the OTL leaders of the Hungarian Revolution. He was executed alongside Imre Nagy in 1958 OTL. Here, he becomes one of Hungary's post-communist leaders, as well as a potential successor.

    [3] The body is one giant propaganda collective, but they are conscious of how calling themselves "The Information Council," has Orwellian undertones, so they chose "tourism" as a guise.

    [4] Kertesz's photos were so groundbreaking in their simplicity, he is considered one of the founders of photographic art.

    [5] Miklos Nemeth was the man who helped the transition of Hungary from communism to democracy OTL. I think he would definitely take a leadership role in Syndicalist Hungary once he reach late adulthood.

    [6] Suslov and Malenkov's watered-down De-stalinization would mean they would bring Rakosi back into collective memory, but they would still lower themselves to race-baiting and lie about the motivations of Rakosi's death. The point is to show how they really are not much better than Stalin.

    [7] Yes, that's Tommy Ramone as an Objectivist. I imagine his family fleeing Hungary during the 1960s revolts. Yes, he turned to Objectivism out of anger toward Stalin's pogrom. No, he did not do music.

    [8] The Hungarian government did start paying compensation to Holocaust survivors OTL, but it was pitifully small, and more symbolic than substantive. ITTL, the Syndicalists realize they cannot screw around, as rebuilding their reputation is the only way they can appeal to the next generation of young people.

    [9] This was Wiesel's original memoir, and it was like 900 pages. OTL, he was content to shorten it, but ITTL, the trauma of the Soviet Pogrom has made him more activist then ever, including writing a much longer book.

    [10] ITTL, Romania and Hungary are still very frosty to each other, even more so over Hungary's Syndicalism, which to many Romanians still brings up bad memories of Ceausescu. Of course, they've decided to put aside their differences for some good PR.

    [11] This man got an Oscar for Schindler's List OTL. He even made a reference to the Holocaust in his acceptance speech.

    [12] The ITTL controversy is that the movie portrays Wallenberg as being executed under Stalin's orders. Most people ITTL acknowledge this narrative for obvious reasons, but historians and self-proclaimed witnesses dispute this story, as his true fate and cause of death was never officially revealed.
     
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    Hativkah
  • Sorry, there were a few more things I wanted to add to my previous contribution, but because of time, I couldn't. Also, I think I might want to mention more about Troyanovsky.

    Hatikvah

    Excerpt from Profiles in Courage: Russia by John F. Kennedy[1]​
    When Oleg Troyanovsky returned to Russia through Petrograd[2], he expected to met by members of the CNS. Nothing prepared him for what he would encounter when he arrived at Pulkovo Airport in August 25.

    "I believed I would bet met by a few of Kashnikov's aides," he claimed in an interview. "When I saw the mob at the terminal, I was incredibly confused".

    His confusion would turn to shock as the mob in the terminal, which included a few reporters, rushed for him, and fear when a group of soldiers grabbed him.

    "I thought I was going to be arrested, and that the mob was there to murder me, until I heard one woman claim "the hero of 2758", and then I heard cheers of joy from everybody."

    As it turned, the mob had been there to greet him as, with the soldiers there to escort him away from his admirers. Troyanovsky, with his stand against his former communist allies before the world, became one of the most admired people in the world. In the CNS-dominated Russia, it turned him into an idol, or at least the closest thing Russians had to one in a long time.

    "Traveling through the streets of Moscow, seeing my picture on the front page of the newspapers littered everywhere, being waved at and blown kisses by all the beautiful women, was overwhelming".

    The sudden shock of fame would be matched by the offer that would be made to him by General Kashnikov personally.

    "He shook my hand," Troyanovsky said ,"and sat me down, with a large buffet and cigars conspicuously before me on a table."

    Troyanovsky, despite resigning from the now non-existent post of Soviet Ambassador to the UN, was asked again to become a face for Soviet foreign relations.

    "He asked me to become foreign minister of the CNS," Troyanovsky claimed. "I thought me, a former communist as a foreign representative, would be lunacy."

    Troyanovsky learned that his actions made him the first Russian in a long time to gain a reputation for honesty, and that his newfound reputation would aid the CNS well in rebuilding foreign relations. His actions made him admired by all its factions.

    "Kashnikov even joked, or maybe not, about me being President of Russia one day," Troyanovsky said with a sigh.

    To the surprise of Kashnikov, however, Troyanovsky turned him down flat, believing his own disreputable actions during Stalin's post-stroke years meant he could not be the public face of a post-Soviet government.

    "During my time in the foreign ministry , I denounced many of my colleagues[3]. Having lived in America[4], I knew I would be an easy target to accuse. Every day, I made a new accusation. Every day, I feared I would be dragged off to Lubyanka, never to see the sun again."

    While such acts were tragically common, Troyanovsky felt his own betrayals meant he could never be visible part of the new Russia many hoped for. There were other reasons for Troyanovsky's refusal. He noticed the many factions of the CNS seemed to be treat him like a useful pawn. The Stalin years made him jaded by political intrigue, and he had no interest in being a pawn for any political group.

    However, he did eventually agree for a less-public role as the CNS-ambassador to Poland. However, his celebrity image in an important Eastern European state would nevertheless prove crucial in the rebuilding of ties between the Russian state and Eastern Europe after years of oppression.

    Excerpt from The Pull of Evil by Alexander Vinasky
    Had that shrapnel not entered my leg [5] during the siege of Lubyanka, I would have fled to Stalingrad with my colleagues. Soon after the building had surrendered, me and my colleagues who also remained found ourselves at the mercy of the men we spent the previous days fighting. The reactionaries -as I had been trained to think of our opponents- found me, leg gushing with blood, and barely conscious. I thought to myself, "this is what the tsar felt in his final moments, as his former subjects loomed over him." Even as they came for me, I remained calm. I believe it to have been my loss of blood, but maybe, on a personal level, I believed I had deserved it. That this was men taking their vengeance on me. Then everything went dark, and everything was a void.

    When I woke up, I found myself, not in hell as even I, a man who rejected religion, believed I deserved to be. Nor was I in the cellar of Lubyanka. I felt I was in a warm bed. With something around my leg. When I could open my eyes, I saw I was in a hospital. I discovered there was a cast on my leg, and a tube in my arm.

    I saw in the corner a nurse. She walked over to me, and said I had been in and out of consciousness for a week. I said nothing but nodded. That seemed to suffice the nurse. I was in shock. Why had I been kept alive? What information could I provide.

    For a month, I stayed that hotel room, with food being brought to me, learning to use my shattered leg again. When I regained some mobility, I was told I would be speaking to an interrogator, Mr. Kuzhenov was his name. The man, a young officer in his thirties, said that with a grimace on his face. It seemed however to vanish as he walked out of the room. I barely noticed, thinking to myself ,"this is when the torture would begin".

    An officer escorted, or better yet, dragged me where I was interrogated, with my hands in cuffs. I felt so dumb. Of course, they would string me a long. Putting my mind at ease, so my mind can shatter quicker once their torment began.

    I was marched down the hallway. After a few turns, we came to a door that had a darker color of paint then the rest. The officer stopped, so I stopped. He appeared to let me stare at this unique door. Not knowing what was behind it filled me with the greatest fear. Fear of the unknown. After a minute, we entered.

    I discovered, not a dark room, similar to the one where I had done my best work [6]. But a brightly colored room with sunlight flowing through. In it was a man sitting behind a wooden desk, wearing a Western-style suit. He greeted me with a smile I would have given to one of my own daughters. This man looked more like a professor than a good police man.

    "Please sit," the man said warmly, motioning to the small chair. I moved forward, but the officer who escorted me grabbed me. To my increasing surprise, he took the cuffs off my hand, and the pushed me into the chair.

    To my surprise, another soldier walked, in, this one was young enough to be in high school. His face, though stoic, betrayed a sense of anger toward me.

    "Mikhail," the suited man, who I came to realize was Kuzhenov, asked the young soldier "bring this man some food." My face in was a daze, why was I being brought food? Mikhail hesitated, his face bunched up in restrained fury, but he soon exited and returned with a plate of eggs and rice. He marched over and placed the food in my lap. And walked out.

    "Now," Mr. Kuzhenov said, his face, still joyful yet more calculating, "please eat. And when your done, please tell me about the work you did for Dorofyev."

    I paused for a minute.

    "Why," I asked Mr. Kuzhenov.

    "Why what," he replied, a still joyful expression on his face.

    "Why are you feeding me," I said, my voice becoming quiet and solemn. "Why am I not in the torture chamber?" Mr. Kuzhenov. His face suddenly stopped smiling. He gave me a look of profound contempt.

    "Oh," he said, suddenly rising from his chair, "so you believe that all men share you and your Georgian [7] master's taste for blood? No Mr. Vinasky, I have no taste for your death."

    Suddenly, I felt tears well in my eyes. I don't know why. But I started weeping. This was the first time I wept since the day I beat Mr. Ehrenberg.

    Except from History of Jews in Europe by Nathan Stein​
    When newly appointed Israeli Ambassador to Russia Itzhak Farkas came to Russia, he believed his main job would be lobbying for reparations from the Council of National Salvation. However, his embassy would receive an unexpected visit on April 12, 1968.

    "An aide came into the door, and told me to come outside, but was vague. I walked out, and too my shock, I saw a mob of people gathering outside the embassy. The Red Sea Brigade who were posted near the gates become scared. We had received a bomb threat from the Black Front, so we thought this mob was fascist. But then I saw the woman leading the mob, waving a flag with the Magen David on it. Then my aid told me they were asking to go to Israel. And I wept, when I knew what that meant."

    By the end of the week, over a hundred more people would gather at the embassy, asking to go to Israel. By the end of the month, over 1,000 people would appear. By the end of the year, it would be revealed that over 8,000 Jews were still leaving in Moscow. Throughout the Soviet Union, there were 25,000 Jews who had avoided deportation.



    There were countless ways Soviet Jews had managed to avoid deportation. Many had long thought of themselves as Russian, and began identifying themselves as Russian, and thus avoided labeling themselves so on their identity cards.

    But it was clear the majority of Jews were only able to survive with the help of another.


    Excerpt from Tales of the Righteous by Harold Hertz​
    Born in Minsk in 1921, Danik Garmash had grown up surrounded by Jews, who at their peak, made up nearly 30-40 percent of the population. The city of Minsk held a large population in the years before World War II. During the war, he served as anti-Nazi partisan in the Belorussian countryside, even serving alongside Jews who had managed to escape the ghetto [8].

    By the beginning of 1953, he managed to gain a job in the Propiska office in the city of Minsk. His job was to sign documents allowing residency and travel throughout Minsk and the local metropolitan area, and correct errors. He was also married with three children.

    When the Soviet Pogrom began, Garmash's office was quickly targeted by the MGB, looking for Jews to deport and/or kill. Garmash was horrified, both by the action and the nonchalance and joy of his colleagues.

    "I recalled some of them saying 'The Zionists will finally get what was coming' ," Garmash said with bitterness. "I though to myself, 'how could we be bringing back the ghosts of the Nazis.' "

    Not sharing the same attitude of his colleagues, and knowing it was a matter of time before the MGB asked his office to hand them over. Garmash began sifting through dozens of documents, falsifying them by changing their ethnicity and names.

    The task, however, was not easy. Garmash knew he could not tell anybody, wife or colleague, about his plans. He knew they could have easily sold him out to the MGB. But he soon came to the frightening realization that he could not save everybody. He risked arousing suspicion if he could not provide a single Jew for the MGB to collect. So he began the most difficult part of the process: selection.

    "Deciding who could live and who could die, and making that choice was the most painful part," said Garmash. "Would saving any matter if many more were to die."

    Ultimately, Garmash chose to rescue as many entire families as he could. He began searching as far back as the records of grandparents. Any relative he missed could be a trail whom the MGB could follow an entire family. Despite working with little time and no help, Garmash had managed to save 123 people, 18 families, from execution or deportation when the MGB asked for his office's documents.

    After the death of Stalin, Garmash used his talents to work as a Soviet dissident, distributing false travel papers to dissidents throughout Russia. After the breakout of the Second Russian Civil War, Garmash fled to Moscow. He later immigrated to in Canada in 1973, where he got a job in Montreal as a Russian language teacher.

    His greatest shock came in 1978.

    "I heard a knock on the door," Garmash said, "and when I open it, suddenly this rabbi jumps out and hugs me."

    Many survivors had gone through his records and found proof of his alterations. Some were able to track him down to Montreal.

    In 1985, he was declared a Righteous Among the Nations by Yad Vashem.


    Tales of the Orphan Caretaker-Chicago Tribune-April 14, 1994​
    As Helen Zimmerman sits in her apartment, she recalls her earliest memory with sorrow.

    "I recall my mother kissing me on the head and saying goodbye," Zimmerman says, with tears in her eyes.

    When the Soviet Holocaust began, many Jewish parents knew their children would most likely not survive if they were sent to the gulag. Tragically, most were unsuccessful in finding shelter, and 250,000 [9] would die in Kolyma, Vorkutlag, and other camps, and in other, smaller executions.

    But Helen's parents, Semyon and Tanya, had the good luck of meeting Olga Smirnova, a caretaker of an orphanage in Leningrad.

    When the Soviet Holocaust began, Smirnova found dozens of children left at her doorstep. Finding notes in Yiddish, she realized the kind of children who came under her care. She created false records to portray them as Russian.

    Such a task was not easy. MGB agents suspected that Jewish parents would put their parents in an orphanage, and often made routine inspections of documents.

    For this reason, Smirnova had to refuse children over the age of 3, as older children would end up not lying and spilling the beans. But over time, Smirnova managed to send 600 young children into the orphanage system. Due to the focus of the Soviet state on re-education and not adoption, Smirnova was able to watch over the children.

    Even after Stalin's death, when the authorities ended the active hunt for Jews, Smirnova knew any Jew who revealed themselves openly could still be detained and deported East. Smirnova would wait until the children reached adulthood.

    When the Russian Civil War broke out, and the rebels took the Leningrad government, Smirnova revealed the truth to the rebel Leningrad, soon to be renamed Petrograd, authorities after it was announced that the Israeli embassy opened in Moscow.

    Many of her children, who were still teenagers, were in shock to learn of their heritage.

    "The kids I grew up with constantly made comments about killing all the Zionists," Zimmerman said ,"some of them were stunned to discover they were Jews."

    When the orphans, between the ages of 15-18 arrived in Moscow, they were given housing and food by the Jewish agency, until guardians could be found in Israel.

    When they arrived, it was Passover, so the Israeli embassy treated them to a Passover service in the newly reopened Choral Synagogue. Helen, however, would receive an unexpected visitor.

    "The Red Sea Brigadier interrupted our service," Helen said, "suddenly, a women walks into the synagogue. But when I saw that women, I knew who it was."

    Helen's mother, Tanya had managed to survive in Kolyma, while tragically, her husband was murdered in Vorkutlag. After being released from a free settlement, Tanya managed to track down her daughter with the help of Russian officials.

    "When I saw her, I ran out of the podium, and we hugged and cried. Suddenly, the congregation applauded us, and also some ran up to hug us, including the Red Sea Brigadiers".

    Helen and her mother relocated to Israel, but eventually moved to Chicago in 1971 to live with a cousin.

    Smirnova would become a member of the Righteous [10] in 1981, and was granted honorary Israeli citizenship in 1983. Tragically, however, Smirnova would die in 1985 in a car crash. But to this day, the children she rescued and their families make a yearly pilgrimage to her tombstone at Mount Zion to honor the woman who sheltered them.

    Statistics for the Soviet Jews​
    Jewish Population of the Soviet Union, 1953: 2,100,000
    Jewish Population of the Soviet Union*, 1968: 543,000
    Jewish Population of the Soviet Union, 1975: 12,000-15,000

    Immigration of Soviet Jews by country, 1968-1972

    Israel: 300,000**
    United States of America: 120,000
    Canada: 50,000
    United Kingdom: 15,000
    Australia: 10,000
    New Zealand: 7,000
    South Africa: 5,000

    * The Jewish population of the areas of the former Soviet Union
    ** This migration also includes spouses of Jews eligible under the Law of Return, as well as honorary citizens.

    [1] I think John F. Kennedy would have eventually quit politics because of his poor health. I imagine him retiring to book writing.

    [2] I think the memories of World War II are still too strong for Russians to rename it St. Petersburg. Hence, they give it the old World War I name.

    [3] Based on Napoleon's frequent description of foreign service purges, I am guessing that such a life was inevitable. It is also to establish that Troyanovsky is certainly not a saint, or at least, nobody really could be in such a terrible time.

    [4] His father was the USSR's first ambassador to the US. Troyanovsky even lived in America for some time.

    [5] When rebel tanks hit Lubyanka, the shrapnel from the blast entered Vinasky's leg.

    [6] That line was to point out how desensitized Vinasky became to torture and execution. How the MGB made such things a way of life.

    [7] He's referring to Stalin. I think ITTL, most Russians will emphasize Stalin's Georgian roots to distance themselves from him as much as possible.

    [8] OTL, there was a whole campaign to rescue Jews from the Minsk ghetto. By the end of the war, 5,000 had been able to escape and survive the war.

    [9] This was painful to calculate, but I based this number of the proportion of children who died during the Nazi Holocaust, and applied it to the total number of Jews who perished.

    [10] In total, there were 179 Righteous for the Soviet Holocaust.
     
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    Glass Houses
  • Glass Houses

    Excerpt from Melting Pot by Harold Lang​
    1967 was a milestone in the history of American immigration. On April 10, 1967, President William Knowland signed into the law the American Immigration and Asylum Act, also known as the Hart-Cellar Act.

    In the 1920s, immigration laws imposed strict quotas [1] on immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe and outright banned immigration from Asia. But by the mid-1960s, these laws had fallen out of favor among the American populace.

    In a nation that had just passed Civil Rights legislation, immigration quotas were seen as a phantom from an era of intolerance, and in the words of Senator Lyndon Johnson," It has been un-American in the highest sense, because it has been untrue to the faith that brought thousands to these shores even before we were a country". In a nation that claimed to be the leader of the free world, old immigration quotas were seen as a gross hypocrisy.

    But two international tragedies would also play a role in the end of the old system: the Soviet Pogrom and the conflicts that ravaged China.

    By the mid-1960s, antisemitism had become worse than taboo in American society, even among elements of the far-right. The Soviet Holocaust vanquished much of the old prejudices surrounding Jews. Many conservative politicians felt profound regret over their past hatred of Jews, and how many more could have been saved in the 1930s had America opened the door.

    Even as Georgia Governor Lester Maddox railed against integration, he felt profound shame over Georgia's antisemitism, and in 1968, he wrote a posthumous pardon for Leo Frank [2], whose trial and lynching was seen as one of the most infamous acts of antisemitism on American soil.

    China's conflicts also played a strong, albeit less passionate role, in the end of immigration quotas. The horrors of the Sino-Soviet war and the increasing success of the ROC against the remains of Red China gradually whittled away at Sinophobia, as Chinese people were seen both as victims and as resistors of Communism. Many also felt profound shame that immigration laws prevented any Chinese refugees from reaching American soil.

    The plight of millions moved many into supporting the end of quotas which only prevented people from seeking liberty.

    Excerpt from Judaism in America by Benjamin Ross​
    Among the provisions of the 1968 immigration bill was a section that allowed the President to raise the cap on refugees allowed into the US [3], inserted by Senator Henry Jackson in committee. In practice, the amendment, known as the Jackson Exception [4], allowed the President to open the door to whoever he pleased.

    On June 10, 1968, President William Knowland issued Executive Order 11412 [5] [6] which allowed "Any Jewish victim of Stalinism to be allowed complete asylum into the soil of the United States". In practice, the bill that allowed any Jewish person within the borders of the Soviet Union to enter the US.

    The night Knowland signed the bill, he gave one of his most important speeches, acknowledging anti-Jewish prejudice and that the days of antisemitism were over. He closed his speech by reading a telegram message sent to President Roosevelt by the passengers of the SS St. Louis [7], and declared "that from this day forward, America shall be seen as the nation that shines the light of freedom".

    The nation was moved by the speech, which by some polls had 78 percent approval ratings among the American people. American Jewish communities wept tears of joy over the order and the President's sympathetic words.

    In October 1968, the first Jewish refugees from the Soviet Union to reach America arrived in San Francisco International Airport. To their confusion, a mob of people had gathered in the terminal. The police presence made them fearful, thinking the mob was planning a pogrom.

    "I nearly collapsed in tears," said Leonid Smirnoff, one of the refugees, "as did many of my other compatriots. I thought the mob was preparing to kill us all, as I did not speak English". But a friend who had once been an English teacher was able to interpret the crowd's true words: "Welcome to America", and the fact that some of the members of the mob wore kippas, put me at ease."

    When San Francisicans learned about the arrival of Soviet Jews, members of its Jewish community arrived to welcome the refugees, as did many other Gentile members of the community.

    "The cheers and welcomes overwhelmed many," wrote Smirnoff, "especially those who still held strong memories of their neighbors in Russia calling them "Zionist agents." Many broke down and wept as they walked by the terminal, only to be hugged by members of the crowd who had managed to get past the police.

    Between 1968 and 1972, over 120,000 Soviet Jews would immigrate to the United States.


    Excerpt from Prejudice in America by Harlan Peters​
    While Soviet Jews received a red carpet when they reached America, their Gentile counterparts did not receive nearly as much of a welcome wagon.

    Public opinion was virtually dead set against immigration by non-Jewish Soviet refugees. Right-wing groups saw non-Jewish Russians as communist agents and economic competition, while left-leaning people, disillusioned by the Soviet Union and its atrocities, saw Russians as a race of traitors.

    No group was more antipathetic then the American Jewish population. As many American Jews had been descendants of those who fled the old tsarist empire, they felt little more than contempt more the people they felt responsible for the Second Holocaust. As more Soviet Jews entered the country, visited synagogue, and told their tragic stories to Jewish communities, the anger in American Jewry deepened.

    In this political climate, few politicians supported aid to Russian refugees stuck in Eastern Europe. Some less-restrained figures out-right called for violence against Russians. When Alabama Governor George Wallace was asked about his attitude toward Gentile Russian refugees he quipped, "No man worth his salt lets a snake into his garden. Why the hell would we let them into his house? You don't coddle snakes you shoot'em!" On this occasion, black Alabamians found themselves agreeing with their governor's invective for once.

    While the US was obligated to accept refugees, asylum bureaucrats stonewalled asylum requests with bureaucratic red tape, while their supervisors looked the other way. Between 1970 and 1975, only 20,000 non-Jewish Soviet refugees were able to reach America.

    The few Russians who did arrive found themselves severely discriminated against by the American populace that had for a generation been taught to see Russians as evil. Many endured harassment, bullying, and were forced into menial jobs, despite being more educated than the average refugee.

    The most serious act of anti-Russian violence occurred on May 15, 1971, in the New York City neighborhood of Little Yakutia [8]. On Sabbath night, a Jewish women ran to a local synagogue claiming she had been raped. Soon a false rumor spread through the crowd that a Russian had attacked her. A crowd of Jewish men attacked a nearby rooming house that held Russian refugees, killing 2 Russians and injuring 7 before being apprehended by the police.

    The Russian refugee community was mixed in its response to the racism. Some chose to work to end the image of Russians as antisemites by becoming staunch supporters of the Jewish community. Some abandoned their Russian names to avoid discrimination. Fringe elements of the Russian community, seeing their conditions as proof of "Zionist oppression", joined Neo-Nazi[9] and Neo-stalin parties and committed hate crimes against Jewish (and sometimes Chinese) communities.

    And in a great irony, a sizable number chose to convert to Judaism, or pretend to have Jewish ties.

    Remembering The MGB Rabbi- New York Times-September 10, 1997
    Vitaly Mikhailov, who gained fame as the MGB Rabbi, died in prison ten years ago. His murder and the continued debate surrounding his true motives turned him into a figure of infamy in American history.

    On August 7, Rabbi Vitaly Sharansky, the beloved rabbi of Shelter Rock Jewish Center in Roslyn, New York, was leading a congregation for Friday prayer, when an elderly woman stormed into the temple, and screamed "Butcher" at him, to the shock of the congregation.

    The woman, Esther Rappaport, would provide a very different perspective of the man Shelter Rock congregants knew as "Rabbi Vitaly".

    Between 1953 and 1959, Vitaly Mikhailov had been a senior agent of the MGB in Kiev, overseeing the deportation and murder of over 100,000 Kievan Jews. Esther Rappaport, a woman who had lost most of her family in the massacre at Babi Yar, would be one of the individuals Mikhailov would personally arrest, sending her to Vorkutlag, where she would remain until 1959, when she was sent to a free settlement in Central Siberia.

    "He sneered at me," Rappaport wrote," and claimed that Zionists like me had been the true enemy of the workers, and then hit me on the head."

    MGB Agents, like the Nazis, had been tasked with destroying evidence of Jewish culture, such as a synagogues, books, and cemeteries. Mikhailov, however, was unique in that often kept the Jewish materials he confiscated from homes, such as books and menorahs. Some have argued that he developed a keen curiosity in Jewish materials, while others argue that he had darker motives, that he saw the paraphernalia as trophies from his "Zionist hunts".

    By the August Revolution, he was working as a police officer in Moscow, and had gained intimate knowledge of Jewish customs. When the CNS took control of Moscow, he managed to slip under the radar, as almost all records of his activities were found in the city of Kiev, currently engulfed by a pro-Ukrainian insurgency.

    The news about surviving Soviet Jews in Moscow provided Mikhalov with a glorious opportunity. Obtaining false papers through contacts, he renamed himself Vitaly Sharansky. His deep understanding of Jewish culture convinced American embassy workers that was indeed a Soviet Jew who had managed to survive deportation. Many were also moved by the fact that "Sharansky" was apparently able to maintain his traditions in spite of the genocide surrounding him.

    By October 1968, Sharansky reached New York City. To maintain the illusion even further, Sharansky decided to become a rabbi. He entered the Rabbi Isaac Elchanan Theological Seminary, his tuition subsidized by the Joint Distribution Committee, which was funding Jewish education for Soviet refugees.

    By 1971, Sharansky was a full-fledged rabbi. In 1980, he joined the Shelter Rock congregation, and quickly established himself as a Jewish community leader. He lead passionate prayer services on Friday and Saturday, ran Passover Seders, and taught popular Jewish day-school courses.

    "He was such a part of our lives," Isaac Birnbaum said," we nicknamed him Messiah."

    Rabbi Sharansky, though he never married, gained a surrogate daughter in Emily Breslow, the daughter of a local dentist and Jewish advocate, who became famous for talking about Sharansky's humanity.

    "He was like the grandpa I never had," Breslow said,"when I was young he always took me to the park for ice-cream. He told me stories about Russia."

    Rappoport's angry allegations were disbelieved by the congregation as the ranting of a senile old woman, but they noticed sweat pouring down the 68-year old rabbi's head.

    Sharansky's troubles, however, would only just begin. Rappaport contacted immigration agents, who to her shock, were not surprised to discover a Russian who faked being Jewish. Since 1970, over 10,000 Russians had been arrested for falsely claiming to have Jewish heritage. But the news that an agent of the Soviet Holocaust had disguised himself as a Jew shocked them to the core.

    The agents, after a thorough background check, discovered that Sharansky has falsified his identity papers. On August 30, Sharansky was arrested by immigration officials.

    During his ten days in custody, Sharansky refused questions by officers, but acted shaken when he was asked about the MGB. However, Sharansky would take much of his thoughts to the grave. On September 10, Sharansky was found dead in his cell from a stab in the heart. Due to the disappearance of evidence, his murder was never solved, with some believing radical Jewish Americans had committed the deed.

    His murder, however, only motivated greater research. By October, it was proven beyond reasonable doubt that Sharansky had indeed been Vitaly Mikhailov. Had Mikhailov not been stabbed, it was likely he would have been indicted on laws that barred agents of Soviet atrocities from entering US soil.

    But what has remained controversial is what motivated Mikhailov in the end: was he an agent of genocide who sought to remain hidden in plain sight, as Rappaport said, or did he truly gain appreciation for Jewish culture, as his close friends and family claim.

    "How can you not see love in a man who treats a child not his own as a grandfather," said Breslow,"He wouldn't to that just to stay hidden."

    [1] Strict is an understatement. The number of an ethnicity allowed into a country was based of total population of the ethnicity in 1890 multiplied by 2-3%

    [2] OTL, Leo Frank wasn't really pardoned. In 1986, Georgia's State Board of Pardons admitted that Frank had been victimized by racism. ITTL, Maddox wants the support of the now pro-Semitic Georgia, and to weaken his national perception of being racist.

    [3] The OTL Refugee Act of 1980 is what granted the President this power. ITTL, I imagine people being more empathetic toward the plight of refugees, and thus allowing this provision if politics gets in the way of helping refugees.

    [4] OTL allusion to the Jackson-Vanik Amendment

    [5] OTL, the order established a national commission on preventing violence

    [6] ITTL, Knowland pushed another order allowing Chinese refugees.

    [7] The SS St. Louis was a ship full of Jewish refugees that was denied entry. Knowland would bring this up to underscore how America has come full circle on antisemitism.

    [8] OTL Little Odessa. I imagine that many Soviet Jews will have come from Yakutia-15, and have long forgotten about Odessa.

    [9] Irony: The people whose parents fought the Nazis embrace Nazism themselves.
     
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    "Do You Want Total War?"
  • “Do You Want Total War?”

    Excerpt from The Islamic Republic of Egypt by Hassan al-Tajid​

    Egypt’s foreign policy in the post-revolution years was mainly focused on two things: expanding the Islamic revolution, and the destruction of Israel. The first policy made them incredibly unpopular with other governments in the region, most of whom ended their diplomatic relations with Egypt. This also affected their anti-Israel policies, because Egypt had to face Israel alone. This fact did not bother Sayyid Qutb, who from 1965 onward became the biggest proponent of Egypt attacking Israel in revenge for the Suez War. As the chief ideologue of the revolution Qtub had quite the influence both in the halls of power and with the common people, which he used to great effect. The most famous example of this is his speech at the El-Titsh Stadium, which has often been compared to Joseph Goebbel’s Sportspalast speech[1]. Qtub whipped the crowd into a frenzy, asking them “Do you want total war against the Zionists? Are you prepared to march into Al-Quds[2] and retake the holy sites of Islam?” To the Israelis this rhetoric was terrifying, as was Egypt’s buildup of troops along the border. It is unclear to this day if the Egyptian government was planning a strike, or if the buildup was a bluff designed appease the war-hungry Egyptian public.

    Whatever Egypt’s plans were by March 1968 the Israelis had decided that something had to be done about Egypt. Israel would justify its attack by claiming that the buildup of Egyptian forces clearly meant they were preparing for war. Given the unpopularity of Egypt’s government the world chose not to question this claim. On March 25th the Israelis launched a preemptive strike of Egypt. Israeli planes struck Egypt’s airfields and destroyed most of their planes. Simultaneously the Israelis attacked the Egyptian Army in the Sinai Peninsula. It quickly turned out that the Egyptian Army was a paper tiger. Like most Arab armies it was poorly armed and commanded (the purging of many officers by the Islamist government didn’t help matters). The mujahedeen, which Qtub had claimed would “win a thousand victories”, proved equally bad. As one Israeli general sardonically observed “The will of God is no match for bullets and tanks.” In all it took 4 days for the Israelis to capture the Sinai Peninsula, at which point Egypt sued for peace.

    The war caused a sea change in the Egyptian government. It totally discredited Qtub and the other radicals, and made clear that Egypt would have to work with its neighbors if it had any hope of defeating Israel. As such the Egyptian government announced an end to the policy of trying to spread revolution, and declared that the unity of the Arab people in fighting Israel was paramount. This opened the way for diplomatic relations with the rest of the Arab world. Qtub’s vehement opposition to this policy proved to be his final undoing. While he managed to remain on the Shura Council all three of his radical allies were replaced. This only made Qtub more intransigent, and he spent the next 5 years fighting a losing battle to regain his power. The stress of all this took a severe toll on his health, and by 1973 he suffered a series of heart attacks. His enemies used his health as an excuse to finally retire Qtub. At the behest of Muammar Gaddafi and his Islamist regime[3] Qtub moved to Libya and became a professor at the University of Tripoli until his death a year later. In death Qtub regained his position as an ideological leader, with the Libyan government using its vast oil wealth to spread his message across the Islamic world. Even his former enemies in Egypt appropriated his memory, going so far as to rename Tahrir Square Qtub Square.


    Excerpt from Albania by Koci Prifti​

    With the fall of the Eastern Bloc Enver Hoxha’s regime in Albania became the only Marxist-Leninist state in Eastern Europe. The regime had always been one of the most Stalinist in the Eastern Bloc, and the unrest in the rest of the Bloc only made Hoxha crack down harder. Waves of purges swept through Albania, claiming some 8,000 victims. Hoxha also began a massive program of bunker building so as to protect his regime from foreign invasion. Bunkers were built literally everywhere that could be defended, even street corners and graveyards. This was a massive drain on Albania’s resources, and when the Soviet Civil War hit and Soviet aid stopped Albania was left completely isolated from the world.

    The coming of the Soviet Civil War also put Albania in the crosshairs. As President Knowland put it “Albania truly is one of the vilest states in the world.” Hoxha’s numerous human rights atrocities (particularly the destruction of Albania’s entire Jewish community[4]) and the general hatred the West had for Communism made Albania an attractive target. Greece and Yugoslavia were particularly eager to see Hoxha fall. The Greeks desired the territory of Northern Epirus, which had a large Greek population, while the Soviet withdrawal from Eastern Europe reawakened Tito’s desire to make Albania part of a Greater Yugoslavia. The Americans brought the two together, despite the hardline anti-leftist views of Greece’s new military junta. The plan was for Greece and Yugoslavia, with American aid, to launch simultaneous attacks on Albania and annex the country.

    On July 6th Yugoslav and Greek planes began bombing Albania, and their troops moved in. Despite Hoxha’s proclamation that Albania could “withstand the might of a dozen invading armies” the Albanian military proved fairly ineffective. Hoxha had planned on a “people’s war” with the army as a largely civilian militia force. They also lacked ammunition and proper command, allowing the professional armies of Greece and Yugoslavia to tear them to shreds. The infamous bunkers also proved to be a bad investment. It was difficult for the bunkers to communicate with one another, and once surrounded they couldn’t hold out for a significant period of time. By August 1st the Yugoslav Army had surrounded Tirana. Hoxha intended for Tirana to become a fortress with almost the entire population under arms. Again Hoxha’s ideas fell apart when hit with reality. The Albanian population no longer wanted to fight, and with little food or ammunition it’s not like they could have fought for long anyway. The only sections that really fought with gusto were those manned by the Sigurimi (the secret police).
    Of course Hoxha and his top leaders had escaped into the mountains of Albania some time before, where they would continue fighting for decades afterwards. However Hoxha never lived to see Albania become independent again; he was killed in 1980 during a firefight with the Yugoslavian Army.

    [1] Also known as the Total War Speech
    [2] The Arabic name for Jerusalem
    [3] Gaddafi IOTL was heavily influenced by Nasser. With Nasserism completely discredited as a force ITTL he turns to Islamism instead (which IOTL did have some influence on his thinking).
    [4] This is a particularly sad story because during WWII the Albanian Partisans saved most of the country's Jewish population from extermination.
     
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    Sunrise
  • Since people wanted to know what was going on in Japan, I tried to come up with things the new Japanese government would be doing.

    Sunrise


    Extract from The Asian Century by Misato Katsuragi​

    Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution, forbidding an offensive army and the ability to declare war, had been a hard pill to swallow from the start, but though there were strong objections, even at the height of the Korean War the restriction remained in place. This finally changed in light of the Sino-Soviet War – with the armies of two Communist titans reeking havoc in Asia, the sheer scale of the conflict was simply not enough for the US army alone to reliably contain, especially owing to commitments in Europe. While Germany had been swallowed into the EDC to thwart any military being established independently, Japan was without such an option. President Nixon would deliberate this decision early into his tenure, before deciding that the West needed all the help it could get in containing the violence in Asia. In March of 1957, Nixon made his first state visit as President to Japan as part of a tour of Asia, where the terms of the new terms of the American-Japanese relationship were established.


    After a week of talks, the Treaty of Kyoto (1957) would resurrect the Japanese army. While Japan was still forbidden from creating WMDs (something the Japanese were uninterested in anyway), the restrictions on the scale of the army were lifted, although the validity of American bases, the restrictions on the Navy and the existing power structure of American-Japanese relations were maintained. As a result, the percentage of GDP that Japan spent on the military went from less than 1% in 1957 to 4% in 1967. Quickly flexing its muscles, Japan, with some convincing by the part of American on the members, joined SEATO in 1960.


    Despite the strong military build up, a blessing to America since it freed up its obligations and spared soldiers for elsewhere in the world, the Japanese were unable to put their army to any military use. They were forbidden from even humanitarian aid during the Second Chinese Civil War, and indeed when Korea was reunified, they were once again forbidden from involving themselves due to the hostile locals. Some wondered if the army would ever be used.


    This would change during the course of the Soviet Civil War.



    Excerpt from The Rise, Fall and Rise of Japan by Yusuke Urameshi​


    When it came to the Kuril Islands, though most of the islands were considered lawfully Russian, four areas were disputed: Iturup, Kunashir, Shikotan and the Habomai rocks. While the Treaty of San Francisco (1951) had seen Japan relinquish her claims to the Kuril Islands, not only did the Treaty not recognise Soviet authority over the region, but those four areas were said by the Japanese to not belong to the Kuril Island chain at all. To Japan, these were areas slammed shut behind the Iron Curtain, and it seemed unlikely they would get them back.


    Then the August Revolution happened, and suddenly it was an entirely new world. While the far east of Russia had fallen to the CNS, the four disputed areas, owing to reinforcement in previous years to deter any Japanese invasion brought about by Japan's rebuilding of her military, remained stubbornly unaffected. The CNS was uninterested in securing useless Pacific islands when a battle for life and death was occurring in the plains of Europe, leaving the Soviet defenders to isolation. As a result, Prime Minister Eisaku Satō began to discuss military options to secure the four disputed territories.


    Backlog discussions between the American Government, the Japanese Government and the CNS began. The main concern, of course, was the thought of the Soviets seeing the invasion as worthy of nuclear retaliation. After discussions with the CNS and Pentagon, including an up-and-coming foreign policy hawk by the name of Henry Kissinger, it was concluded that the Soviets simply were not as much of a threat in respect of ICBMs than was thought by the White House only a few years ago [1]. On top of that, said missiles were now halved, with half now in the possession of the CNS, eliminating the concept of MAD as there was simply no reasonable way the Soviets could prove a nuclear match for the West, the former Warsaw Pact, China and half of the once Soviet Union, including most of the infrastructure. Finally, it was concluded that in such a limited circumstance, with small islands surrounded on all sides by the CNS that the Soviets would not respond, especially owing to their razor thin advantage in the main conflict at the time. However, much like Mao’s China, it would be under the guise of ‘volunteers’ to further avoid an all out conflict. This ‘volunteer’ unit, would feature some of the most advanced technology in the Japanese armed forces, nominally under the command of the CNS, de facto under the command of Tokyo and Washington.


    On the 30th of January of 1968, Operation Tsushima, named after the famous Japanese victory over Russia, began. Though under-reported, the aid of the US navy for transport and logistics was substantial, despite the national myth that evolved in Japan of an almost entirely Japanese only operation. The troops used were the best to be found in Japan at the time, utilizing top quality Mitsubishi and Toyota constructed military vehicles, a point of pride in Japan, as they didn’t use American technology. What they found were half-starved remnants of Soviet troops who had resorted to eating grass to try and stay alive. Almost everyone immediately surrendered, though a few more committed Communists tried to hang on, who were mercilessly obliterated by the Japanese. Within a single day, all four areas were declared secured. American and British observers who saw the action were impressed by the success of the Japanese performance, even against such weak opposition. As a result, the islands fell into Japanese occupation. Predictably, the response from Stalingrad was less fearsome than the more pessimistic had feared, saying, “Once the home-grown Fascist menace has been defeated, the Japanese menace will likewise be defeated.” Even Chiang Kai-Shek sent a surprising statement of congratulations to Japan for, "Standing up for Asia against the savages who raped our nation."


    But that was not the end of it. In 1968, the CNS was on a losing streak, and there was a genuine sense among some in the West that the Soviets just might be able to claw themselves back from the death. In that case, with swelling nationalist pride growing in Japan, Satō once again entered discussions with the CNS in February, this time regarding the sale of the remainder of the Kuril Islands and Sakhalin Island to Japan in return for $3 billion and 1000 military advisors. The money would be paid over several years, and the islands would be transferred to Japan on January 1st 1972. In return, the rights of the inhabitants of the islands would be respected, and significant regional autonomy would be granted.


    When word of this reached the CNS, a ferocious debate erupted among the leadership between pragmatists and nationalists. While they were debating, however, the Israeli representative to the United Nations, Yosef Tekoah, gave a speech that in the words of one Assembly member, “chilled the bones of everyone in the room for the rest of the week.” In a debate on the legality of representation of the CNS in the UN, he expanded his speech to include the totality of not just Soviet, but Russian history:


    “In recent Russian history, there was a revolution by a band of people. The regime they sought to replace was anti-Semitic, authoritarian and a nightmare to Eastern Europe, while they preached openness, freedom and equality. But I’m not talking about the Second Russian Civil War, I’m talking about the first. That revolution, which spoke so much of freedom to the oppressed has led to the most oppression any corner of the world has ever seen. So while we will continue to do all we can to destroy the monstrosity of the Soviet government, we will not allow the world to pretend that the CNS will absolve a characteristic in Russia that festered long before Communism was even invented.”


    The remarks drew standing ovation from the former Warsaw Pact, Chinese and Iranian representatives, and little dissent elsewhere. As the same member recalled, “It was a brutal wake-up call to reality. Many of us assumed that we would never lose, because the West would always have our back since we were their best chance to remove the Communists. Then we realised that even if we did overthrow the Communists, or even if we did have our back against the ropes, we would still be Russians, and the world would still hate us; we needed all the help we could get. It put our frailty into perspective, and some dead islands on the far side of the world that none of us had ever seen suddenly seemed very trivial indeed.” Reluctantly, the CNS signed onto the deal, inviting fury among the Soviets for “selling the Soviet people to the highest bidder.” However, most residents of the islands didn’t mind, correctly seeing that Russia, whoever won, was facing existential crisis, and that perhaps it wasn’t so bad to have new owners, ones who offered substantially more human rights than the Soviet Union ever did.


    As the famous Japanese artist Yukiyo Mishima [2] recorded, “Japan’s ancient virility has reasserted itself. It shall play no servant, no slave, only the divine destiny for which its people were intended.” The statement referenced the outpouring of patriotism in Japanese society once the acquisition was made official. Prime Minister Satō would become one of the most popular figures in the history of Japan for his restoration of Japanese pride on a military and national level, which would have both good effects (the addition of a strong military force to the Western powers) and bad effects (an even greater desire in Japan to conduct apologism for her transgressions in WW2). Even the initial cost of purchase was eventually made up for in terms of natural gas and mineral reserves. Though still somewhat of a diplomatic sore spot, the Japanese have no intention of giving up the islands. Thus, Japan would enter the third millennium not only with the second largest economy on Earth, but a strong military that’s considered to be the finest in Asia on a man-to-man basis.


    [1] – Owing to the purges, inferior economy and needed increase in conventional military spending for China, the Soviet nuclear program is less effective.

    [2] – Doesn’t attempt a coup ITTL; he’s impressed enough by modern Japan’s military prowess to give it a shot. He lives on to become an incredibly influential artist, as well as embodying the nationalist euphoria that would define the Japan of the Seventies.
     
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    Should Any Party Attempt to Abolish
  • QueerSpear

    Banned
    With Napoleon's blessing I will be publishing the second attempt at writting the backlash against the welfare state. The orignal post, The Fall of Welfare State, will be deleted.

    Should Any Party Attempt to Abolish...[1]

    Economic History of America since World War Two by Milton Friedman​

    By the 1960s the so called New Deal consensus was already fraying at the edges due to a variety of issues. One thing to affirm is that the welfare state was an unworkable band aid that would never survive long term due to its high costs. However, state economics is not the only reason for the increasing collapse of this economic order.

    The end of the manufacturing monopoly held by the US since the end of WW2 with the rise of the West (until the Re-Unification, which triggered a short-term recession) German and Japanese economies as well the sudden opening of new markets in the newly liberated Eastern European and East Asian nations after the fall of communism were a contributing factor. The rapid growth of the world market, increasing competition against American made goods had made economic growth sluggish in the late 1960s although America would recover fully by the early 1970s due to policies of deregulation and lower taxation.

    Excerpt from The Death of the New Deal by William Clinton​

    Nothing represents how popular opinion had changed more than the mass cuts to the Old Age, Survivors and Disability Insurance (OASDI) program, mostly known as Social Security, in 1974. Created by Franklin Roosevelt's Second New Deal in 1935, the thirty-seven page Social Security Act was a hallmark legislative policy of the New Deal and would survive until the hard right swing in the 1970s. Under a moderate Republican presidency with a decidedly neo-conservative[2] Congress meant that there was a considerate change in economic policy. While continuing the trend of market liberalization the Knowland administration is mostly infamous for the even back then extremely controversial Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) of 1970.

    To understand the reasons why the Republican Party, whose previous two presidents would prove to be friendly to the post-war consensus, would take such a dramatic change in policy one must take into account the growing grassroots neo-conservative movement which had been brewing for decades. Never satisfied with the New Deal policies in the first place, conservatives would work tirelessly to discredit and oppose any further expansion of the welfare state.

    Inspired by works such as William Buckley's On Social InSecurity polemic, although the man himself would fall from grace in the 1960s due to his support for segregation and white supremacy in the previous decade, and others such as Barry Goldwater's The Conscience of a Conservative, neo-conservatives would be propelled from a political pariah to take over the Republican Party. With growing distrust towards "big government" policies as a backlash to communist atrocities, the PRWORA was inevitable, even though president Knowland opposed the Act, the neo-conservative wing of the party would continue to push for its de facto abolition until they achieved it. However, even the modest 10% cuts to Social Security, resulted in popular backlash that weakened the anti-welfare advocates.

    Excerpt from The Encyclopedia of US Elections

    Election of 1968: The election of 1968 was the 46th presidential election. Incumbent William Knowland would win the nomination, not only for facing weak opposition but also due to the strength of his domestic and foreign policies. The Democratic Party would have an open field which would result in the upset ascension of moderate John McKeithen whom nevertheless would face a dirty campaign, marked by character assassination and accusations of being a fellow traveler. The election would result in Knowland's re-election.

    Congressional Election of 1970: The midterm election for 92nd United States Congress. The election would result in a net gain of 52 seats in the House of Representatives and a pickup of nine seats in the Senate for the Democratic Party, hence being known as the Democratic Revolution. The election was part of a political backlash against Social Security budget trimming and the godlessness of Objectivism, as well the ongoing recession.

    Election of 1972: The 47th presidential election, often considered one of the presidential elections to mark the beginning of the Sixth Party System. With growing geopolitical stability and the end of the political chaos of the sixties, this election was marked purely by economic policies. The Democratic Party would nominate former Republican John Lindsay while the GOP would nominate the radical neo-conservative Roger McBride. Hurt by the privatization of Social Security, a "jobless recovery" from the late sixties' recession and voter fatigue, the election would result in Lindsay's narrow victory. The Dems would maintain their majorities in Congress, although with a net loss in the House of two seats.

    Election of 1976: The 48th presidential election in US history. Incumbent president John Lindsay would win the Democratic nomination after the second ballot while the GOP would face an open field result in the nomination of Ronald Reagan. Lindsay would be re-elected with a comfortable majority. The Dems would suffer a net loss of one seat in the Senate but maintain over Congress majority.

    Progressive Backlash

    Even before the Social Security cuts were signed into law, progressive backlash was already grooming. All over the United States, mass protests against the administration and Republicans would be widespread. While the GOP condemned them as "hoodlums and leeches", many of protestors were key voters for the party that opposed the conservative plans for the insurance program. The so called Democratic Revolution of 1970 would result in more than a loss of the federal legislative but also an ideological defeat. Not only had the American people turned against the small government ideology, but they had also voted against some of its largest defenders. The House Freedom From Socialism Caucus would lose all but one member, thus resulting in the caucus being abolished.

    The effects would be wider than the federal government - across the Union the Democratic Party would sweep state legislatures, assuming majorities in most or further expanding their plurality - achieving a total control of 33 of the 36 legislatures needed for the rectification of a constitutional amendment.

    [1] This of course is a citation of Eisenhower's famous quote on Social Security. I think the quote could still occur TTL, and it could serve to humble the GOP
    [2] Neo-conservatives refer TTL to libertarians rather than a hawkish foreign policy, with a socially moderate (or opportunist) along with a rabid support for an unregulated free market and no safety net
     
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