Twilight of the Red Tsar

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Sounds pretty awesome.

Its less the flights and moreso I dont really make enough cash. I work in a restaurant as a sous chef but I dont exactly make Gordon Ramsay money, at least not yet.

Sorry to hear that. If you're a food guy then I'd especially recommend the Jewish quarter. Great beer, even better food.
 
I wouldnt trust anything about the RadLeft from Churchill, man.

I prefer Orwell when Tankies need to be BTFO
A man who boasted about committing atrocities in Pakistan would know a lot about sharing misery.

I'm not defending Churchill, but my impression of extreme leftism, like the foodlines of 1980s Russia, to the economic disaster unfolding in Venezuela, make his quote make sense.

I'm not going to debate leftism, but merely talking about why I'm skeptical about the far-left.
 
I'm not defending Churchill, but my impression of extreme leftism, like the foodlines of 1980s Russia, to the economic disaster unfolding in Venezuela, make his quote make sense.

I'm not going to debate leftism, but merely talking about why I'm skeptical about the far-left.
Is Venezuela really Far-Left though? They still have a massive private sector, something the far left doesn't really advocate for, they seem more like SocDems than anything else

Also, the economic disaster in Venezuela is happening because of economic sanctions, which admittedly is happening bexause of human rights abuses.
 
I'm not defending Churchill, but my impression of extreme leftism, like the foodlines of 1980s Russia, to the economic disaster unfolding in Venezuela, make his quote make sense.

I'm not going to debate leftism, but merely talking about why I'm skeptical about the far-left.

That's your impression but I don't think you'd be more inclined to rethink it due to a rebranding. I'm wary of the fact that socialists ITTL, in fear of being associated with their so-called fellow adherents, would choose to abandon the ideology entirely. In doing so it would seem that they're choosing to define themselves by Stalin's atrocities rather than advocating a new path.
 
That's your impression but I don't think you'd be more inclined to rethink it due to a rebranding. I'm wary of the fact that socialists ITTL, in fear of being associated with their so-called fellow adherents, would choose to abandon the ideology entirely. In doing so it would seem that they're choosing to define themselves by Stalin's atrocities rather than advocating a new path.

Dont you think it's moreso realpolitik than anything?
 
Dont you think it's moreso realpolitik than anything?

Switching from Socialism to Synicalism based on aesthetics seems more self-indulgent than practical. Not that it couldn't happen but I'm a bit sceptical that adherents would follow along en masse. Although I suppose the IBSU might help in that regard.
 
That's your impression but I don't think you'd be more inclined to rethink it due to a rebranding. I'm wary of the fact that socialists ITTL, in fear of being associated with their so-called fellow adherents, would choose to abandon the ideology entirely. In doing so it would seem that they're choosing to define themselves by Stalin's atrocities rather than advocating a new path.

I'm Jewish. If I was born ITTL, I'd wouldn't be troubled by the far-left, but be brought up to regard it as an abomination.
 
Successive Defeats
Successive Defeats


Excerpt from The Soviet Civil War by Joshua Reddings​

1969 proved to be the year that the tide of the Soviet Civil War turned. At the end of 1968 the strategic situation did not favor the rebels. The Soviets were close to Moscow, which many feared might even be encircled by Soviet troops to the east. To the south several Ukrainian offensives had failed to dislodge the Soviets, and the Chechen and Dagestani rebels were on life support. About the only good news was the conquest of Belarus in October. To change this situation, the CNS decided to launch a massive offensive of its own. Codenamed Operation Kutuzov (after the famous general of the Napoleonic Wars) the plan was to launch three simultaneous offensives. The first was to drive the Soviets away from Moscow, the second was to take Gorky and push towards the Volga, and the third would be launched by the Ukrainians to tie down Soviet troops. All told 3.5 million men would be thrown into the campaign (against roughly the same number of Soviets).

The operation started on New Year’s Eve 1968 with several tactical nuclear weapons being launched. It was at this time at the CNS’s army really came into its own. The leadership and training problems of before had largely been fixed, and the rebels became a formidable force that did a lot of damage to the Soviets. For example, the rebels managed to get within the city limits of Gorky after only a week of fighting. Once inside the city the fighting bogged down into street-to-street battles. In this fighting there were many notable actions, such as that of Boris Pavelshev. On January 20th Pavelshev and his unit were ordered to seize a row of houses, which they easily did. It turned out to be a trap, with the Soviets quickly surrounding the houses. The entire unit was eliminated, save Pavelshev. For the next 10 hours he held out in the basement of one of the houses, killing every Soviet soldier who attempted to take him out (killing a total of 17). It was only when Pavelshev ran out of ammunition that the Soviets were able to kill him. Nevertheless, actions like Pavelshev’s did not win the Battle of Gorky. Instead the battle ended when the rebels took Dzerzhinsk and Kstovo on February 21st. The Soviets pulled out of Gorky rather than be surrounded.

The loss of Gorky led the Soviets to another problem: a rebellion amongst the people of the Idel-Ural region. Unrest had been a problem in the area since the start of the Soviet Civil War, much of Tartarstan, Mari-El, and Udmurtia siding with the rebels. In response to this the Soviets had cracked down hard on the territory they still controlled, ruthlessly suppressing any sign of nationalist sentiment. The people resented this, and there were various attempts at uprisings, all of which were easily crushed. Now however the rebels were able to supply the resistance with weapons, food, and military gear, plus the rebel army was close enough to launch offensives to help the resistance. As such on March 5th the city of Cheboskary, the capital of the Chuvash ASSR, erupted into violence. Within a matter of hours the Soviets had lost control over most of the city. The rebel army seized the opportunity to launch an offensive, taking them to the banks of the Volga. By March 9th the Soviet position was indefensible, and they were forced to abandon the city. Inspired by the victory the Chuvash and Mordovians answered the call to arms. Having to fight both the rebel army and guerrillas proved taxing on the Soviets, and their troops being tied down made it difficult to launch counterattacks. It was a long, grinding fight, but by June the rebels had seized most of the Chuvash and Mordovian ASSRs.

The rebels also made great gains in the region around Moscow, pushing the Soviets back to Yelets by March 26th. It was here that they got revenge for their earlier defeat at this site. In a series of swift attacks they were able to cut off 150,000 Soviet soldiers in what became known as the Yelets-Lipetsk Pocket. The Soviets were able to form an airbridge to the pocket, and with the pocket’s heavy defenses they ordinarily could have held out for a long time. But atomic weapons had changed the nature of warfare. From April 1st-2nd the rebels launched 5 nuclear-tipped Scud missiles, about 20 kilotons apiece, at the pocket. Describing the event later one rebel commander recalled “Yelets and Lipetsk were completely and utterly wiped off the map. Across the whole area lies the ruins of tanks and planes, smashed as though a giant had stepped on them. The place stinks of death, and it will be a long time before all of the bodies have been buried.” Soviet counterattacks proved unable to break out the pocket, and in the face of more atomic weapons the Soviets surrendered. The loss was devastating for the Soviets, who due to lack of manpower were forced to abandon Voronezh and create a more secure line of the defense from Belgorod to Rossosh.
 
Victories are all well and good, I fear that even if the CNS were to win, they'd be a ruling over a wasteland less habitable than Chernobyl in 1986, with how casually nukes are being thrown around.

Let's remember that the Soviets still have tons of nukes of their own. What would prevent them from unleashing bigger nukes on major CNS cities? And let's say the CNS pushes the Soviets all the way to Stalingrad? Wouldn't the clearly self-righteous Soviets, seeing their world crumble around them, potentially unleash tons of nuclear bombs on Stalin's city in some kind of mass murder-suicide.
 
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