The North Star is Red: a Wallace Presidency, KMT Victory, Alternate Cold War TL

Chapter 156 - "Who Today Remembers the Jews?"
  • "Who Today Remembers the Jews?"
    The naval disaster at Souda asides, the Royal Navy performed brilliantly in launching simultaneous amphibious attacks all across Crete, quickly causing South Greek command to fall into chaos. It was upon that moment that the most opportunistic actor of the entire Mediterranean War began to act. The ultranationalist regime of Turkey under Alparslan Turkes, which had long cooperated with its mortal enemy in Moscow to fund its other mortal enemy in Athens, befuddled international observers. Why on earth was it helping out all kind of nations that it well, hated? Ultranationalist Turkey even went as far as to help ferry British troops from Cyprus to Iraq and Jordan (to fight the Syrians and their Nationalist Iraqi proxies). Despite the intense anti-communism of Turkes, it seemed to actually have a vaguely acceptable working relationship with nearby Communist Turkey (which admittedly was only much of Turkish Kurdistan). In particular, the Ultranationalist Turks should have been outraged at the Soviet Union for annexing significant territories in Eastern Turkey to the Georgia SSR (under the orders of Georgian Laventry Beria), largely consisting of territories annexed by Russia in 1878 and returned to Turkey in 1918, essentially comprising what was then Atvin and Kars Province. Indeed, the Communist Turks had protested more streneously (largely because those regions had been promised to the Communist Turks during the Three Years War until they weren't after the war).

    British authorities were blindsided by the Turkish invasion of Cyprus, both in its well-executed speed as well as its brutality. Greek militias were weak and often in prison due to the rebellion with the British authorities. During the Greek Cypriot uprising, Turkish Cypriots were often attacked and murdered on the streets under accusations of being "British collaborators." Now, Turkish militias, nurtured by British authorities as a tool to wield against Greek rebels, ceased taking orders from British authorities, who largely had evacuated the island of regular British troops as part of the invasion of Crete. Instead, they took orders directly from the Turkish Army landing on the shores of Cyprus. Hundreds, possibly thousands of Greek militias were executed in their jail cells, as the Turks defeated massively outnumbered British troops. Britain had 1,800 troops in all of Cyprus, compared to 40,000 Turkish army soldiers and 10,000 Turkish militiamen (became 20,000 as more mobilized).

    The Turkish Army had specific orders. Upon landing, act brutally to murder some number of Greek Cypriots in public in order to spark a mass panic and exodus. Turkes took a very specific lesson from Ottoman history, namely a belief that multiethnic states could not survive. As he also wanted Turkey to regain many heavily Turkish regions abroad, this necessitated something he openly admitted in a meeting was obviously ethnic cleansing. In a speech to the Turkish General Staff, in an explicit reference to one of Hitler's supposed speeches (historical record is not clear on whether he said it) where he may have said "Who Today Remembers the Armenians", Turkes cited the world letting (the ironically Jewish) Beria get away with the ethnic cleansing of Soviet Jews less than a decade after the Holocaust and proclaimed "Who Today Remembers the Jews?", also citing the Beria's deportation of the Crimean Tatars (a fellow Turkic group, so more relevant to the ideology of ultra-nationalist Turkey and also more relevant to their plans, since their goal was ethnic cleansing as opposed to extermination for the Hitlerian sake of extermination). Indeed, in a series of well-publicized war crimes, handpicked Turkish troops (namely, the nastiest because most soldiers did not want to engage in this) hacked hundreds of captured Cypriot families to death with sabres. This was intentionally broadcasted to the world, sparking Greek Cypriots to flee the Turkish Army, but also garnering Ultranationalist Turkey overwhelming condemnation. However, this was expected by Turkes. Part of the goal of abetting the outbreak of wars in the Middle East was to simply make sure that most nearby powers were too distracted to stop him.

    President John F. Kennedy, aware that Greek voters in large American cities (such as Chicago) were outraged by the massacres decided to act. Cutting off all arms shipments to Ultranationalist Turkey, he asked how quickly a US force could be assembled to retake Cyprus from the Ultranationalist Turks. Unfortunately for Kennedy, as the Italians had famously denied American naval access during the Three Years War and the Americans retaliated by cutting off economic and military aid to Italy, the Americans were never able to successfully establish a naval base in Italy, as was originally planned. Negotiations for a naval base in Francoist Spain had stalled due to Congressional Democrats not liking Franco. Yugoslavia, having just revolted against the Soviet bloc, refused to allow the Americans a naval base. As a result, the only nation in Europe willing to give America a naval base...was Ultranationalist Turkey. Needless to say, the Ultranationalist Turks had impounded the American naval base in Turkey quite easily, essentially threatening to sink the American navy if it sailed out. Sailing from America would take too long - Cyprus was expected to fall within the week. Kennedy contacted Prime Minister Brown, who expressed his sympathies and volunteered using the Royal Navy to courier American troops from West Germany, as soon as Crete fell, which seemed imminent. However, with South Greek command completely destroyed by British forces, most South Greek soldiers didn't have proper communication with the rest of the world, and spent the better half of a week valiantly resisting overwhelmingly superior British troops, seemingly blaring out "strange propaganda", who wanted to do nothing but finish the battle as soon as possible to go and rescue Greeks.

    Several nations however, saw it fit to side with Ultranationalist Turkey. The Soviets were just gleeful to see the Western world tearing itself apart, so they at least did not openly oppose Ultranationalist Turkey. The Turkes government, outraged that America was planning some sort of expedition against Cyprus, ended the American naval base lease unilaterally. Instead, they awarded it to another power that was just waiting for the opportunity. One of Charles de Gaulle's last acts before the coup that removed him was to sign a defense treaty with Ultranationalist Turkey, turning over the American naval base into a French naval base. This sparked mass revulsion among many of the civilian politicians who were "opportunistic Gaullists" against De Gaulle himself, another crucial antecedent into the coup. The Turkish pact convinced most civilian French politicians that De Gaulle was a diplomatic madman, even though it was undeniable that this was in a sense a diplomatic coup for France, just one that deeply impugned its values. With around 450,000 Greeks in Cyprus, the Turkish expulsions were a logistical nightmare. Few ships were willing to aid in the deportations until the French merchant marine argued that if there were no ships waiting for them, the Turkish Army might just force-march them into the sea. Packed jam-tight like animals in crowded, unsanitary cargo ships, the survivors were brought into crowded refugee camps across Europe. Horrifyingly, a similar action also took place in Western Thrace, then an outpost of South Greece essentially guarded by Turkish troops in the aftermath of the Greek Civil War. Turkish troops simply repeated the same action, inflicting various war crimes on to deport almost the entire Greek population, consisting of around 300,000 people, in hopes of driving them out through terror.

    The Anglo-American expedition to liberate Cyprus was stopped by one man in particular - Charles De Gaulle issued a statement to the British embassy that an attack on Turkey would be viewed as an attack on France itself. This actually only further encouraged the British public, which was in favor of war with Turkey even if it meant war with France by a 61-39 margin. The Americans were similarly undeterred. The Labour government in Britain however, viewed this as a potential catastrophe and viewed De Gaulle as a madman, an impression De Gaulle intentionally gave off to the British. Britain backed down, informing a furious President Kennedy that British ships would no longer be able to participate. Furious, Kennedy called for the harshest sanctions on Ultranationalist Turkey imaginable, sanctions that passed Congress in an overwhelming bipartisan vote. The Turkes gambit was succeeding.

    However, Turkes was not the only man with a plan. One other nation, although greatly outraged by this, decided to turn lemons into lemonade. Almost immediately as Turkish troops landed in Cyprus, the Tito-aligned government of the Democratic Republic of Greece stormed across the border. With its navy and most of its air force destroyed (alongside many army units tied up in Cyprus), the South Greeks were simply outgunned by the North Greeks. South Greek resistance was ferocious, calling the North Greeks national traitors for attacking South Greece when Greeks across Western Thrace and Cyprus were facing what most of the world had concluded was a genocide. Perhaps, but they were still taking the opportunity. North Greek artillery, ironically mostly American in origin (as intense American military aid to Yugoslavia was shipped down to North Greece after the Three Years War) essentially leveled Athens to the ground in hopes of trying to reunify Greece before any other power could intervene. Although the ethnic cleansings in Thrace and Cyprus horrified the world, the North Greece invasion of the South probably killed even more people. Another coup in South Greece took place, as the government fled to the Peloponnese (as Crete was under British occupation, albeit one that was transitioning to a rival Greek government under the now-liberated King), putting Colonel Georgios Papadopoulos in charge of a desperate government. Calling for aid from the West, their pleas went largely unheard by the Americans, British, French, and even Soviets (who saw their situation as unsalvageable). Only one, highly unexpected country responded.
     
    Last edited:
    Chapter 157 - The August Coup
  • Yeah, long hiatus, but I'm not dead.

    The August Coup
    Several men had reached their breaking points. It wasn't quite sure what the straw that broke each of their backs. Some had always hated the man. Some still nursed a grudge from the brutal suppression of ethnic minorities in the caucuses demanding new rights. The largest group cited the abandonment of East Germany and North China, sympathizing with the exiled Molotov. Some had cited the French coup as a sign that outreach to the West was always doomed. Some were just ambitious and figured any chaos was an opportunity to move up. Interestingly, some opposed intervention in the Indonesian conflict - while others believed that the leader in charge of it all was too "weak" to challenge the West and actually win the war. Finally, for some, what had happened in the Cypriot and Thracian genocides was the final straw, as almost anyone with experience with Soviet military expenditures realized that the USSR was covertly supporting Ultranationalist Turkey, something that deeply offended almost all of the crypto-Christians, especially ethnic Russians.

    There was no shortage of participants. Chief among them was Defense Minister Bulganin, who was widely seen by most Soviets as a simpering, doddering sycophant. Indeed, he was not a particularly ambitious man, but one of those many litanies of sins was his breaking point. Marshal Vasily Chuikov had many close friends in the People's Liberation Army in Northern China (ever since he had visited in the 1920's) and in the German People's Army (where he had served for almost a decade training), so he was the first on board. Marshal Dmitry Ustinov represented many angry bureaucrats who quite simply weren't a fan of trading with capitalistic countries, chief among them in Asia. Marshal Kirill Moskalenko just personally loathed the man in charge. Marshal Ivan Bagramyan, an ethnic Armenian, did not easily forgive the massacres of Catholic Armenians. Marshal Rodion Malinovsky was disgusted by the annihilation of Stockholm. Marshal Ivan Konev and Georgy Zhukov, although both forcibly retired, secretly lent their aid to the conspiracy. Outside of the "Georgian Mafia" marshals personally appointed by Beria, the only actual Soviet marshal of any standing to not join in the conspiracy was Marshal Andrei Grechko, who basically loved how much technology from the West Beria was showering onto the Red Army. Finally, the most important player may have been Aleksandr Vasilevsky, who seemed to be politically confused...and might have been part of the conspiracy. Or not.

    All things considered, the conspiracy had not gone off well at the start. Beria's MVD, which included under its umbrella both the NKVD as well as the sub-agencies normally found in an Internal Affairs ministry, remained basically loyal and had gotten wind of a plot against Beria, which was unsurprising given their sheer dominance over Soviet society. Although they had no idea how large the actual conspiracy was, they clearly knew one was coming. As a result, they had prepared ambushes and checkpoints across almost every street in Moscow, ready to basically catch any squads of soldiers sneaking into Moscow that they believed could try to kidnap or arrest Beria. They set up communication lines that would easily be able to inform other NKVD "Internal Troops", many of which had been pulled back from the provinces into Moscow itself. They were perfectly prepared for any infiltrators that might try to sneak into the capital or the Kremlin.

    They were entirely unprepared for hundreds of Soviet tanks to basically run over their barricades. They had expected small squads of the Soviet Army to try to apprehend Beria. They did not expect entire motorized divisions to be secretly diverted directly into the outskirts of Moscow, aided primarily by East German stasi agents who had more or less "leaked" fake documents to the NKVD about the Soviet troops returning from East Germany. Aided by both the East German and Polish militaries, those divisions had moved far far faster than an army with normal logistical needs could. And now, they were bulldozing NKVD checkpoints in Moscow. Generally, attempts by NKVD troops to fire upon Red Army armor....ended exceedingly poorly for those troops in question, who generally surrendered. The mood from Berlin to Warsaw to Bucharest to Harbin was jubilance as more and more reports indicated that NKVD troops...really couldn't do anything about this. The Red Army always knew they weren't ever going to surprise the NKVD, so the only way to beat them...was brute force.

    However, the NKVD had one last trick up their sleeve. Many of the lower-level soldiers defected, generally not wanting to die for what they saw was a lost cause, but most of the officers remained loyal realizing that a successful anti-Beria coup would probably lead to the abolishment of the NKVD. They had generally set up excellent communication lines across the entire city to warn of incoming squads. Instead, now they were quickly destroying radio towers before Red Army soldiers could get ahold of them. At this point, the "Committee for National Salvation" had promised amnesty to all officers, soldiers, and politicians, including quite aggressively, Beria himself (that being said, they generally did not intend to actually keep this last promise, given their widespread loathing of Beria). Beria, being updated on the spot that the Red Army was getting closer and closer, could have chosen to surrender. Indeed, the choice made on that night of August 8th, 1963, is often a subject of alternate histories. In general, the trope goes that had Beria simply surrendered on the spot, the Soviet Union would have developed into an orthodox Marxist-Leninist state, run by a junta of relatively apolitical generals who prioritized military self-defense and political stability. Presumably, the same outcome would have happened if Beria merely chose to try to rally the NKVD, given their total inability to resist the Red Army.

    Instead, the General-Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, made the kind of surprising gamble that only someone with their back to the wall - and their front to a firing squad (both literally and figuratively), would make, sending Soviet history careening in a direction that almost no observer in the West, or the Soviet Union itself, had predicted.
     
    Chapter 158 - Mare Nostrum, Electric Boogaloo
  • Mare Nostrum, Electric Boogaloo
    With the remnants of the South Greek Army either fleeing the burnt-out remnants of Athens or trapped on Crete, either surrendering or surrendered to the British Army, the future of the regime looked extremely dark. The British, generally deeming the situation in mainland Greece to be doomed, declared a rival government in Crete headed by the King of Greece, the 23-year old King Constantine II. In theory, the government headquartered in Heraklion realized that it would have to accept hundreds of thousands of refugees fleeing persecution either in Thrace or Cyprus, not to mention refugees fleeing Communism in Mainland Greece. However, in practice, the ports of Crete were already completely filled with British supply shipments, both to Greek POWs, British troops, and local residents, significantly lowering the amount of refugees that the island was originally expected to take.

    As flames consumed Athens and Communist forces slowly cleared South Greek resistance from the city, often taking revenge for the "White Terror" previously inflicted on social democrats and trade unionists throughout South Greece, anticommunist refugees flooded en masse into Peloponnese, which quickly began suffering serious supply problems as the small, rural region was unable to support the masses of refugees arriving. Whereas the "White Terror" had been incredibly broad in its reach (targeting far more than genuine Communists), the subsequent Red Terror was the same, targeting far more than genuine anticommunists. Moreover, to many, the cause of the refugees fleeing into the Peloponnese all seemed pointless anyways, as North Greek ships were preparing to assault the region from all sides, not merely from the Isthmus of Corinth that connected the peninsula to the rest of Greece. Although North Greece did not have a massive navy, it had one large enough to support an assault across the relatively small Gulf of Corinth, which seemed to doom the hopes of the vastly inferior and devastated South Greek Army. However, one nation in particular had a strong motivation to prevent South Greece from falling. Well, technically two nations - Beria would have preferred to have a bargaining chip to harass the Yugoslavs, but it wasn't really politically possible for the USSR to openly intervene against a Communist reunification of Mainland Greece. Indeed, a coup against Beria for being insufficiently committed to Communist geopolitical expansion was already in the works and would be sprung in August. Instead, a totally different nation had deeply negative relations with Yugoslavia - one that could actually openly intervene to prevent a Communist reunification of Greece.

    During the Three Years War, Italian forces had moved into disputed areas of Trieste, annexing the entirety of the former Free Territory of Trieste in exchange for Italian participation in the Three Years War on the side of Yugoslavia. However, when Italian troops pulled out of the Three Years War, essentially breaching their agreement with the Yugoslavs, British, and French, the Italians failed to actually evacuate any of those Croatian and Slovenian territories. As a result, Yugoslavia reasserted its claims to those territories immediately after the war, territories that the Italians were more or less unwilling to negotiate over. The irony was that Prime Minister La Pira was willing to negotiate over the territories - but when he tried to do so in 1961, his own Christian Democracy party revolted against him, forcing him to step down. Having only lasted six years, the desperate DCI-PSI coalition sought a figure that could keep the fractious coalition together - they eventually asked the incredibly popular Enrico Mattei, whose fame had rose in Italy due to his role as the leader of Italy's state-owned oil corporation, in which capacity he had pioneered Italo-Iranian cooperation in the aftermath of the failed anti-Mossadegh coup. The selection of the outsider Mattei was seen as a way to ensure that Italy would remain untouched by the Arab oil embargo, being formulated during the leadership selection process, that had been applied to most of the rest of Western Europe. Avoiding this embargo was seen as absolutely necessary by Christian Democracy party elites, because the Italian economy was severely trailing behind much of the rest of Western Europe (due to being an outcast from the EEC due to its overly independent foreign policy).

    Prime Minister Mattei took a hardline approach to Yugoslavia, which further poisoned cross-Adriatic relations. A failed assassination attempt against Mattei in 1962 was widely blamed by the public on both/either Yugoslavia and the United States, further poisoning international relations (modern archival documentation reveals that the assassination plot was actually French, though the Americans were aware of the attempt and did not actively stop it). After some more recriminations by both sides, the two nations ultimately even withdrew their ambassadors from each other. Although it was true that the Kremlin had contacted the Italian government to covertly promise technology transfer from the USSR to Italy (hilariously, much of this technology, albeit not all, was French in origin) and general covert support for the ruling Christian Democracy in exchange for Italian intervention, the Mattei government had already decided beforehand that something was to be done in response to both the Greek War and the genocides in Thrace and Cyprus.

    The Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs immediately called for a ceasefire in Greece citing "humanitarian disasters facing the Greek people", backing up their words with actual military action. Tens of thousands of Italian troops, with the permission of the remnants of the South Greek junta, landed in the Peloponnese, deploying immediately to the shores and land-bridge of Corinth. Although Italy did not have an incredibly mighty navy, it had a mightier navy than North Greece and Yugoslavia combined. A brief attempt for North Greece forces to probe the land-bridge of Corinth led to minor casualties on both sides before the North Greek government judged that they were not going to dislodge the Italians with force.

    A very tense showdown then took place between the Italian and Turkish navies, which regularly shadowed each other for several weeks. International observers generally predicted a war. Indeed, a attempt was made between Italy and the United Kingdom to jointly cooperate in a mission to retake Cyprus. However, the plan was shelved because in reconciliation talks between the Royalist South Greek government in Crete and the Junta South Greek government in the Peloponnese, the two sides were completely unable to agree and stormed out of the talks, jointly condemning the other as traitors, much to the consternation and surprise of both the Italians and British. As a result, the plan fell through and the Italians judged that they did not have sufficient naval power by themselves to actually retake either Cyprus or Thrace. As a result, tensions lessened when the Italian government informed the Turkish government that would "refuse to recognize Turkish aggression", but would not attempt to "change de facto military occupation through force." While the motivation for Italy was largely geopolitical (largely to prevent the expansion of Yugoslav influence), it was sold to the public and the world as a humanitarian mission, forcing the Italians to put their money where their mouth was. Italian ships took the lead in ferrying refugees from Thrace and Cyprus, either to the Peloponnese itself, and when the Peloponnese truly hit capacity, often to Italy itself, where large refugees camps sprung up across the South. While not as charitable in intent as advertised, the move did ultimately save tens of thousands of Greeks from possible starvation, disease, or worse.

    Although in paper, South Greece still existed, North Greece would end up containing somewhere around 80-85% of Greece's population. In practice, this did mean that the Yugoslav-aligned government of North Greece dominated Greece. To make the South Greece cause even worse, there were now two-competing South Greek governments, both of whom attacked the other as illegitimate puppets under either Italian or British occupation (depending on the government making the accusation). In public by Western bloc nations unwilling to recognize North Greece and unwilling to pick between the two South Greeces and their patrons, the two governments were generally referred to as Greek Patras and Greek Heraklion, with awkward not-ambassadors sent to each South Greek "provisional capital." On paper, the South Greek regime at Souda achieved one of the most remarkable military victories in modern history - on the other hand, it's hard to find an example of a victory that had gone so badly for its victors.
     
    Chapter 159 - Heart of Darkness, Electric Boogaloo
  • Heart of Darkness, Electric Boogaloo
    The protests of 1963 would be difficult to understand outside of the context of the largest major war waged by the Kennedy administration, the Congo War. Whereupon the Kennedy administration was able to largely extricate America out from wars in Venezuela, Oman, and Indonesia, the Congo represented a war that just would not end. The playbook that the administration took towards ending the war was similar to their tack in Oman, Indonesia, and Venezuela - find local anti-colonial leaders who were anti-communist and willing to play with the United States in order to boot out both the Europeans and the Communists. That strategy largely worked in Indonesia in particular, where the United States of Indonesia was run by an uneasy alliance of anticommunist military nationalists and Islamists that was closely allied to the United States.

    Indeed, a failed attempt to end the war was nearly brokered in 1961, when the leader of the Dominion of the Congo, Joseph Kasa-Vubu, directly met with his former friend and leader of the Free Republic of the Congo, Patricia Lumumba, met in the neutral city of Geneva in order to hash out compromise constitution that would have the Congo formally declare independence from Belgium as a republic (rather than a dominion) and federalize the nation, but retain "special connections" with the Kingdom of Belgium. However, the agreement was formally opposed by the King of Belgium, Leopold III, who had grown more stubborn after surviving a widespread leftist, anti-monarchy general strike paralyzing the nation in 1951, perhaps Belgium's largest spat of political violence in its history. King Leopold III in fact had only narrowly won a monarchy referendum in 1946 by around 5 points, emboldening a left that only grew stronger.[1] The Three Years War only exacerbated tensions in Belgium - radical leftist French intellectuals, including many radical trade unionists, often fled into Wallonia to escape the French secret police, increasingly radicalizing Wallonia's trade unions. In contrast, Flanders largely received refugees fleeing from Soviet-sparked violence, whether from Poland, Yugoslavia, or Finland, further radicalizing Flemish society in the other direction. With Flanders the center of Belgian monarchism, even the issue of Belgium's system of government became divisive.

    The Geneva conventions was only brought to an end not because an agreement was hammered out - but because a bomb in the signing room killed both Kasa-Vubu and Lumumba almost immediately, as well as several other top government leaders on both sides. A furious frenzy was launched to find the culprit, but it was at that moment when Kasa-Vubu's second-in-command, Moishe Tshombe, seized control of the capital with the help of Belgian troops, calling an end to the peace negotiations. Almost at the same time, Antoine Gizenga succeeded his former boss, and vowed vengeance against Belgium, claiming that Belgian special forces or at the very least royalist terrorists had masterminded the plot. The Americans furiously wanted to hunt down who was responsible to scuttling the peace negotiations and much to their surprise, they found out that the culprits were not actually Soviets hoping for a prolonged war. Indeed, the culprits seem to have communicated in French, suggesting that it was Belgium special forces operating under the orders of King Leopold III - a fact that caused outrage among Belgian and Congolese leftists. In reality, modern documentation reveals that the plot was probably actually not run by the Belgians - it was most likely run by French special services fearing that the "fall" of Congo would threaten the French hold on Equatorial Africa. The Belgians seizing control of the Congolese government was just them taking advantage of the situation.

    The war quickly exploded in all-out violence, with the United States possibly caught in the middle. On one hand, the United States was furious at the Belgians. On the other hands, Belgian planners successfully understood that with the Congolese Free Republic becoming increasingly Marxist in its orientation, the United States would have no choice but to essentially support them in their war unless they desired to see a socialist powerhouse in Central Africa. As a result, Kennedy massively scaled up the numbers of Americans on the ground in Congo, reaching 200,000 by the end of 1961 and 400,000 by 1962. Conscription began sending all kinds of Americans to the Congo, including black Americans. Interestingly, while most Black Americans were loyal to Kennedy and the Democratic Party, supporting the war in the Congo, an increasing number of young black men, predominantly those that served in the Congo, became increasingly radicalized.

    The American military was fully desegregated and most of the civil rights agenda had been implemented - however, many young black soldiers couldn't help but notice the often shocking lack of concern displayed by (almost entirely white) American officers towards Congolese civilian casualties that often dipped into casual racism. One future black radical recited that the moment that set him off on his new political path was hearing a commissioned officer comment, in the aftermath of an unintentional American mortar strike on a refugee column, that "at least there's fewer n*****s to feed now." Embittered returning veterans found a support system for radicalized, angry veterans - indeed, nuclear victims from the Three Years War still had failed to be compensated. The once ramshackle crew of angry veterans led by Socialist Marine Corps officer Robert Bork had developed into a sophisticated political organization, Veterans Against the Wars (VAW), with their supporters described as VAWpers, which welcomed disaffected African-Americans into their ranks.

    The Congo War was perhaps one of the most brutal wars in the Cold War - as both sides were so well-supplied. The Congo was simply too geographically large for the Allies to close off the route of supplies running into the region. For example, Marxist rebels in Egypt smuggled in weapons to help the Congolese Reds, causing the United States to respond with Operation Linebacker, a mass bombing of supply lines in Sudan from Anglo-American air force bases in Ethiopia, which became one of the highest recipients of Western military and economic aid due to the wars in both Egypt and the Congo. The results severely damaged the supply situation of the Congolese Reds, but caused mass civilian casualties in Sudan, outraging the local population against the Western powers (Britain had signed onto the bombings). Most of the killed were Christians in South Sudan, which drove even more Christians into the hands of the Communist Party of Egypt.

    Meanwhile, the Belgians had created their own problem in neighboring Rwanda and Burundi. In 1960, the Belgian colonial government had abolished the Tutsi monarchy in Rwanda, sparking mass pogroms against Tutsis by Hutu elites who once disfavored by Belgium, now became favored by Belgium. Tutsi elites, despite being favored by Belgium, had agitated for rapid independence in order to cement the Tutsi monarchy as a sovereign entity, which angered the Belgians enough to support Hutu elites instead. The pogroms forced hundreds of thousands of Tutsi refugees to flee to Congo and Burundi, something that then became impossible as the Congo exploded into its own gruesome civil war. Similarly, in order to defeat independence activists, Belgian special forces assassinated Crown Prince Louis Rwagasore, the popular leader of Burundi's only multiethnic political party, which had earlier won Burundi's local elections in a landslide. Most notably, Mwami Mwambutsa IV, the father of Prince Louis, refused to take the throne as the head of a new, Belgium-friendly independent Burundi, being convinced by the earlier assassination of Lumumba and Kasa-Vubu that the Belgians had to be behind his son's death.[2] Calling for vengeance, and radicalized by Hutu pogroms of Tutsis in Rwanda, the King of Burundi (a Tutsi) launched brutal reprisals against the Hutu majority. Casualties were massive - and he quickly became isolated internationally, with only tacit support from the Federation of Kenya as led by President Amin.

    Ironically as a result of the Congo War, Belgium ended up becoming the number one recipient of American foreign aid, alongside widespread American intervention in the war. Cognizant that excessive civilian casualties would endanger support for the war, the rebuilt Force Publique largely relied on native African soldiers, generally opting to only use troops from one side of the country to patrol a very different side of the country. Although this weakend the operational efficiency of Belgian troops and increased war crimes against locals, this meant that the Force Publique was largely loyal. The attempt of the Congolese Reds to spawn guerrilla movements in Belgian-controlled territory largely failed due to the fractured, tribal nature of Congolese society. To some Congolese, a distant tribe was just as foreign as the Belgians - and much poorer. As a result, the Congolese Reds quickly restored to conventional warfare, sending armed troops into Burundi and Rwanda to directly combat the Belgians there in hopes of pressuring their withdrawal from all of Congo.

    With the Congolese Reds largely in power in Eastern Congo, they weren't able to make any progress in gaining more territory in Congo in the face of overwhelming Belgian-American firepower superiority - moreover, they had to struggle to survive as Belgian gunboats sailed down the Congo River, wrecking havoc. The Congo was simply too large for either side to hold all of the territory, so the war was conducted almost entirely over control of the various rivers and waterways of the Congo. Although the Americans were properly supplied, both the Congolese Reds and the Force Publique lived like the armies of the Thirty Year Wars, plundering from the locals and driving endless villages into starvation. The war for the waterways between the Reds and Force Publique has also been compared to the struggle between the National Revolutionary Army and Imperial Japanese Army in the Second Sino-Japanese War - and indeed, lurid (and true) tales of atrocities from the Congo found their way on newspapers in the West. Immediately, strong parallels were drawn between the Congo War and the Joseph Conrad's Heart of Darkness. Indeed, academic interest in the history of the Belgian Congo and Leopold II vastly expanded until Leopold II was actually a figure that most educated Americans had heard of before. All of this hurt public support for the Congo War, as young radicals increasingly sympathized with the cause of Gizenga and the Congolese Reds.

    The Belgians were able to hold out in Rwanda and Burundi fairly effective, using superior air-power to decimate scattered bands of Reds, but in 1963, after Idi Amin's rise to power in Kenya, the Amin government increasingly fighting a low-intensity war with the Central African Federation decided to retaliate against the West by cutting off military access to Belgian supplies, a move followed by his tepid allies in the Kingdom of Buganda. Combining that development with Britain's concurrent meltdown in Tanzania, the supply situation of Belgian troops in Rwanda and Burundi quickly deteriorated, forcing the Americans and Belgians on the offense against the Congolese Reds in hopes of relieving those two regions. The 1963/1964 Winter Offensive in the Congo would become by far the bloodiest operation of the entire war...
    ---
    [1] OTL, he won by about 15%.
    [2] OTL, he accepted.
     
    Last edited:
    Chapter 160 - It's Springtime for Beria and the USSR
  • It's Springtime for Beria and the USSR

    Some historians have suggested that Beria's first response was to immediately contact the Soviet Strategic Missile Forces, but this was never an option simply because there was no target for any nuclear weapons except for Moscow (where the coup forces had converged), as none of the other cities in the Soviet Union were really involved in the August Coup. Although the detonation of nuclear weaponry in Moscow would end the coup and the Strategic Missile Forces were very loyal to Beria, largely because he had so generously funded them. Rumors floated that tactical nuclear strikes were floated as a possible anti-coup plan (Beria was aware that much of the Red Army loathed him and had made extensive plans for a coup), but that was likely not even a Plan C. Instead, Plan C was something very different, Beria needed a savior and he needed it now. Beria's biggest weapon was his control of the radio stations - arguably his only weapon - and regardless of the damage that certain promises could make to his regime, he saw it as a better idea than being put in front of a firing squad.

    In his radio address broadcasted to the nation, Beria called for the "completion of the scientific and technological revolution", whereupon "developed socialism" and the "scientific management of society" would coincide with the "mass democratic participation of the best and brightest in the Soviet Union." Rather than call out the excesses of the Stalin-Beria regime, Beria instead cleverly merely argued that the Soviet Union had progressed an even more developed form of socialism, allowing for a further change in policy direction without explicitly denouncing his own brutally oppressive policies. Pledging both a re-institution of collective leadership as well as a total shutdown of the gulag system, Beria made bold, albeit very desperate promises to the Soviet population, especially those in Moscow, promises that he hoped would encourage them to rise up against the military coup.

    In general, the reaction was muted. Most workers and soldiers in the Soviet Union generally didn't believe the brutal autocrat of the Soviet Union was a genuine reformer - even as he relented on old-school Stalinist central planning, secret police persecution in the Soviet Union had not weakened at any time during his reign. However, one group was exceedingly attentive to Beria's aims, as well as his general ideological tack of casting his agenda as both democratic and technocratic - namely, younger Soviets who had generally not-so-much memories of the Stalin era. Moscow had more universities than almost any city on Earth. In addition, the Class of 1964 was a very interesting group - namely they were students born in the middle of World War II, when Soviet fertility rates were unsurprisingly the lowest in the nation's history. As a result of the relatively small age cohort, the college students of Moscow in that time period were disproportionately from lower-class, working-class backgrounds, as well as disproportionately orphaned (at least their fathers, given the extremely high death toll of the Soviet Union in World War II). As a result, they were also unusually more radical than both their older and younger peers - and also unusually gutsy.

    Radical college students, joined by some number of workers from self-managed enterprises who feared that the coup would roll back their economic progress, barricaded the streets en masse against Soviet troops. Although some Red Army troops fired on the students (an estimated 300~ students were killed within the first day), the vast majority of soldiers and officers did not. Instead, a bizarre standoff took place in the streets of Moscow, as both sides continued fortifying their positions, blaring competing narratives on the radio. Whether or not he genuinely believed in any of these ideas, Beria's promises grew more aggressive in hopes of swaying other cities in the Soviet Union against the coup. At the very least, he had managed to keep most cities on the sideline. It was widely believed that Beria internally grimaced at the notion of more or less having to allow radical students access to his office in the Kremlin, but they had clearly become indispensable to his continued survival, political and otherwise.

    Quickly, several random personalities rose to prominent leadership positions among the students. Four quickly began to build competing power bases. First was Ruslan Khasbulatov, the 20-year old Chechen law student at Moscow State University, who was generally effective at summarizing the demands of rowdy students in a more sophisticated fashion. Second was the fiery Vladimir Zhironovsky, the 17-year old Moscow State freshman in the Turkish studies departments, who was known for his effective polemics in defense of Beria, despite the fact that Beria had literally deported his father during the Jewish persecutions, where he died on-route from frostbite in a cattle car. Third was the more contemplative Lyudmila Ulitskaya, a 22-year old genetics student and Jew from Bashkiria, who only escaped deportation because Soviet officials didn't bother to search Bashkiria for Jews and who very much represented the anti-authoritarian, more avant-garde wing of the students. Fourth was the 18-year old Viktor Anpilov, who quickly grew to be one of the most outspoken pro-Beria workers, which was no surprise because he was also training to be a member of the Beria-friendly Strategic Missile Force. Ironically, considering Beria's former policy regarding both Jews and other minorities, almost every single one of these leaders had a very strong idea to loathe Beria - and yet somehow, they rallied behind him, proof that politics can often create strange bedfellows. Most historians generally believe that Beria had no actual interest in "youthful student protest" and their cause, viewing them as instead only as a last-ditch tool to protect himself from the Red Army.

    However, the chaos in Moscow would soon spread. Known as the August Coup, the events were quickly renamed the August Days as the Red Army and pro-Beria students settled into a standoff. Even though Moscow didn't break out into bloodshed, the Soviet economy ground to a halt as shipments into Moscow ended, a major railhub in European Russia. Inspired by the chaos in Moscow, students in other parts of Russia took to the streets, especially in minority regions. The largest student protests were in regions that had never accepted Soviet rule, namely Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia (conquered during the World War II era). However, protests in Armenia and Azerbaijan also exploded, as well as Western Ukraine and Moldavia. Interestingly, students in the Karelo-Finnish SSR did not take to the streets, namely because the devastated SSR was under the tightest control of any SSR. Only Central Asia and Beria's native Georgia stayed calm. With Soviet troops heavily distracted by the standoff in Moscow and the chain of command totally shredded, the Red Army stood inert as chaos overwhelmed the streets of not only Soviet cities, but also as unrest challenged the Warsaw Pact states. The August Days would prove to be the greatest challenge to global Communism since the Nazi invasion.

    Rather than weld together a more cohesive nationstate, Beria-era terror only weakened the bonds of the Soviet Union, purging true believers of Communism who objected to his economic reforms, instead stacking the system with opportunists, a fact clearly picked up by both students supportive and opposed to the regime. In some cases, disillusioned Communists turned to ethnonationalism as an alternative ideology, leading to the student protests outside of Russia proper often being ethnonationalist in practice. The final blow to the Communist bloc took place when a unanimous vote of the Warsaw Pact, namely East Germany, Poland, Czechoslovakia, North China, Romania-Hungary, and Bulgaria-Macedonia (albeit they were the last to vote, only voting in a desire to not stand out) voted to recognize only the proposed military junta, otherwise expelling Beria's representatives from the Warsaw Pact. The desperate message to the Red Army was clear: massacre the Moscow protests and crush Beria, or a face an effective end to the Communist bloc.
     
    Chapter 161 - Coalition of Chaos
  • Coalition of Chaos
    Britain of course was not the only Westminister electoral system to see great strain on their governance. Multi-party governments also emerged outside of Great Britain itself.

    The Liberals had pulled off another victory in Canada in the 1957 elections after Prime Minister St. Laurent was convinced to run one final campaign. However, ailing in his late 70's, Prime Minister Laurent truly did not desire to continue in office. Resigning shortly after winning another term, Prime Minister Laurent was replaced with by C.D. Howe, one of the most influential ministers in the Canadian cabinet. During World War II, his influence spread so far, that he was nicknamed by both allies and enemies as the "Minister of Everything", founding both Air Canada and the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. At the time, the Liberal Party largely stood for close relations with the United States, free trade, and increased defense spending. Indeed, the Canadian government dramatically expanded investment in military development, including development of the Avro Arrow fighter-interceptor. To both fight inflation and pay for these military expenditures, social programs were not expanded and taxes actually went up. Tight monetary policy led to rising wealth for pensioners, but declining wealth and low investment for other Canadians, especially those in Quebec, one of the poorest provinces in Canada. The most controversial decision of the Howe government was to accept the stationing of CIM-10 Bomarc nuclear missiles in Canada. As Minister of Industry and Munitions during World War II, Howe had assiduously suppressed socialist worker unions (despite the USSR being an ally of Canada against Nazi Germany) and as Prime Minister, Howe was a committed anticommunist. Unlike St. Laurent, who liked to keep South Africa at arms length, Prime Minister Howe quickly became the most outspoken defender of South Africa's apartheid regime in the Commonwealth of Nations. In particular, he drew the enmity of New Zealand when he stood behind the South African refusal to allow Maori rugby players play in the nation.

    Eventually however, Prime Minister Howe, as a man who had served in government since 1935, simply died 25 years later of a heart-attack at the ripe old age of 74. He was replaced by his right-hand man, Walter Edward Harris, who had used heavy-handed tactics to ram both the Defense Procurement Act and the Trans-Canada pipelines through Parliament. Although very legislatively canny, Harris was simply not a popular candidate. Moreover, one of his rocks of support, Quebec, was wavering. Maurice Duplessis and the Union Nationale of Quebec had supported St. Laurent as a fellow anticommunist Quebecoise in the aftermath of the Three Years War. However, Maurice Duplessis died in 1959, his successor Paul Sauve died three months later, and his successor Antonio Barette then lost his election in 1960 to the Quebec Quebec Liberal Party or PLQ (which ironically had not been favored by the Liberal Party of Canada). The PLQ was set to nominate the popular Jean Lesage, but he was appointed to a higher position in the federal cabinet as a gift to the Union Nationale for siding with the Liberal Party in the 1957 elections. Instead, they chose Montreal Mayor Jean Drapeau. Drapeau unsurprisingly heavily favored Montreal and his former network for his supporters in the Parti Civique, which he quickly merged with the Quebec Liberal Party. Waging war directly against the Roman Catholic Church, Drapeau wrested healthcare and education from the church, placing them under state-control. Unionizing the civil service also ensured a left-wing bureaucracy, which was given the job of implementing various ambitious infrastructure projects in the rather undeveloped Canadian province. The Liberal Party quickly realigned to favor the PLQ, which caused quite a lot of ideological whiplash among many of its supporters. Nevertheless, the party retained its support in Quebec.

    Going into the 1962 elections, the Progressive Conservatives had nominated Donald Fleming, a former IMF banker who did little to connect with the Canadian heartland. The Co-Operative Commmonwealth Federation under M. J. Coldwell had performed quite well in 1957, allowing Coldwell to stay on for another term and veto a proposed merger with the Canadian Labour Congress to create a "New Party." The Social Credit Party was led by the Mormon Solon Earl Low, who was amusingly a former antisemite who ranted for years about "Jews in international finance", before becoming an avowed philosemite in the aftermath of the Beria's persecution of Jews. As a result, the former antisemite was ironically the most outspoken Canadian politician in favor of aid and support for Israel during the Syro-Israeli War, being the only opposition party leader to support the decision of the Liberal government to send troops to support the British in Jordan, Yemen, and Egypt. The Progressive Conservatives, generally understanding that the Liberal government was unpopular after 27 straight years in power, generally believed that the election was theirs to win. Much like the Republican Party in America, they had misjudged their political position.

    When the election was called, a tidal wave had swept across Canada. Maniacally campaigning against the austerity of the Howe-Harris administration, both the Social Credit Party and CCF reaped the rewards of an unpopular Liberal administration - in contrast to a PC party that largely failed to differentiate themselves from the unpopular policies of the unpopular Liberal government. The Social Credit Party had surged, primarily in Quebec, while the CCF had surged in British Columbia, Manitoba, and Saskatchewan. The PCs gained almost of their seats in Atlantic Canada, failing to ride the wave of anti-incumbency. Due to anti-incumbent sentiment, the CCF and Social Credit Party had already agreed before the election to support the creation of a PC government in case the Liberals fell below a majority. As a result, with supply and confidence from the CCF and SoCreds, the weakest minority government in Canadian history was formed, with only 69/265 seats.

    can.png


    However, the new government barely entered office when the coalition fell apart. The leader of the Social Credit Party, Solon Low, died in late 1962, sparking a ferocious leadership clash for the SoCreds, who had both a strong Alberta (and Francophobic) wing led by Alberta Premier Ernest Manning as well as a strong Quebec wing led by Real Caouette. The death of Low sparked a furious leadership election between Robert Thompson (Manning's protege) and Real Caouette, which broke down along linguistic lines. As a result of the recent electoral surge in Quebec, Caouette won handily, outraging Ernest Manning. Manning, also fearing that the PCs were moving too far to the left on social issues under the moderate Donald Fleming helped organize dissident Western SoCreds to merge with the Progressive Conservatives. Desperate PCs, reeling after a disappointing election, were ready to play ball. As a result, in early 1963, all ten members of the Social Credit Party outside of Quebec left the party, joining the PCs. This was a mistake.

    The remaining 37 SoCreds, outraged at this act, terminated their confidence agreement with the PCs. The Liberal Party, under Lester Pearson, who had a few years ago lost the election to be the UN General Secretary, was eager for a rematch. Calling a motion of no confidence, the SoCreds joined them, causing the government to fall in a 126-139 vote. Canada was off to another election. The PC minority government was able to pass a few policies, but not many - their largest piece of legislation was a bill compensating 50% of provincial costs for establishing universal healthcare systems, something that pleased both PC and CCF premiers. Fleming attempted to squash both the PCs and CCF, but his moderate persona was in many ways marred by associations with Ernest Manning, generally pleasing no one. The results were another political shockwave. Lester Pearson spent his time campaigning against a "coalition of chaos." It didn't actually work. The CCF largely spent its time campaigning against Canadian involvement in Great Britain's Middle East wars. This struck a nerve, especially as the PCs promised a drawdown of the war...and then proceeded not to actually draw them down.

    Ultimately, the CCF swept Western Canada (sans Alberta) and this time broke into Northern Ontario, filled with left-wing industrial towns. The PCs lost almost all of their seats outside of Atlantic Canada and Alberta, while the SoCreds built on their majority in Quebec. Immediately, the SoCreds agreed to province confidence and supply to a CCF minority government, especially because the SoCreds didn't actually want to have the job of forming a government. The PC government was completely split between Atlantic Canadians who wanted to give them supply - and Albertans who wanted another election. In a great shock for the party, despite a whip to vote yes, Ernest Manning ordered the MPs in Alberta to vote no, and they did. The PCs generally didn't want an election so close to the their upcoming leadership election, as Donald Fleming had immediately resigned as a result of the poor showing.

    can2.png


    Much to the consternation of NATO, Coldwell's first act as Prime Minister was announce the departure of Canadian troops from the Middle East and an open door for refugees (disproportionately Greek) fleeing from the wars in the Mediterranean, which was seen as a sign that Canada was not going to be involved in colonial wars. The election of Coldwell was also a huge injection in the arm for Americans planning a March on Washington, as the election of a third-party left-winger in Canada seemed to dramatically boost the moods of Americans who fantasized a similar outcome in America and largely did not understand the differences between the two electoral systems.
     
    Last edited:
    Chapter 162 - The Rajaji Era
  • The Rajaji Era
    The Rajaji Era saw unprecedented economic growth for India. Elected with a near-majority and what seemed like a mandate, the Rajaji government eagerly dismantled what he disdained as the "License Raj". Although most welfare programs were left untouched, the Republic of India rapidly standardized taxation, broke down trade barriers between Indian states, standardized government procedures, and most importantly of all, liberalized labour regulations, which were a huge albatross on the Indian economy, not because Iabour regulations were inherently economically deleterious, but because the postcolonial Indian state had no state capacity ability to fairly and uniformly enforce such regulations, leading to very efficient and inconsistent regulations that hamstringed the Indian economy. However, rising prosperity did not make people happy.

    Centralizing reforms passed by the government were justified by economic growth - but they were wildly unpopular, especially from ethnic groups that chafed as protectionist barriers within India were limited by order from the capital. Not only that, but many Southern Indians were outraged by the imposition of Hindi education on the South, which overwhelmingly did not even speak languages related to Hindi. Dravidian languages like Tamil, Kannada, or Telugu, were in a completely different language family from the Indo-European family. In protest, many southern Indian members of the ruling INC defected to join new regionalist parties, which were determined to push for more regional autonomy and to defeat the Hindi-only policies of the government. The policies weren't actually Hindi-only since English was also usually acceptable in say for example, college entrance exams, but they still angered many people.

    Similarly, the Left was greatly outraged by the Rajaji administration. Although his economic liberalization was resented, they actually quickly found an alternative scheme to criticize the government - the "New Education Scheme", which allowed Indian children to supplement their education with at-home training. On one hand, this was actually pretty efficient (much like its original proponent, Mahatma Gandhi, had suggested) because Indian public schools were wildly underfunded and poorly run due to lack of state capacity, leading to an actual significant acceleration in the literacy rate. However, this was also unpopular because it was seen as formalizing social and caste inequality, because children as a result were primarily given vocational training in what their parents did for a living. This drew disdain from Indian intellectuals, who quickly called the scheme feudal and backwards. When Ambedkar's Republican Party (pushing caste equality) dissolved in the wake of Ambedkar's death, most of the members joined Menon's INC.

    A burgeoning Hindu nationalist movement was also outraged by the "de jure" independence of Kashmir, while a burgeoning Islamist movement in the Kingdom of Kashmir and Jammu was outraged that Kashmiri Pandits (Hindus) controlled most government posts (while India at the same time controlled all foreign and defense affairs). Indian police and soldiers pretty much spent every week beating off Hindu nationalist protesters who attempted to enter Kashmir to protest the de jure independence of the kingdom - while Kashmiri secret police mercilessly hunted down Islamists who protested the fact that Kashmiri independence was only de jure. The Indian police were far more restrained than the harsh Kashmiri police, but they often did still get into incidents, outraging Hindu nationalists. The execution of Savarkar, the famous Hindu nationalist theorist, on charges of being involved in the assassination of Nehru did nothing to weaken Hindu nationalists, who rallied behind their martyr.

    The ideological split between the Rajaji wing of the INC and the Menon wing of the INC only further worsened after each ideological "heresy" of Rajaji's INC. The party split seemed more or less permanent - especially as Rajaji quickly bonded with J.B. Kripalani, the leader of the Socialists (PSP) over shared hatred of Menon. Finally, they agreed on one major reform that outraged traditionalists, pushing the two men closer together. The Hindu Marriage Act passed under Nehru included a section that allowed individuals to petition for a "Restitution of Conjugal Rights", inherited from English law. [] In theory, a spouse that refused to live with the moving party for no reasonable cause could be compelled to live with the spouse. In practice, it was believed that this would be deployed against deadbeat dads who were unable to properly acquire a divorce. However, in practice, due to extremely low female literacy rates and the paucity of legal representation in a developing nation, men seeking divorces were far more likely to succeed. As a result, the motion was typically deployed by abusive husbands against illiterate women who due to their illiteracy, failed to properly acquire a divorce and thus failed to resist the legal motion. Kripalani found the phenomenon repulsive and when the topic was broached with Rajaji - he agreed to repeal the provision. The reform was loathed by Indian traditionalists and only passed due to crossover support from the Indian Communist Party.

    All of these issues came to a head in 1962, when India returned to the polls. The INC, realizing that the elections might go very badly for them despite neck-breaking levels of economic growth, quickly formalized a partial agreement to not contest almost 100 seats against each other, chiefly seats where Menon's INC had come in second to either the Socialists or Rajaji's INC. The results were on paper a castrophe for Rajaji. The party had hemmoraged support in almost every possible direction, losing over a hundred MPs (several independent MPs had joined during Rajaji's administration). The beneficiaries...were everyone else. The Hindu nationalists gained. Menon gained. The Socialists gained. Most devastatingly, one regional party in particular had a huge breakthrough, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), a Tamil regionalist party in Madras swept every single seat in Madras. By agreeing to support regional autonomy for Kerala and West Bengal, the Communists surged in both. The only saving grace was that the INC-PSP alliance had actually managed to save a significant amount of INC seats.

    fjzIK5h.png


    Rajaji planned on resigning as a result of the catastrophe, but Kripalani, who led the Socialists, offered to give the INC a confidence and supply motion. However, that was still insufficient for a majority - that was only 223 seats and 248 seats would be required. Intense bargaining broke out between the INC and the DMK, and even though the INC offered to heavily relax the Hindi language requirements, they refused to completely end them, creating an impasse. This impasse would be broken by something very surprising - foreign affairs.

    In 1956, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party won a convincing victory in Ceylon's parliamentary election, putting the left-wing Sinhalese nationalist, S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, in charge. The defining issue of the election was language - the official language of Ceylon was English. The Tamil parties wished to keep it English, the Communist Parties hoped to make Tamil and Sinhalese joint official languages, and the left-wing Freedom Party wanted only Sinhalese, and the right-wing Nationals flip-flopped, generally confusing everyone. Being told that any cooperation with the Communists would terminate all Western aid to Ceylon, Bandaranaike told the West to sod off, figuring they were too distracted by the Three Years War to intervene. The new government implemented radical land reform and nationalization policies with the support of the Communists, before unceremoniously dumping the Communists and passing the Sinhalese Only Act, which quickly led to the Communists leaving the government and ethnic violence to explode, including a massive pogrom of Tamils in 1958 where the police were ordered to stand out, poisoning ethnic relations in Ceylon. Bandaranaike was horrified by this and immediately met with Tamil leader Chelvanayakam, where the two agreed to make Sinhalese and Tamil co-official languages, while also repealing the 1948 laws that deprived all Tamils of citizenship if they could not prove their grandparents were born in Ceylon (this was about half of Tamils).

    Bandaranaike was a fierce supporter of other anti-colonial nations like Iran and Egypt, offering key logistical support to the Iranians to help circumvent the oil embargo. Finally, his former alliance with the Communists infuriated the West, especially after he evicted the British Naval Base from Ceylon during the Three Years War when he was sure they couldn't retaliate. They sought to retaliate now. A car bomb, in a joint Anglo-American operation, attempted to sabotage the peace agreement by blowing up both major participants. However, only the Tamil leader was killed, while Bandaranaike was only partly wounded. In rage at this "perfidy", a Tamil nationalist assassinated Bandaranaike in 1960, just before the elections. With no time to change names, the Freedom Party decided to capitalize on his support by nominating as their leader his popular widow, Sirimavo Bandaranaike. The Freedom Party won a thumping victory both due to the assassination creating sympathy and many Tamil neighborhoods being burned down in retaliatory riots (both sides were engaging in ethnic violence, but there were more Sinhalese, so the Tamil neighborhoods took more damage).

    The country continued to sink into ethnic conflict as the female Bandaranaike was far far less conciliatory than her husband. Rapidly expanding the speed of Soviet weapons acquisitions and nationalizations in hopes of outflanking the Tamils, who tended to be the established elites, the Ceylonese government sought to equalize incomes by implementing a wealth tax and redistributing land. In many cases, the civil service was dominated by urban, Christian Tamils, who were favored by the British administration (which is why the Tamil parties sought to keep English as the national language, not even Tamil). Bandaranaike deepened relations with the Socialist bloc, including Syria, Iran, North China, North Japan, Korea, Burma, Cambodia, Red Laos, East Indonesia, and Pakistan, further alarming the West. Finally, when the Bandaranaike announced retirements in the Ceylonese Army, many elements noted that most of the retired officers were Tamil elites - and the new officers were young, left-wing Sinhalese officers. A red line had been crossed, further inflamed by the government violently cracking down on peaceful protestors.

    In late February, 1962, a group of Christian Tamil colonels led by Fredrick de Saram made their move. However, the nephew of the Prime Minister, Felix Dias Bandaranaike, quickly caught wind of the plot and was able to foil their attempt to kidnap almost the entire Ceylonese cabinet. Only kidnapping a few, the coup planners nevertheless refused to give up as they were assured by foreign intelligence agencies (once again, the United States and Great Britain) that they would receive total Western support if they held out. The colonels quickly seized control of a few radio stations, broadcasting across the nation and calling on Tamils to rise up. Tamils generally did not (the vast majority of Tamils were Hindus with some Muslims and not super interested in a coup by Tamil Christians), but Felix Bandaranaike nevertheless led a pre-preemptive crackdown on Tamil neighborhoods just in case, that quickly exploded into violent anti-Tamil pogroms.[2] As a last-ditch attempt, the colonels declared that John Kotelawala, the former center-right Prime Minister from the more moderate (on ethnic issues) who was defeated by the assassinated Bandaranaike in 1956, would serve as the new Prime Minister of a "national unity government." One official that sided with the coup was Governor General Oliver Ernest Goonetilleke, who ordered the Bandaranaike dissolved and appointed Kotelawala the new Prime Minister - an order that the vast majority of the Ceylonese Army did not follow.

    The DMK in India was outraged. With the United Kingdom grossly overstretched, the UK was never going to do anything about this. As a result, tripartite meetings between CIA, MI6, and DMK officials agreed on a joint plan - the DMK would be well-funded and would be able to grease the palms of INC and Socialist officials to get a meeting with Rajaji - who would be promised DMK support (which guaranteed him a safe majority of the seats) and generous Western military funding if India was to support the new government through a military intervention. Rajaji, after extracting some additional concessions out of the West, agreed. The Indian military was much stronger than it was even in 1949 when it utterly defeated the Pakistanis - the perception that Pakistan was a rising military power led Indian generals to believe that they could intimidate the Pakistanis into peaceful coexistence by using all of their new modern weaponry in Ceylon, led by an officer corps that had received extensive instruction from both the UK and America. On March 1st, 1962, the Republic of India officially recognized the regime of Frederick de Saram, hiding out in an outpost in Colombo, as the legitimate government of Ceylon. With Anglo-American support, Indian troops were ferried across the waters as the new Indian Air Force began bombing strategic targets. The Indian invasion of Ceylon had begun.
    ---
    [1] This is OTL.
    [2] Goes slightly better than the OTL coup - but not much better. Basically still fails.
     
    Last edited:
    Chapter 163 - Beria Touches the Stars Again
  • Beria Touches the Stars Again
    One of the immediate outcomes of the end of World War II was the immediate unemployment of a variety of German scientists, especially those who worked on "wunderwaffe" weapons such as the V2 Rocket. In general, the United States was not particularly interested in employing them. Indeed, when the OSS and Army Counterintelligence Corps, proposed the idea to the Executive Office of the President, President Wallace explicitly vetoed the proposal, viewing it as an unjust early end to Denazification. Although Wallace was on the forefront of advocating additional humanitarian aid to Germany, he was rather skeptical of those in the US government who wanted to quicken the pace of Denazification in order for the West to employ useful ex-Nazis. One ex-member of the Nazi Party was German scientist Werner von Braun, who the Soviets had demanded repatriation from West Germany to stand trial in the Soviet Union for his possible use of Soviet POWs as slave labor. President Wallace okayed the expatriation of von Braun to the Soviet Union, where he was quickly given a show trial...and much to his surprise (he had expected execution) was given a slap on his wrist and told by Laventry Beria's NKVD to work on Soviet rocketry.

    That being said, the ex-members of the German V2 program who worked under Wernher von Braun viewed the American actions as a betrayal. The attempts of the Americans to recruit the other members of his team failed - eventually, most of them were recruited most interestingly by the French government, which put them to work on what would eventually become the Asterix satellite, the satellite that famously beat to the Soviet Sputnik to space by a week. Much to the chagrin of Beria, the Soviet space program was remarkably underfunded under Stalin's government simply because he viewed it as not a pressing issue, forcing Beria to directly divert funding from the NKVD to the Soviet space program, which was greatly limited. The secret assassination of Stalin put Beria in controls of the financial levers, enough to guarantee the Soviet space program as much funding as they needed, a huge windfall for Soviet scientists like Sergei Korolev and Wernher von Braun (who was technically now an East German citizen). Von Braun for his part, seemingly remorseful for the Nazi-era atrocities he had been somewhat complicit (he was essentially a knowing bystander to, though not a participant in, the Holocaust) threw himself into ideological Communism.[1] This was also a part of the reflection that although the Soviet Space program only received funding by being placed under the Strategic Rocket Forces, directly under NKVD supervision. That being said, Beria wanted results more than anything else - and generally gave total control to Korolev and von Braun - which helped prevent conflict between Korolev and many of his subordinates that might have caused delays.[2]

    The Soviet funding burst was not really enough to leapfrog the Americans or even French - as the Soviet Union had fallen significantly behind on rocket technology between 1945-1954, launching Sputnik only in 1959, after the Americans launched Explorer in 1957 and the French Asterix in 1959. Indeed, the Soviets were once again beaten to space by the United States, when NASA once again outshined the Soviets by sending the first man into space, Alan Shephard, in late 1960 as part of Project Mercury, less than a year after the Soviets launched Sputnik. At this point, the Soviet space program among other scientific endeavors was eating up a ludicrous percentage of the Soviet budget as the Soviets sought to go even faster. In January of 1961, only two months after the America Mercury launch, the Soviet cosmonaut Yuri Gagarin became the second human to journey into Outer Space, merely a week before John Glenn became the first man to orbit the moon. The Soviets though, having lost both the satellite race and the race to put a man in space and in orbit, more or less decided to go for a different prize.

    Von Braun's addition to the Soviet space team, despite generally speeding things up, was to work on rocket technology in the Soyuz project, scrapping a proposal to create an intermediary programme that would succeed the Vostok project that put Gagarin in space. Indeed, immediately after Gagarin's journey into space, the Soviet team immediately moved onto the Soyuz project, working primarily to make re-entry possible. In general, it was understood that the Soyuz programme was ready for launch in 1963. Korolev had strongly pushed for a woman to be the launch candidate, going out of his way to recruit Valentina Tereshkova, an amateur skydiver, who would work alongsides Vladimir Komarov and Valery Bykovsky (a planned three-man flight). The flight was planned for early August, but was briefly delayed by Beria right before the August coup.

    Indeed, the launch was delayed throughout almost the entire August Days, as protesters and military officers stood across from each other. By the end, the Red Army put forward an ultimatum that the students evacuate the streets by September 2nd. As a result, Beria immediately ordered the Strategic Rocket Forces and NKVD to commence the mission on September 1. By mid-day, the Soviet Soyuz I enraptured an entire world and nation, which was amazed that the Soviet Union was planning on making history despite a literal armed standoff in the capital. By this point, protesters had stormed many of the capitals of the Soviet Republic, calling for national liberation, especially in the Baltic States, as the economic situation had been deteriorating. Amazingly, even in this circumstance, the NKVD had enough resources saved up to initiate a space launch. Finally, much to the shock of the rest of the world which had expected the launch to merely be an orbit of the Earth like the American flight, Soviet cosmonauts orbited the moon instead - and then to the further surprise of the Americans, launched a landing craft on the moon itself.

    President John F. Kennedy, shortly after the 1959 launch of the Sputnik, had promised to put the first man on the moon. Almost certainly to intentionally tweak the Americans, the Soviets had selected Tereshkova to be the first cosmonaut to walk on the moon, even though the more experienced Komarov and Bykovsky were essentially her seniors, just so Soviet state broadcasts could gleefully brag that "the American President still had 11 minutes to keep his promise after Tereshkova's first step onto the Moon." Komarov and Bykovsky soon followed her onto the moon, helping plant the Soviet flag onto the Moon, in a broadcast seen and heard by almost the entire Soviet Union and world.

    The Soviet moon landing gave the wavering protesters far far more backbone, giving great pause to the Red Army, who saw that the students now fully believed that Beria's agenda of "scientifically developed socialism" had triumphed. Seeing an opportunity, Beria was able to get the students to draft an ultimatum of their own. Although he personally didn't really intend on keeping his word (Beria had prepared orders to the NKVD, telling them to eliminate the students once Moscow was settled again), the offer was remarkably conciliatory, offering amnesty to almost all coup planners if they were to lay down their arms, as well as promising a restoration of collective leadership with Beria as only "first among equals", including reference to "Soviet democracy." As the Soviet Union held its breath...on September 2nd, the drop dead date of the original referendum - the Red Army accepted.
    ---
    [1] OTL, he threw himself into devout Christianity.
    [2] OTL delays.
     
    Chapter 164 - Chiang Unleashed
  • Chiang Unleashed
    Perhaps one of the biggest surprises in Chinese history was when Chiang Kai-Shek willingly vacated the Chinese presidency after his designated successors (well, both of them) were essentially defeated by a dark horse third candidate that he clearly did not favor. Speculation had abounded, even among some of his allies, that the meticulous control freak was not simply about to let go of the reigns of power. Although this tendency had greatly served him in many circumstances (such as allowing his meticulous planning of the Northern Expedition to succeed and allowing him to overrule less competent subordinates in the Eight Years War against Japan), in the Three Years War, this tendency came under significant criticism after Chiang overruled subordinates who didn't want to commit the garrison in Zhangjiakou, the Northwestern entrance into Beijing, into the offensive in Rehe and towards Liaoning. This decision almost doomed the Republic of China, allowing the PLA to cut off both American and South Chinese forces in the Liao River by attacking through Zhangjiakou, nearly overrunning Beijing before the final stand of South Chinese troops at the Marco Polo Bridge and the atomic bombing of Mukden that de facto ended the Three Years War. Later, this tendency actually served him very well in masterminding famine relief efforts against the Great Chinese Famine, but despite his efforts, an estimated 4-6 million Chinese died in the famine, still tarnishing his legacy.[1] The defeat of his proteges in 1960 had been made only possible because of his public image had been so damaged by these two incidents. As a result, in 1960, upon vacating the Office of President, Chiang Kai-Shek declared his total retirement from politics. Many old warlords had transitioned into being local politicians - but Chiang, away from local governance for so long (as a national leader), didn't view it as neccesary to do the same - especially as his native Zhejiang was still dominated by his close friends in the Chen family (such as Governor Chen Lifu).

    Chiang in retirement more or less spent his time writing his memoirs (which he fiercely believed would set the record straight and vindicate his record), while trying out various hobbies generally associated with elderly Chinese people, from Go to Xiangqi to Tai Chi to gardening. He didn't particularly take to any hobby, being at heart a military man who fiercely wanted the rigor and routine of military-political life back. Finally, Chiang was persuaded by an old friend from abroad - another now retired former national leader of World War II, Winston Churchill. Churchill and Chiang shared a hostile outlook towards the Soviet Union and towards Laventry Beria himself, having become acutely acquainted (negatively) with the man during World War II. Among retiring in 1963, Churchill decided to travel the world to "rekindle his old fire", namely by visiting places and people he had worked with before in the past. Chiang warmly received him. The conversation at the meeting wouldn't be revealed for years (it mostly was two old men grousing about the "Three Power Conference" between Laventry Beria, Sun Fo, and Charles De Gaulle - but at the end of the conversation, Chiang Kai-Shek announced to a surprised China that he had decided to come out of retirement, by running for just a normal seat in the Legislative Yuan in his hometown on the outskirts of Ningbo, Zhejiang, denouncing the results of the Three Power Conference as the "greatest act of Chinese perfidy since the defection of Wu Sangui."

    The first three years of the Sun administration were modestly productive. With the KMT in total shambles and infighting rampant, the Legislative Yuan was not a particularly relevant branch of government, being easily bought off by Sun allies. If anything, the biggest annoyance to President Sun was actually the Judicial Yuan, stacked with KMT loyalist judges who had a tendency of interpreting the Constitution in aggressive ways that President Sun did not like. However, the Examination Yuan was reasonably sympathetic to President Sun - and due to their tendency of being able to directly impact the quality of life of judges, the judiciary quickly settled into mutually coexistence with the President. Ironically, the dislike of many Chiang stalwarts towards President Sun would actually help him - because the Control Yuan was much more intolerant towards acts of corruption by officials in the Sun Administration - which led to many more corrupt officials actually being weeded out and thus a surprisingly non-corrupt administration. Land reform, which languished in the Legislative Yuan under the Chiang presidency (he supported the initiative, but didn't make it a priority), was quickly approved, nudging absentee landlords to sell their land (at low prices) to rural peasants in exchange for equity in several state-owned industries. Many unpopular wartime era policies, such as bans on curfews and large public gatherings, were also repealed, alongside the entire agency dedicated towards censoring political publications. Although some laws remained on the books (it remained illegal to operate a Communist Party or express support for the regime north of the wall), there was no longer any actual agency dedicated to this task. The most controversial but clever reform of the Sun presidency was to allow the Joint College Entrance Examination (JCEE - South China's national college entrance exam) to be taken in multiple approved languages, some Sinic such as as Wu (Shanghainese), Fujianese/Taiwanese, and Yue (Cantonese), but others non-Sinic, such as Zhuang, Miao (Hmong), and Tibetan. This was politically clever because this further divided Chiang loyalists in the KMT, which was the strongest in these regions. Most Chiang loyalists denounced the reforms...but some quietly approved of it just because of their own grandchildren. Interestingly, the North Chinese used this for propaganda purposes, namely because excluding Uighur, the largest minority languages of the North (Manchu, Mongol, Korean, Russian, and Japanese) were not included due to not being "languages of foreign nations." One reason for the power of the President was structural: in a reverse from most other nations, the President of China issues a budget that the Legislative Yuan can essentially line-item veto (the opposite of how most presidential systems are set up) - this gave the President great power in basically threatening to cut off pork-barrel spending to uncooperative LY members.

    However, the hopelessly divided Chiang loyalists quickly reformed themselves once Chiang Kai-Shek himself reentered the political fray. Hilariously, he had aimed to take Sun Fo's old job (Sun was Speaker of the Legislative Yuan when he was elected as President). In the 1963 April midterms, Chiang sought a full takeover of a Kuomintang independent of the office of the President. With massive land stock holdings all across China, the Kuomintang was the wealthiest political party on Earth. Early Kuomintang officials openly fantasized of reforming China into a "Leninist party-state" under the KMT, an idea that largely failed because the KMT was too internally divided, ideologically amorphous, and beholden to local interests that didn't care about ideology either way around. Sun was definitely an outsider, but for example, many KMT local governors weren't really willing to stick their necks out to defeat him. That being said, KMT-loyalist governors lent their support to Chiang, not through direct voter fraud, but often through heavily motivated voting (mostly promising pork-barrel spending to vote for Chiang loyalists). And Chiang-neutral KMT governors generally didn't do anything either way, which still meant Chiang-aligned candidates would win most of the time just to their superior financial resources.

    The results were a landslide. Chiang loyalists won almost every region in the country. Interestingly, the results weren't very regionally divided because Chiang loyalists more or less won everywhere, although they generally won in rural areas in Southern China by much more, monopolizing almost all of those LY seats. In the end, Chiang-loyalist KMT members won 62% of the seats, Chiang-neutral KMT members won 8% of the seats, Sun-aligned KMT members won 16%, independents 9%, and disqualified candidates (for being suspected socialists or associates of Li Zongren, still in exile) 4%. The results were a harbinger of Chiang loyalists winning all kind of party positions in internal KMT elections. This quickly led to the one of the most dramatic moments of Chinese political history.

    President Sun had rushed the Legislative Yuan's ratification of the Soviet-South Chinese-French "Entente Cordiale" (a set of joint declarations that essentially formalized the conclusions of the Three Power Conference) right before the 1963 midterm elections in April. One of Speaker Chiang's first acts was to pass a resolution attempting to revoke the Legislative Yuan's approval of the treaty. Much to his outrage, the Judicial Yuan, although filled with Chiang-friendly jurists, narrowly held that the Constitution of the Republic of China did not allow the Legislative Yuan to revoke its approval of already ratified treaties (putting South China in line with almost all other Presidential Republics). Despite the fact that President Sun's father, Sun Yatsen, had founded the Kuomintang, Chiang had finally lost his patience. In August of 1963, the KMT Executive Committee, with only vote against, passed a resolution expelling President Sun from the Kuomintang. With over two-thirds of the Legislative Yuan arrayed against him, many Chiang stalwarts believed this would lead to the end of Sun's presidency. Instead, with the failure of the August Coup, Sun's position had been further strengthen, and Sun loyalists merely followed him out of the KMT, forming the Chinese People's Party (中華民眾黨) to support the now non-partisan President of the Republic of China. Almost overnight, the Republic of China had actually developed something resembling a two-party system, more or less in the same month when Soviet politics had also changed forever.
    ---
    [?] Yes, the title is a reference to "Unleash Chiang", a term which led to the "Sword of Chang", perhaps the funniest political anecdote in American history. Bush was former Ambassador to the PRC when Taiwan was still seriously considering the rather aggressive plan of re-invading of the Mainland China, sometimes referred to as "unleashing Chiang." GHWB would use the term "Unleash Chiang" whenever he would do something aggressive/badass/etc. The actual origin was lost in translation, so when Governor Jeb Bush gifted a family heirloom (a gifted sword from Chiang Kai-Shek) to a the new House Speaker, Marco Rubio, he referred to it as the "Sword of Chang", Chang being a "mystical warrior" for "conservative principles" and "entrepreneurial capitalism." In the 2016 GOP primary, some commentators suggested that Jeb Bush doomed his political future when he gave away the Sword of Chang. However, we all know the real truth is that it was actually the Holy Lance, imbued with the power of the Antichrist.
    [1] More or less around 1/5th the death toll of the OTL Great Leap Forward.
     
    Chapter 165 - The European Union
  • The European Union

    The new Prime Minister France, Jacques Soustelle, backed up by the putchists, openly mourned the death of Charles de Gaulle in the "tragic accident" that claimed his life. Although Soustelle argued that he would be "accelerating Gaullism", he immediately repudiated the Tehran Accords that had already been signed by the Soviet Union and Republic of China, most of Europe immediately cheered the new French government, unpopular at home it was. Most delighted were the West Germans.

    Along with Italy, West Germany was the second largest economy in Europe not involved in the grotesquely destructive Three Years War, bringing with it a massive economic boom as West Germany exported machinery to power the war machines of the rest of Western Europe. Unlike the largest economy, Italy, West Germany was admitted as an EEC member in good standing, giving it easy export markets in the rest of Western Europe. Although the West German economy had been somewhat disappointing in the 1949-1956 period due to greatly strained Franco-German relations, the economy quickly recovered at a rapid pace under the National Front government. However, this was unable to erase the deep unpopularity of the West German government. The left loathed Achenbach, especially after his connections to ex-Nazis and involvement in the Holocaust was revealed shortly after he began his tenure (he refused to resign). The right wasn't enamored, especially after Achenbach had allowed the Saar Republic to leave without a fight (Achenbach had the sense to realize that a fight with France wasn't really winnable). Interestingly, his belief that the Saar was nowhere as economically important as the French believed was generally proven correct -as the West German economy continued to soar even without the Saarland. In the process, Achenbach more or less created a precedent of outsourcing almost all major military decisions to the Bundestag itself, which was allowed to establish military-to-military relations with other European armies without civilian oversight. Although with...some sympathies to the past regime (West German textbooks were infamously whitewashed in those five years), Achenbach otherwise governed as a very typical Europeanist right-wing liberal. Going in the 1962 elections, Achenbach was deeply unpopular - a fact that boomeranged on him when to the shock of Europe, the "Coalition" (the term quickly given in West Germany to the nearly permanent alliance between the National Front, CDU, and CSU) lost their majority, plummeting from 60% of the popular vote and 74% of seats - to 41% of the popular vote and 48% of the seats.

    The Social Democrats notably had 50% of the popular vote and 46% of the seats, which caused the party to push its leader, Willi Birkelbach, to be nominated Chancellor. The SPD had notably grown much more radical in the last few years, as former Chancellor Wehner was even made persona non grata after he sided with SPD members who called for "reform capitalism" instead of nationalizations. Ironically, most Wehner acolytes were unceremoniously expelled from the SPD - forced to form the incredibly minor Democratic Worker's Party, which more or less stood for those principles. [1] With 9% of the popular vote and 6% of the seats, they hilariously held the balance of power...essentially having a strong reason to hate both sides. Another constitutional crisis brewed in West Germany as the Coalition demanded that the largest party (which they claimed was the Coalition, even though they were a coalition of several parties) was entitled the Chancellor's Office by virtue of German parliamentary precedent - while the SPD-DAP claimed they had over 50% seats. However, they hadn't actually worked out a coalition - since the DAP[2] only agreed to support the SPD for supply purposes. Notably, the King of Germany, Albrecht I, refused to take sides in the dispute. He was normally inclined to side with the right-wing coalition due to being personally right-of-center - but the last time he officially signaled support for a right-wing cause (he had signaled passive assent to the 1957 coup) directly led to the Bonn Massacre, which greatly distressed the King and caused him to swear off working with "crypto-Nazi American-funded militarists", as he disparagingly referred to them in a then-confidential diary. Another stand-off reminded Germans of the bloody days in 1957, especially after Supreme Commander of NATO Hans Speidel hinting that a military intervention could be found. The military notably drafted plans to also arrest the King of Germany, fearing that he would side with the SPD, though the plans would not have to be used. To break the logjam, Achenbach simply quit his position and turnedit over to his colleague Erich Mende, who although also a right-wing liberal nationalist - did not have any explicit Nazi ties and was thus far less tainted. Then, the government immediately declared they would be moving for new elections. The leftist parties protested, but under threat of another military invention, the DAP folded and agreed to new elections. In the new elections, the Coalition tied the SPD in the popular vote, roughly 44%-45%, carrying roughly 52% of the seats in the West German parliament. They would have another 5 years.

    De Gaulle had resisted full economic integration of France and West Germany, largely viewing this as a West German ploy to "steal" the Saar away, something he viewed as a great prize, even as he was generally favorable to European integration. However, by 1963, it was clear that the Saar was not exactly the economic boom De Gaullle had believed. Many West German leftists moved to the Saarland in the wake of the 1957 coup...but the Saar was even less democratic! Although the legislature was elected, the executive was essentially appointed by the Council of Ministers of the Western European Union - the more or less not-super relevant successor of the Western Union (which became rather irrelevant after the creation of NATO). As a result, the Commissioner of the Saar Republic was consistently a right-wing hawk, even as the Saar constantly elected left-wing parliaments. Soustelle was both much more pragmatic than De Gaulle in some ways...and much more ambitious, realizing that he didn't have much time to make an impact. The West Germans, eager for even more European integration, signed onto Soustelle's proposal to unify the EEC with the Western European Union to create a "European Union", that would essentially be both a political entity (insofar that it would control the Saar) as well as an economic entity (it would be a customs union, continuing the EEC's rules). Soustelle, realizing that he wasn't popular at home and that the actual French parliament might unelect him if he actually asked them to vote on things, decided that the best way to make his mark in the world and restore government popularity was through bold foreign policy moves. In the European Union - he found one.

    His proposal immediately gained the support of West Germany, Spain, Portugal, West Austria, Sweden-Finland, the Netherlands, and Belgium (which drew increasingly close to France due to shared colonial chaos). Portugal, the Netherlands, and Belgium decided to weld their colonial projects onto the French - while West Austria, West Germany, Spain, and Sweden-Finland all joined in what they believed would be a united European anti-Communist project. For Spain and Portugal, the idea was a further way to "mainstream" their regimes, which had always sat a bit outside of the European norm, especially Spain. Luxembourg was neutral, but was forced to go along due to its small size. The only nation genuinely opposed was the Labour government of the United Kingdom under Prime Minister George Brown, which saw the new EU as a ploy to crowdfund non-British colonial empires, In contrast, Brown believed that it was necessary to slowly draw down the British Empire, a moderate move that drew ire from both the Tory ultra-right and Lib Dem left. . Brown actually went on a very drunken but surprisingly cogent tirade against the European Union that was commented upon very negatively by witnesses and spun by the Europhilic media as another example of the "deranged, drunkard Brown." Uninterested in meeting their demands, the rest of the EEC and Western Union moved on without the United Kingdom. Norway and Denmark were sympathetic, but did not immediately join. In contrast, the European Union was lambasted by the left-wing government in Italy, though many in Italy, especially centrists and right-wingers, were deeply angered that Europe seemed to be "moving on" without Italy.

    The most important decision was to finally accelerate the EEC's goal of freedom of movement - by actually implementing it for the member nations. In particular, with an eye towards encouraging European control of their colonies, the remaining Dutch colonies in Southeast Asia and South America, the remaining French colonies across the world (including Equatorial Africa, Djibouti, French Guyana, and parts of the Caribbean and Pacific), the remnants of the Portuguese Empire (Angola, Macau, Mozambique, Guinea, and East Timor), and the remnants of the Spanish Empire (Spanish Guinea and Western Sahara) were all included as integral territories of their relevant nations.[3] Rwanda and Burundi were not included due to being protectorates and the Congo's ascension was delayed due to the current war - in exchange, the other powers vowed economic and military assistance to the Belgians in the Congo. Amusingly, the biggest beneficiaries of this were West Timor and East Timor (under Dutch and Portuguese control respectively) - the institution of freedom of movement and free trade between the two sides of Timor was an immediate boon to locals. The results in the rest of the colonies...were far less positive.

    In general, at least to the voters of most European countries, the new European Union was widely popular, especially in a continent that had remembered World War I, World War II, and the Three Years War and viewed the EU as the symbol of future European unity and peace. Of course, the inter-European peace of the proposed EU was based inherently on violence in other continents, but that aside, in many ways, it rescued the political fortunes of both Soustelle's Neo-Gaullists and the West German "Koalition." Soustelle wasn't actually popular, but being labeled the father of the European Union at least made him hated much less, allowing him to actually run a semi-functional government before the expected 1964 elections. Anti-war activists in Belgian were thoroughly weakened as the population now rallied behind a war in the Congo that they believed they could win, especially as the chaos in the British Empire scared continental Europeans into the opposite direction. Once again, the biggest European beneficiary might have been Sweden, which swiftly began to recover due to a variety of preferential rules meant to help the devastated nation.
    ---
    [1] More or less analogous to the OTL Godesberg Program.
    [2] Unfortunate acronym, but unintentional
    [3] In previous updates I bleieve, the Spanish gave up Morocco, the Dutch most, but not all, of Indonesia, and the Portuguese Goa. The French let most of West Africa go, but retained Equatorial Africa.
     
    Chapter 166 - The Pacific Bear Trap
  • The Pacific Bear Trap
    With the North Chinese increasingly independent in ways that were actually counter-productive to Soviet foreign affairs in Middle East, General Secretary Beria soon viewed it as necessary to intervene in Asia in order to establish Soviet preeminence. Whereas as the North Chinese were distracted by wading into destructive and multifaceted Middle Eastern wars, Beria chose instead to fully commit to supporting the second largest Communist state in Asia, the People's Republic of Indonesia in Central and East Java, a new nation with over 30 million citizens (compared to around 40 million for West Indonesia). Although the Chinese responded to the NILF insurgency by sending almost 50,000 soldiers of the "People's Volunteer Army", the Soviets immediately decided to outshine them by sending over 200,000 soldiers, with far superior aerial and artillery assets. Whereas the PVA was not given large armored assets after the failure of the PVA Armored Corps in Baghdad and Haifa and largely had to support the Indonesian People's Army, the Soviets was able to conduct independent operations. This did not go unnoticed by members of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). Whereas Beria stayed out of the Middle East, he saw Indonesia as a fairly simple struggle. As opposed to being an "offensive" operation like many of North China's wars, the USSR was merely supporting a friendly nation against an internal insurgency, not even a professional army.

    However, the USSR may have underestimated how the region would respond. East Indonesia was seen as a widely successful Communist state, with the scope of land reform (with North Chinese advisors), universal healthcare (with North Japanese advisors), and widespread education (especially for women with Soviet advisors) being the envy of the rest of the Soviet-aligned Asia. Indeed, the Pakistanis had sent observers to learn from East Indonesian educators and bureaucrats, as had the Burmese and Koreans. However, the USSR and the East Indonesian government wildly underestimated how much it had alienated wide swaths of Indonesian society. With most Islamic groups having sided with the United Islamic States of Indonesia in the West, the PKI members who advocated for a more pragmatic compromise with Islamic groups were seen as ideologically suspect and quickly sidelined by Soviet advisors, who argued over North Chinese objections that the government take a hard line against Political Islam. This in turn chased many everyday Muslims into the hand of NILF - as well as radicalizing preexisting advocates of Political Islam. As influenced by their patron, the United States, the United Islamic States quickly sidelined most extremist Islamists. Ironically, this strengthened NILF as many hardliner Darul Islam members left instead for East Indonesia. The serious crashing of Islamist fortunes in Pakistan caused in particularly many Pakistani exiles to flee the nation, settling in West Indonesia as the world's only "proper Islamic state", whereupon they would cross the DMZ and be key supporters of NILF. As a result, NILF actually became much much more radical than the actual United Islamic States.

    In addition, land reform had alienated almost all of the old sultans and aristocrats (raja), who under North Chinese tutelage were subjected to brutal struggle sessions and public lynchings that alienated many moderates. Ironically, bloody land reform was never actually implemented in North China because they didn't have enough landlords due to their inability to conquer the South - and so North Chinese advisors were eager to implement their ideology in at least one country. Tens of thousands of aristocrats and landlords were murdered during the establishment of East Indonesia, alienating a wide swath of society who may not have hated every single landlord (indeed, the general refrain from peasants was that aristocracy was terrible and should be abolished - but their local aristocrat was fine). In many ways, the success of land reform seriously hurt the regime - starving, dispossessed peasants supported the PKI - but comfortable, self-owning peasants often were repulsed by the state atheism of the People's Republic of Indonesia. As a result, the main beneficiaries of East Indonesian land reform would be in many cases the staunchest opponents of the regime.

    The National Islamic Liberation Front became a cause celebre for both Islamists and the West, with Australia, New Zealand, France, Thailand, South China, South Japan, the Philippines, India, the United States, and the Netherlands all gladly bankrolling the NILF with the newest technology available. For example, the Soviet military position immediately began seriously declining after the United States in 1962 began funneling its newest hand-held surface-to-air-missile launcher, the FIM-43 Redeye, to NILF militants. This forced the Soviet Union to further expand its troop presence to over 500,000 (with over 50,000 North Chinese). Unable to rapidly transport troops throughout the Indonesian jungle without being shot out of the sky, Soviet troops were forced to largely operate on the coast lines with naval support, giving NILF a sanctuary in the inland. In addition, unfortunately for Beria, his slow forced retirements of successful World War II marshals (viewing them as threats to his rule and blaming them for the failure to conquer Yugoslavia), this forced Nikolai Bulganin into being the overall commander of the operation. In many ways, his hands were tied by politics, and his experience in defeating the whites as a former member of the Cheka made him believed that the regime could only survive by ideologically tightening and utterly destroying the enemy through brute force. Even progressive imams and clerics, many of whom had favored socialist causes, were widely persecuted by the NKVD, which only caused the remaining imams to become even more radical.

    In particular, one of the most horrifying weapons of the war owes itself to Beria's generous subsidization of scientific and agricultural research. In 1957, Soviet scientists in search for a better pesticide to improve Soviet (and allied nations) agriculture stumbled upon a set of organic phosphate compounds that would be quickly developed by Soviet scientists by 1960 into the now infamous VX Nerve Agent. With the chemical totally unknown in the West (the British, whose state scientific research was crippled by austerity, would not discover an analogue until the mid 1960's), Beria personally approved the weapon for mass use in East Indonesia against NILF militants. The Soviets began terrified of American missiles just shooting down Soviet aircraft (Beria mentioned this would be seen as a national humiliation if NILF militants shot down a Soviet jet), so instead, the strategy for dealing with NILF compounds was to just use mortars to shower them with nerve gas, at which point Soviet-troops masked in protective gear would sweep the compound and put any survivors out of their misery. The Soviet military was distinctly unhappy with this strategy, especially when used against villages suspected of harboring NILF militants. The Red Army eventually promulgated regulations that the use of such gases was forbidden unless it was judged that potential collateral damage was at least "1/3rd" of enemy combatant strength, but operations to use conventional aerial weaponry were typically vetoed by NKVD operatives. Soviet morale in the Red Army, already low after the catastrophe of the Three Years War, plunged to new lows. Draft-dodging became rampant in the Red Army. In several incidents, the Red Army showered villages with nerve gas that had no actual enemy combatants in them (usually NILF militants had stopped by, resupplied, and left). Beria internally justified these strikes as necessary to deny the NILF militants support, but troops at the ground level were outraged. Indeed, in a quiet act of resistance, many Soviet soldiers and even political commissars and even NKVD agents secretly recorded these incidents, often with photographic evidence.

    However, atrocities were not limited to one side. NILF, radicalized (often by foreign recruits), viewed everything implemented by the Communist Revolution as godless tyranny, but they were intelligent enough to not speak out against land reform realizing that many of their supporters had benefited from land reform. The healthcare policies of the People's Republic of Indonesia were generally popular. As a result, they settled on purely waging a "cultural war", speaking out against non-Islamic dress, non-Islamic behavior, and the lack of application of a particularly unusual reading of Sharia. In particular, one government initiative outraged NILF - the heavy representation of women in the Communist Party of Indonesia and their commitment to female education, which although mostly being basic skills, did include heavy political education in Marxism (that most students did not take too seriously). Although NILF stated that it was also in favor of expanding female education and literacy, the leadership condemned the East Indonesian education system as anti-Islamic and Communist - which in their official policies did constitute a capital crime. This gave carte blanche to individual NILF militant groups to accuse any reasonably educated woman or even young girl of "atheistic Marxism" and execute them on the spot. The NILF "liberation" of territory from East Indonesia was often accompanied with mass executions (usually with machetes or samurai swords), torture, and even mass rape against all suspected "Communists." Even though the Soviet Union was responsible for the death of more civilians than NILF, NILF massacres were generally far more prolonged and personal (as opposed to the industrialized mass killings of the USSR). Targeted as Communist were not just women, ethnic minorities, actual Communists, and non-Communists labor activists, but also less devout and more syncretic ethnic Javanese (the "Abangan"). The irony is that the cities in Indonesia were typically far more devout than the countryside and NILF was actually more popular there - so when they seized control of rural areas, this created massive resistance, worsening the bloodshed. Ironically, NILF high leadership had the clever take to exempt Christians from the mass killings, which totally contradicted the rest of their ideology, something clearly done in order not to jeopardize US-Dutch-Commonwealth support. Ironically, even massacres of Hindus did not stop the Indians from supporting NILF, because the Indian National Congress, in order to solidify their control of Kashmir and gain support from Indian Muslims - actually painted themselves as the "secular defenders of traditional Islam" against "Pakistani atheism", which was actually a pretty popular stance among most Muslims (even in Pakistan itself, which was clearly running into problems).

    Soviet military strategy was to simply win the war by killing the enemy until there was no more enemy. But for some reason to Soviet war planners - this just didn't change. No matter how many troops the USSR rushed into East Indonesia, no matter how much blood on both sides was shed, the NILF insurgency didn't seem to go away. The regime was wounded by widespread terror that broke across East Indonesia as NILF atrocities became well-known, as well as the Soviet Union's penchant to "disappear" entire villages with an unknown weapon. In addition, every Soviet step-up in presence was matched by the rest of the world shipping even more weapons, spies, and even mercenaries to NILF. The most surprising partnership was how quickly South African mercenaries returned to Indonesia - except this time, to fight alongside their former enemies (as most NILF leadership was veterans of the anti-colonial war against the Dutch, who used many South African mercenaries). Interestingly, the Syrian government (which had taken in many ex-Nazi advisors) was a supporter of East Indonesia - and in an amusing good will gesture, sent several former Waffen-SS commandos to East Indonesia to support the Communists. A conversation apparently took place between Prime MinisterJacques Soustelle and Economics Minister Valéry Giscard d'Estaing about a firefight between Afrikaner supremacist mercenaries (many who once advocated for an alliance with Nazi Germany) and these largely unrepentant ex-Nazis. When Soustelle asked who won the firefight, Giscard succinctly replied "humanity."
     
    Chapter 167 - The Sifar Revolution
  • The Sifar Revolution

    Pakistan was widely believed to go to war with India during the Three Years War, causing several Western powers, notably Great Britain, in stepping up support to the Republic of India. Despite not openly being a Marxist state, the People's Republic of Pakistan was widely believed to be aligned with the Soviet Union, possibly due to a mistranslation (the term "People's Republic" had a less dramatic political connotation in Urdu). The Pakistani Army was rapidly strengthened after the humiliating defeat of the Kashmir War - which saw the total loss of Kashmir, Jammu, and Gilgit to India, but the worsening Baluchi conflict distracted the Pakistani Army. The root of the poor relations between Pakistan and the West ultimately laid with Iran. Great Britain was generously funding Baluchi independence rebels as well as Islamist guerrillas (there was an overlap as well between these two groups). Although this was not directed specifically at Pakistan, Pakistan had an even worse Baluchi rebellion - and funding the Iranian Baluchi rebels meant also funding the Pakistani Baluchi rebels. As the American CIA became more ensconced with global Islamist networks, the West became increasingly viewed as the enemy by Pakistani intelligence officers. The feeling was quickly mutual.

    In particular, Pakistan was more divided over religion than any other issue. From its start, Pakistan was seem as a home for Muslims. The President of the Muslim League, Chaudhry Khaliquzzaman, espoused pan-Islamic sentiments and President Liaquat Ali Khan famously introduced the Objectives Resolution, which claimed that the future Constitution of Pakistan would be based on Islamic principles. The 1951 Pakistani coup cited stopping the "reactionary quasi-Islam of Ali Khan" as their primary motivation - and the 1952 Pakistani Constitution was infamously secular, outraging both Islamists and Pan-Islamists. Although the PRP was still officially an "Islamic Socialist" state, this didn't satisfy most of these intellectuals. Although Akbar Khan kept the peace for a few years, the consensus quickly broke apart. The real reason Pakistan went to war was that Pakistani generals simply looked at the relative military strength of the two nations - and concluded even with Soviet support, they had no hope for success. They had enough just keeping a lid on their own nation.

    The independence of the Kingdom of Kashmir and Jammu, an Islamist kingdom directly under Indian protection, immediately became a direct ideological challenge to the new Pakistani state. Pakistani Islamists immediately cheered on the new state - and most worryingly for the Pakistani state - many of them became openly pro-India, the greatest ideological heresy. The Pakistani state's "modernization drive" increasingly rang hollow among young activists, as the Baluchi conflict drained resources, while widespread terrorism and sabotage delayed the large public works projects of the regime. Poor Western relations meant no trade - which meant economic stagnation, which grew increasingly distressing as nearby India began a large economic boom...and Pakistan did not. Pakistan was historically wealthier than India - that was no longer true by 1960. Moreover, the regime grew more and more paranoid, especially as Western support for Islamists dramatically stepped up during the American intervention in Indonesia. Moreover, Pakistan never gave up on its Pan-Islamic ideals - offering asylum for rulers from Muslim nations who had to flee for various reasons. The most notorious of these would be the former Albanian leader Enver Hoxha, who became a prominent writer in Pakistani Dhaka.

    Many of his closest supporters had been slowly losing faith in Akbar Khan as a result of this. He appeared to be the target of two different ideological coups. The famed Pakistani operative, Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, who had famously held back an Indian advance into Pakistan proper with an outnumbered battalion during the Kashmir disaster, had been receiving generous support from India and America. Second, a more shadowy group of Pakistani military officers, many of them recruited into the ISI after the 1951 coup due to left-leaning sympathies, had begun to feel that the PRP was not living up to its promise. In 1960, a tank column surrounded the Presidential Palace and stormed the building, arresting President Khan and killing his wife, who was specifically targeted for death because she was viewed to be "corrupting" the President (not inaccurate given her close family ties to many Communists). The Communist coup plotters were taken by surprise - and then immediately launched their scheme, storming the city, except this time claiming to be "rescuing" Khan and restoring the Constitution. A pitched battle took place in in the streets of Karachi between supporters of the Islamists and Communists. The West immediately recognized Zia-ul-Haq as the legitimate president of Pakistan, but East Pakistan unilaterally opted for Khan. In the countryside, activist Hassan Nasir called on Pakistani peasants to rise up against a "fascist-Western-imperialist conspiracy against Pakistan." Rural West Pakistanis and most East Pakistanis sided with the Communists, giving a decisive lead to the Communists, especially as Communist infiltration of the ISI gave the Communists a significant intelligence advantage, allowing them to disarm most troops who would have joined the Islamists.

    Rare in a coup, the Islamists had managed to capture the capital and its relevant radios - and still not bent the rest of the country to its will. This was largely because Dhaka operated as an alternative "de facto" capital of the People's Republic of Pakistan that sent contesting broadcasts across Pakistan. Indian attempts to jam the broadcasts only increased their appeal to the Pakistani peasantry, especially among the youth who had been trained for a decade to treat India as the enemy. In the next month, the Pakistani Army laid a devastating siege of Karachi. In the meanwhile, a gruesome social revolution exploded across both West and East Pakistan. Communist radicals, egged on by Nasir, called on peasants to rise up, murder the landowning Zamindar class, and forcibly seize land. The Pakistani Armed Forces more or less totally sat on the sides of this, viewing the landowning class as a bastion of reactionary Islamism and pro-US sentiment. An estimated 100,000 civilians were largely lynched and murdered in mass killings across Pakistan egged on by socialist revolutionaries.

    Inside the city of Karachi, the city quickly descended into chaos as food shipments stopped. The military rulers of "new Pakistan" realized they were being infiltrated by Communists, sending death squads on mass missions to "cleanse" Karachi of Communists - all while starvation set in. When Karachi finally fell, nearly a third of its 1.2 million inhabitants had perished from either famine or mass murder. More frustrating to the Communists - almost all of the top leaders of the coup absconded by the end, escaping with the help of American operatives to political asylum in West Indonesia where they would continue the struggle against "Communism." President Akbar Khan distraught over the murder of wife, simply resigned the presidency and turned it over to a committee of military men, who originally having plotted against Akbar Khan, reappointed him Chief of Staff (where he could hunt down his ideological enemies). Instead, the People's Republic of Pakistan declared full general elections to the National Assembly for the first time since the 1951 coup. However, in the aftermath of the coup, mass violence in the countryside, and the destruction of Pakistan's largest city (which leaned heavily Islamist), the elections were not exactly fair. Communist Party cadres operated the polling booths in rural areas - and whether through genuine support or coercion, the Communists won an overwhelming landslide victory, taking 97% of the seats in the National Assembly. Communist Party cadre leaders themselves privately admitted they would have only won a strong plurality had fair elections been held. As the coup and election took place in the second month of the Islamic Calendar, these events quickly became known as the Sifar Revolution.

    The new revolutionary government selected the charismatic leader of Pakistani "land reform", Nassar Hasim, to be the new Prime Minister of the state. One reason for this besides his charisma and youth was the fact that they wanted neither a ruler from West Pakistan or East Pakistan (Hasim was from Hyderabad - now in India). In line with their claims of "defending the Constitution", the Constitution wasn't actually abrogated, but every institution was clearly cleansed of non-Communists. Pakistan essentially became a Marxist-Leninist one-party state, albeit with a constitution that declared itself as a multiparty Islamic Socialist parliamentary state (contrasting it with the limited political competition in the People's Republic of Korea). Pakistani Communist officials quickly decided to "further" the revolution by being inspired by the seemingly successful "Great Leap Forward" in North China. Although Hasim actually vetoed most of the actual economic portions of the Great Leap Forward as inappropriate in timing (he viewed land reform as having taken too early), he supported the social aspect. Any productivity gains of the land reform were wiped out by the economic deadweight of cycling millions of peasants through "vocational reeducation" in camps set up across the nation. Under the advise of former General Secretary Hoxha, who had become a closely trusted adviser, Pakistan began a mass program of building bunkers across the nation in preparation for a possible nuclear war against India. Furthermore, with resistance to the new regime exploding across the cities of West Pakistan (outside of rebuilding Karachi), the Pakistani Army was ordered, under the command of Akbar Khan, to sweep through these cities and quite simply exterminate all "Islamist resistance", with a focus on clergy and politicians and intellectuals. Soldiers disarmed during the coup were often simply murdered in cold blood, with Pakistani troops and Communist militias tossing thousands of bodies of suspected political enemies in mass graves. As violence convulsed Pakistan, refugees fled fearing for their lives (particularly devout rural families, who were generally not the targets since this was largely focused on cities).

    Somewhere between 500,000-1,000,000 civilians were murdered by Pakistani troops. In addition, an explosion of refugees, fleeing towards more prosperous India, swarmed the border patrols of India and Pakistan. Over 1962 and 1963, almost10 million Pakistani refugees fled into India, larger than the number of Hindus who fled from Pakistan to India during the Partition (roughly 5million). However, unlike in 1950, almost all of these refugees were Muslim, shooting another booster into the arm of Hindu nationalists, who were horrified that the Indian government (having just been re-elected in early 1962) simply agreed to host them all without uttering a single word of resistance. After all, the ruling party was close to both Muslim clergy in India as well as the West. In addition, they treated Muslim voters as a "vote bank" for the ruling party, explaining their willingness to host so many refugees. The practice only began to end after the Pakistani Army mobilized to the borders to stop further emigration, in what was viewed as a propaganda triumph in India.
     
    Last edited:
    Chapter 168 - Red(der) October
  • Red(der) October
    The Red Army coup against Beria had always been organized by the military elite of the Red Army, a group that successfully shepherded the Soviet Union through the Great Patriotic War and Three Years War - a generally conservative group who had viewed Beria as a dangerous reformer in addition to the sins of just being a brutal , cruel ruler. As a result, unwilling to risk what they saw as a possible civil war in the Soviet Union, they surrendered to Beria, hoping that they could reach an agreement with the ruler, who they had hoped had grown more pragmatic. He hadn't.

    For the most part, Beria didn't quite much care for what happened to the rank-and-file soldiers, but he ordered his most trusted underling, Aleksandre Mirtskhulava, the former First Secretary of the Georgian SSR and now the Minister of Internal Affairs (the ministry which had under it the MVD as well as most of the non-NKVD law enforcement), to go straight for the officer corps. Coincidentally, Georgia had by far some of the youngest political leaders in the entire nation, as using Stalin's favor, Beria had completely purged the Georgian Communist Party and stacked it with Beria loyalists - and then taken many of those loyalists with him into Moscow when he took direct power from Stalin. Mirtskhulava then delegated it to the head of the NKVD, Ivan Serov. Beria, confident in his unparalleled control of the Soviet state, felt no compunctions against initiating a purge in the Soviet Red Army of those he viewed as ideologically suspect, organizing instead many of the students into "People's Defense" battalions to patrol the cities. Soviet officers who showed up to parley in good faith with the ruler found their convoys secretly attacked before themselves being murdered on the streets by NKVD operatives. However, before the purge had gotten very far, he thought it best to deal with the students, who he had believed outlived their usefulness. After all, many Red Army recruits who saw their officers cut down were simply instructed to desert their posts to join the People's Defense battalions instead, so the students quickly became unnecessary to Beria.

    Beria stood at what was widely viewed as the peak of his power. His internal enemies had scrambled into the open only to fall apart at the last moment, unwilling to run over the young students of Moscow under their tanks. The rather risky landing of the Soyuz I on the moon had provided a death blow to the anti-Beria putsch. In retrospect, the launch was already risky because the Soviets decided to skip directly to landing on the moon instead of constructing a craft they proved could properly orbit the moon, at least doubling the places where the project could go horribly wrong. Yet, the gambit didn't go wrong - and now Beria seemed triumphant.

    After a few weeks of "cleansing" the military, Beria issued a now infamous order was given to the NKVD to round up all the major students leaders and process them for liquidation, before then turning his attention back towards the military purge. Beria thought the officers were an existential threat, but didn't bother engaging in any oversight of the purge of student leaders, as he did not view them as a threat in any way whatsoever. As a result, the events of what would be called the Second Red October were to clearly catch Beria off guard. Student leaders were indeed arrested by the NKVD, but instead of being liquidated, they were secretly brought to NKVD leader Ivan Serov, who had grown tired of constantly being surrounded by "Beria men" while trying to run the NKVD. Beria indeed still viewed the NKVD as his bureaucratic turf and was constantly limiting what Serov could do. After the famous Meeting of October 2nd, Serov famously let all of the student leaders go, completely unbeknownst to Beria who simply wasn't paying attention.

    The order to "liquidate" student leaders were shockingly leaked to the Soviet public shortly thereafter, sparking huge protests in Red Square. Beria, suspecting Serov of treachery, immediately ordered the NKVD to purge Serov and liquidate the protests. Several NKVD officers, falsely believing there was a widespread NKVD coup against Beria (there was not), ironically walked off the job, sick of the regime they had served - and those that fulfilled their orders in Red Square found themselves quickly outnumbered by People's Defense Battalions. Loyal NKVD battalions tried to clear Red Square with the help of widespread machine gun and artillery fire, killing hundreds of protesters, but People's Defense battalions (despite being under the control of the NKVD and seeded with NKVD officers) actually disobeyed the orders and chased them off. The protesters included not only students, but many radicalized soldiers, who had often become radicalized while serving in the People's Defense battalions with those students. Ironically, Serov turned against Beria in hopes of seizing control of the entire NKVD and possibly even the whole Soviet state if his co-conspirators upheld their end of the bargain, but unbeknownst to the rest of the USSR, he was actually cut down outside of his house by Beria loyalists since far fewer NKVD troops outside of Moscow defected to defend him than he originally anticipated.

    Beria, shocked by the sudden turnaround (having grown complacent due to the purge of his fiercest opponents in the Soviet military), further barricaded himself in the Kremlin as he called on loyal government troops to mobilize outside of Moscow. After all, he understood that the average Soviet wasn't actually in a mood for a revolution and generally believed that most of the leaders of the Republics would be loyal. The idea that a revolt could threaten the harshest Soviet leader in history seemed inconceivable. However, the highest ranking Soviet official outside of Moscow at the time, Deputy Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze (a prominent Georgia communist currently visiting Tehran) shocked him when Shevardnadze proclaimed his support for the "provisional government outlined by the People's Defense" battalions. This created the image of dissension in the Georgian Communist Party (largely loyal to Beria), causing many leaders of the other Republics...to simply not say anything and sit on the sidelines.

    The massacre in Red Square notably pushed many of Moscow's urban proletariat workers into the protests, many of whom were actually the most anti-Beria because of their opposition to Beria's modest market reforms. Their radicalism further inflamed the movement - and it was urban workers angry at market reforms that led the storming of the Kremlin. Their presence caused many of the NKVD posted guards at the Kremlin to flee, simply because Kremlin guards tended to be the ideologically fanatical - and those types didn't actually believe a "worker's revolution" could be stopped. Beria seemed to entirely understand his situation as a bunch of young Soviets, not old enough to remember the Great Patriotic War, dragged him out to be "temporarily placed under house arrest" for "bourgeoisie tendencies." As agreed beforehand in exchange for his cooperation, a committee of students operating Moscow's radio towers actually downplayed the drama of the Second Red October, claiming that "peace and order" had been restored to Moscow - and that General Secretary Beria was taking a "leave of absence." Many of his closest supporters had fled the capital - and the remaining members of the Central Committee of the Politburo led by the rather Beria-neutral Nikolai Bulganin, simply agreed that the best way to put all of this behind them was to announce that the acting head of the MVD (Mirtskhulava had fled the capital, leaving Serov in charge), Ivan Serov, would serve as interim General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Their compromise to stabilize the Soviet Union would have possibly worked far better if Serov was not already dead.
     
    Chapter 169 - Et Tu, Judah?
  • Et Tu, Judah?
    Prime Minister Begin had two problems. First, he viewed Israeli settlements in the Sinai peninsula as totally diplomatically unsustainable. Begin didn't view the Israeli hold on the Sinai as long-lasting because he believed a new government would arise in Egypt and take back its internationally recognized territories. However, the settlement issue began tearing apart his government coalition. Herut hardliners who believed in a Greater Israel were his base of political support and crucial to his destruction of Mapai, which had splintered when the government moved to outlaw the Communist Party (on basis of sedition in favor of Judeopalestine, which was ruled by an affiliate). On one hand, he had totally managed to reshape the Israeli political spectrum in the wake of the war - but on the other hand, his rule was more endangered than ever.

    However, the mood in foreign policy was jubilant. Egypt was in shambles. A well-funded (by private groups, not the government) Jordanian expedition force had aided the Syrians in the war against Israel - a group that was divided three years later by the Syrian invasion of Jordan. Neither states would be a problem for Israel. Similarly, the same logic applied to the civil war in Egypt. Israeli strategic planners were horrified by the rise of Syria, with many urging that the Israelis intervene in the war. However, Begin thought differently. He thought Syria and Egypt were co-equal threats - because even as Egypt was totally irrelevant in foreign policy as of 1963, the high population density ensured that whatever political order that arose in Cairo after the war would be the dominant regional player of the Middle East.

    The regime in Syria was based on an uneasy alliance between the Syrian Social Nationalist Party, the Syrian Communist Party, and the Baathists. President Mustafa Tlass had displaced President Al-Bizri in 1960, making a shift from the Communist Party to the Baathists. However, this move was opposed by Hammud al-Shufi, the left-leaning leader of the Syrian branch of the Ba'aath Party. Notably, covert Israeli aid to Syria from 1960-1963 allowed the Mossad to sow close links to Syrian special services. Indeed, the Mossad was able to spread a belief among many right-wing Syrian military officers aligned with the government that the Israelis were juts a wart and the North Chinese the true threat. The Syrian Social Nationalist Party became the strongest support of Tlass, who was technically a Ba'aath supporter focused on wresting Lebanon from France, Judeopalestine from the North Chinese, and Iraq from everyone else. As a result, Begin did not believe that an expansionist Syria was a truly a threat. He conjectured that even if the Syrians were to prove victorious in all of their territorial aims, the actual citizens of those regions would be less than thrilled and ironically the more territory they took, the weaker they became as a threat, not stronger. Begin's belief contradicted those of most thinkers, who simply believed more territory and populace would strengthen the nation in a future confrontation with Israel. As a result, despite Syria and Israel being avowed enemies, Begin was not averse to their success.

    That being said, the Syrians were less than successful. The Syrian Army had come to a grinding crush north of Amman. Deprived of manpower due to their support operations for the winning Iraqi nationalists, the Syrian Army quickly found itself outclassed by the British. Although the Syrians had a few T-54s, their tanks were mostly surplus North Chinese and Soviet T-34 tanks. They were wildly outclassed by the British Centurion tanks, who easily racked up a 9-1 kill ratio against Syrian tanks. British cargo aircraft took heavy losses from shockingly advanced Syrian anti-air weapons, but they were still able to easily supply the Jordanians and British from the air. Makeshift air bases had been built in the West Bank, where Palestinian feyadeen militias were ironically less active. Palestinian refugees had flooded both Jordan and the West Bank - but the West Bank was primarily open ground in a way that Jordan wasn't, minimizing the asymmetrical guerrilla war capabilities of the feyadeen. The saving grace of the Syrian Army was that the British were preoccupied with wars across the world - and were also unable to ship a large enough to totally eject the Syrians from North Jordan. Regardless, British military planners began to speak of regime change in Syria, driving all the way up to Damascus.

    Those hopes were dashed by one of the most shocking diplomatic twists of the Cold War. In a shock to both Arab and British leaders, the Defense Minister of Israel, Ezer Weizman, announced that Israeli troops were withdrawing from the west bank of the Suez Canal and officially recognizing "Egyptian sovereignty", in what made Egyptian guerrillas very confused about what to feel. The shock was fully realized a week later however, when Israeli planes launched a constant stream of lighntining air strikes on Jordanian and British air bases in the West Bank, destroying or disabling over 300 Jordanian and British airplanes with a loss of only 46 planes. With total air superiority, a combined arms assault across the West Bank swept totally unprepared British and Jordanian positions, largely staffed by reservists who had transferred their heaviest equipment to the Amman front. Jordanian and British Army positions in the West Bank were optimized for the transfer of supplies to Jordan proper, leaving them totally unprepared for a coordinated attack. Although the British troops fared better, a total collapse in Jordanian command structure left them also leaderless. The wide empty space of the West Bank meant Israeli air dominance could be leveraged in every firefight. The Israeli high command made the decision to encircle Jerusalem and destroy all Anglo-Jordanian relations outside of the city. In six days, the Israelis suffered around 400 deaths, compared to around 2,500 Anglo-Jordanian deaths, with a prisoner haul of over 55,000 troops.

    Cut off from their supplies, otherwise superior Anglo-Jordanian troops found themselves on the defensive north of Amman, running short of every supply imaginable. Israeli forces demanded that Anglo-Jordanian forces surrender Jerusalem immediately - when they refused, the Israeli Air Force began shelling British positions north of Amman, adding to their woes. Although there was no direct coordination between Syrian and Israeli forces, the Jordanians knew to launch tank assaults only during clear weather - because they would be repelled by British tanks - but Israeli air support would often drop a few munitions and hopefully knock out some of the feared British Centurions. The mood in Israel was jubilant after Begin announced on radio that Israeli forces had essentially secured Jerusalem and the entire West Bank of the Jordan River, promising that refugees from North Israel would be given first priority to settle in the new region. Some room had been made - because the Mossad interestingly spread widespread rumors and propaganda that the Israeli Army would loot, murder, and terrorize the locals. As a result, around 15% of the population of the West Bank fled into Jordan (compounding Anglo-Jordanian supply issues) in what was an intentional effort by the Israelis to depopulate the West Bank through trickery (the promised looting and murdering didn't actually happen, but Israeli military officials did not allow escaped refugees to re-enter the more peaceful than expected West Bank). Amusingly, the Israelis, unable to care for their mass of PoWs, simply disarmed them and released them into Jordan proper, which allowed many refugees to pretend to be Jordanian Army PoWs to receive more government benefits. The Israelis naturally retained their equipment - to better arm their own army.

    The mood in the West was utter shock - and British politicians and media figures often spoke of "Israeli perfidy" in stark, often antisemitic terms. Publicly, the Israelis had actually demanded that Jordanian troops vacate the West Bank two days before the invasion - but nobody actually took them seriously because the request seemed so random. An almost salvageable situation in Jordan immediately seemed almost unsalvageable - with the psychological blow even worse than the actual military loss. Much of the Jordanian aristocracy began packing their bags for abroad, even as many British military officials insisted that the situation was salvageable. For their part, British newspapers often referred to the Winter of 1963, as the Winter of Discontent, but the catastrophe in Jordan was not the last catastrophe to strike Britain. Other issues were to batter the political scene, developing in Latin America, Southeast Asia, Africa, and East Asia.
     
    Last edited:
    Chapter 170 - The Olympic Curse
  • The Olympic Curse

    The Summer Olympic Games had a fairly troubled history. The 1940 Summer Olympic Games were famously awarded to Tokyo, Japan - a city so thoroughly destroyed by Allied firebombing during World War II, that it had no hopes for hosting any games after the end of World War 2. The also cancelled 1944 Summer Olympics were awarded to London just a year before the Blitz. The city largely survived the Blitz and was capable of hosting the 1948 London Summer Olympics, being selected in 1946, which was known for simply how sparse the accommodations were, given the difficult postwar economic reconstruction of the United Kingdom and the rest of Western Europe. The 1948 Olympics were known as the "Austerity Olympics," and it was wildly believed that the London received the Olympics for simply being the only non-American city in contention (the Soviet delegates voted for London). The Olympics proclaimed itself above politics - but many elements of the Olympic Games during the Cold War was political.

    A year later in 1947, the "neutral" city of Helsinki, Finland was selected in what was seen as a compromise between West and East. The 1952 Olympics in Helsinki, Finland were widely viewed as successful, but images from the Three Years War would place an asterisk on such success. Images from the Battle of Helsinki depicted Soviet and Allied troops fighting in close quarters to take and retake the sports stadiums and other facilities of the 1952 Helsinki Olympics. Half of the sports buildings were simply reduced to rubble during the fighting in Helsinki - while the other half were riddled with bullet and burn marks. In the aftermath of the Three Years War, the sports stadiums, which had hosted various global competitions, were reduced to giant refugee camps, often housing Finns who had beamed in pride only years ago at the Olympics.

    In 1949, the "neutral" city of Buenos Aires was selected, the first Latin American city, by a narrow 21-20 vote over Melbourne, Australia. Due to logistical issues that quickly emerged, the Summer Olympics would be partially shared with the city of Stockholm, Sweden. Not only was the Olympics cancelled, but the sport facilities of Buenos Aires were heavily damaged in the abortive coup against Juan Peron, as they were bombed by Air Force bombers in order to provoke a general uprising against Peron. Of course, that paled in contrast to what happened to the facilities in Stockholm, which ceased to exist (alongside over a million of Stockholm's residents) as a result of the first and only detonation of a hydrogen bomb against a major urban city.

    The selection for the 1960 Olympics thus took place as soon as the Three Years War ended in 1957, and it was not a friendly affair. Rome had what appeared to be the strongest application, but bad blood from the Italian withdrawal from the Three Years War caused the rest of Western Europe to simply vote against Rome out of pure spite. Ironically, the IOC meeting was also in Rome at the time, which was viewed as an act of direct provocation from the rest of Europe. To add insult to injury, the Eastern Bloc, purely in order to spite the Western Bloc, then voted for Rome. The Western powers, as well as most neutral nations, opted for Melbourne, Australia in the aftermath of the Melbourne Accords. The Eastern Bloc had no actual objections to Melbourne, so although many in the IOC feared a possible boycott, no such boycott took place. The Melbourne Olympics weren't particularly lavish given that the Australians had under three years to prepare, but they were remembered as a perfectly adequate, even if relatively mundane Olympic Games. Many of the modern traditions of the Olympics were built at the 1960 Melbourne Olympics - and it became a generational memory in Australia that as expected, represented Australia's introduction to the rest of the world.

    The Olympic curse seemingly broken, a larger number of nations competed for the 1964 Olympics in 1959. Most notably in a direct provocation to the West, Moscow entered its first Olympic bid. At first, the Western nations were prepared to vote in Rome in order to deny the Soviets a Summer Olympics. However, one leader in particular desperately wanted a Summer Olympics to be held in his nation. Spending large amounts of money, especially in "payments" to IOC officials directly from the party coffers, Chiang Kai-Shek more or less personally bribed enough delegates of unaligned nations to swing their votes to the Republic of China in the first round, narrowly beating out Rome. In a second round of voting, the Western nations en masse changed their votes to Nanjing, with the vast majority of Asian nations endorsing the bid. In a narrow vote, Nanjing bested Moscow to host the 1964 Summer Olympics.

    The Eastern bloc, outraged, immediately began organizing a boycott after the Republic of China indicated that it would not be co-hosting the Olympic Games with North China, which was not recognized by the United Nations. Beria signed onto the boycott, which rapidly grew. The IOC, desperately seeking to avoid a large-scale boycott, capitulated with a compromise suggested by Beria himself. A day later, the same IOC conference voted in the host of the 1964 Winter Olympics, the City of Ulan Bator, with the host nation being "Chinese Mongolia" (North Chinese athletes participated in the Olympics and United Nations under Mongolia). In practice, almost none of the events would be held in Ulan Batoor because of the lack of mountains, but it had to be technically held in Ulan Batoor because ROC representatives claimed rejected other North Chinese cities. The compromise worked - and the boycott was dropped.

    Originally, the Olympic Curse only applied to the Summer Olympics. Due to the far fewer number of participating nations, the Winter Olympics had been a much more low-drama affair, usually held in relatively small European cities like Innsbruck. The IOC correctly understood that by awarding competing Olympics to the two Chinas, they would be engineering the most lavish Olympics in history. Every report of a new facility in one China inspired the other to go farther to build more facilities and plan a more elaborate Opening Ceremony. The obsession got to the point where both governments were siphoning money from the /actual military/ on their respective borders with each other in order to create more elaborate Olympic productions. An unusual amount of spies were hired by both countries to spy on each others productions and facilities just because out of pure spite, if one nation used a motif or reference, the other nation would thereafter refuse to use it. Indeed, both nations viewed it as their "coming out party" - and they thus had to present totally different, contrasting views of their nation. The North Chinese Olympics wasn't just an ideological blow against the South Chinese - it was presented as an ideological diatribe against the "revisionists" in the Soviet Union. In a direct challenge to the United States, one of the ski events would be held in front of a North Chinese Mt. Rushmore, except instead of US presidents, it was the carved faces of Marx, Lenin, Stalin, and Mao. Indeed, a significant number of relatively out-of-work Soviets were given visas in North China to bring back all of the Stalin-era propaganda. Indeed, the theme song of the 1964 Winter Olympics was Sergei Profokiev's Zdravitsa, a ode written to celebrate Stalin's 60th birthday. In contrast, the South Chinese Olympics would lean heavily on classical Chinese tradition and history, mixed with dramatic displays of technological progress.

    Finally, no other Olympic Games would be as controversial as 1968. In October of 1963, the IOC met in order to vote for the Host City of the 1968 election. The Soviet delegation was simply not getting any direction whatsoever from Moscow because of the October Revolution. The Eastern bloc was totally directionless as to how to vote, and their votes splintered excessively between multiple host cities, such as Warsaw, Seoul, and Tehran. The ultimate winner of this was a once-diplomatic pariah, Madrid, in what was seen as a triumph for Spanish dictator Francisco Franco. With the profile of the Winter Olympics increased and the Eastern bloc in chaos, the IOC then chose Malmo and Copenhagen as dual host cities. A boycott did not immediately develop...but a boycott was expected.
    ---
    [1] OTL, Melbourne won 21-20.
     
    Chapter 171 - The Hong Kong Riots
  • The Hong Kong Riots

    The ideological inspiration for the Hong Kong and Singapore riots came from two sources. Shocking the rest of the Warsaw Pact, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China was the first Soviet-bloc Communist Party to openly endorse the anti-Beria protesters in Moscow. Although they kept silent, the massacre in Red Square immediately broke the logjam in the CPC and caused them to be the first Warsaw Pact nation to endorse the protestors, shocking even the other anti-Beria states who thought the protestors were revisionists or antisocialist bourgeosie liberals. In practice, the plurality likely were, but the radical left elements gained a significant boost after the North Chinese government sent them both their good will as well as a special gift. Politburo member Chen Boda had painstakingly compiled much of Mao Zedong's earlier works into Quotations of Chairman Mao, a small red book distributed across North China during 1963 in preparation for the 1964 Winter Olympics. The student protesters who had just overthrown Beria received a huge stockpile of Little Red Books translated into Russian, Ukrainian, and all of the languages of the Soviet Union, almost as if the North Chinese were more willing to place their bets with a total unknown mystery movement than the actual Soviet government.

    However, that was not the only destination. Copies had been long smuggled across Asia into Indochina, South China, Pakistan, Korea, North Japan, and others. The Little Red Book had a greater impact in Sino-Tibetan-speaking regions outside of South China proper - in particular, Burma, Tibet (autonomous within the ROC), Macau, Hong Kong, Singapore, and Malaya, where it was less an ideological influence and more just generic political signalling for upstart leftist movements. The norm was for activists to brandish it without actually reading it, especially in Southeast Asia, where Chinese Communism was viewed as the antithesis of the conservative political regimes generally aligned with the KMT in China.

    In Hong Kong, a labor dispute had broken out between a construction crew and the construction company. This began just before the Battle of Souda and was poised to fizzle out - but upon hearing of the defeat of British forces in the Battle of Souda, members of the pro-Communist Hong Kong Federation of Trade Unions joined the protests en masse. The Hong Kong Police Force quickly suppressed the movement, causing several disaffected protesters to instigate a widespread campaign of economic sabotage. The official stance of the Hong Kong Federation of Trade Unions was to sabotage the "war industry of the British Empire", echoing a previous campaign of theirs during the Three Years War - which ended in the infamous Hong Kong massacre, when members of the Hong Kong Police Force, pressured to take a hardline by the KMT government in China, opened fire on trade unionists, killing 13. The incident was viewed as scandalous in Hong Kong, causing the Hong Kong Police Force in 1963 to reject the use of deadly force against economic saboteurs.

    Viewing the Hong Kong Police Force as useless, the pro-KMT Hong Kong Trades Union Council (TUC) declared that it would be directly putting an end to "economic sabotage" - ordering its cadres to use violence against members of the rival FTU. 1963 saw violent actors from both the TUC and FTU engage in street brawls, shootings, and bombings against each other, in a bloody struggle that quickly caused great concern among the Hong Kong business community. In general, the business community favored the TUC for the obvious reason that Hong Kong's economy was largely based on trade with the nearby Chinese port of Canton - but they were worried about the effects of the violence, which caused some businesses to relocate to Canton. The British defeat in the West Bank of the Jordan River, alongside inspiration from the clearly successful protests in Soviet Moscow, caused the FTU to view the regime as vulnerable. Declaring a total general strike, the FTU attempted to shut down the ports entirely. Pandemonium exploded after several left-wing students, brandishing Little Red Books, defaced the Red House (the house where Sun Yatsen's Revive China Society had planned the uprising against the Qing Dynasty) with pro-Communist slogans. Outraged TUC cadres smashed FTU offices in retaliation, causing FTU members to retaliate with deadly rifle fire. Violent gun fights broke out across Hong Kong, as students left their classes and workers left their shifts. The FTU was considerably larger than the TUC, but both sides were quite well-armed, being secretly supplied by both Chinas.

    Finally, London approved that the Hong Kong Police Force could resort to force - especially as squadrons of pro-Communist rioters began looting banks and upscale stores in Hong Kong. However, their first foray into riot control was an abject failure - Hong Kong riot police who had become prepared to crack down were immediately fired upon by AK-47 assault rifles, retreating after 5 had been killed. An attempt to crack down on the TUC was equally unsuccessful - as the infamous 14K triads based in neighboring Guangzhou had managed to sneak in heavy weaponry. Hong Kong police were simply informed by their 14K contacts that any HK police trying to crack down on the TUC would be blown up before even getting onto the scene.

    Martial law was declared - but events brewed out of control, as KMT-aligned Triad members flooded from Guangdong into Hong Kong, facing an extremely angry and radicalized mass of urban workers. With total control of Hong Kong's public transit and roads, the FTU was able to divide numerically comparable anti-Communist forces and face them in small-scale ambushes and other violent confrontations. Bodies began to pile up in the streets of Hong Kong. With the British Navy busy in the Mediterranean, Chinese Communist guerrillas, not actually ordered by North China, overran the local British navy base on Stonecutter Island, capturing several British sailors and a wealth of British ciphers and intelligence information (which was stored in the base after FTU protesters shut down all the major dockyards). The situation had reached an absolute crisis point.

    The majority of triad secret societies were pro-Kuomintang and anti-Communist, which helped the TUC make up for its numerical inferiority. Indeed, the majority of triads (almost all of them in Guangdong - and half of them in Hong Kong), in response to the Hong Kong riots, agreed to demands by the Kuomintang that they officially organize themselves into the “Kuomintang New Society Affairs Establishment Federation, Hong Kong Branch", an organization would count almost 70,000 members across South China, Hong Kong, and Macau. Those who dissented naturally defected to the Communists for self-preservation purposes - but they were outnumbered. In response to the raid on Stonecutter's Island, (retired) Lt. General Kot Siu-wong led thousands of South Chinese-based gangsters and gunmen across the Shenzhen-Hong Kong border, storming past the weakened border patrol by pummeling them with fists. Although not uniformed South Chinese soldiers, they were armed with modern weapons clearly used by the ROC Army. Within a day, armed gunmen stormed the streets of Hong Kong, pushing back Communist gunmen. The Hong Kong police, vastly outnumbered, knew better than to oppose them - and most of the British garrison had already holed up into various barracks that were under de facto siege by protesters, who dispersed after KMT-aligned triads simply lobbed bombs into the crowds, killing almost a hundred unarmed protestors. PRC-aligned Hong Kong trade unionists simply fled Hong Kong en masse, largely infiltrating into unsuspecting Macau. Those that didn't get out in time were often simply hunted down and murdered by KMT-related triads.

    In the end, the total death toll of the Hong Kong riots was a bit under 2,000, a roughly equal number on both sides. This was an affair followed not just in Asia - but also in the United Kingdom itself. KMT-aligned triads and trade unionists moved right into the armories abandoned by the pro-Communist trade unionists. The British government in Hong Kong grew deeply alarmed when they realize that General Kot had no intention of leaving - and they didn't have any way to evict him. Indeed, General Kot demanded that the Hong Kong government and police force "apologize to the Chinese nation" for failing to protect the city. Several British officials who protested against them were found dead the next day - sparking another crisis in the British government.

    In the end, in response to veiled threats by the KMT government in Nanjing - the United Kingdom, in light of its unfolding colonial disasters in other parts of the world, folded. In early 1964, the United Kingdom signed the Canton Agreement, which agreed to most of the KMT's demands. Communism was banned in Hong Kong and power would be shared between the British governor and a local political leader (this ended up becoming Pang Chun-hoi, the head of the Hong Kong Trade Unions Congress). In practice, Hong Kong became a KMT-UK condominium. To make this clearer, the ROC flag was instructed to fly alongside the British flag (under the flag of Hong Kong) - and "volunteer security services" from the Mainland were allowed to stay in Hong Kong to "assist" the Hong Kong Police Force. In exchange, the Republic of China made a serious concession - although the New Territories would be returned to the Republic of China on 1997 (after the expiration of the 99-year lease), the ROC pledged not to use force in order to contest the de jure sovereignty of Hong Kong Island or Kowloon Peninsula.

    The Canton Treaty would be viewed as a success by the British and ROC governments - but it also helped expose tensions in the British government. The somewhat more flexible Labour leaders of the Lab-Con coalition didn't quite inform their Conservative counterparts of the entire treaty - and so, many Tories were absolutely outraged by the treaty. But given the light of the crisis facing the British Empire - they begrudgingly continued supporting the government for now.
     
    Chapter 172 - Crisis in East Africa
  • Crisis in East Africa
    The governments of Rwanda and Burundi had become problems. In Rwanda, the Tutsi-dominated monarchy was the strongest force for the independence of Rwanda - and indeed, the Congolese Reds had been known for implicit ties with the Tutsi monarchy. This was largely because the monarchy wanted immediate independence as an independent monarchy - while Hutu activists wanted slower independence that would better establish social and political equality between the Hutu and Tutsi. Of course, the dividing line of Hutu and Tutsi was heavily rbitrary - it was the Belgians who formalized an informal caste structure (it was for example, not uncommon for wealthy Hutu farmers to reclassified by Tutsi by the Tutsi monarchy) - but by 1960, they became used as ethnic signifies. Contrary to much of the contemporary discourse, there were not significant phenotypical distinctions between the Hutu and Tutsi - the notion that the Tutsi were descended from a more Europeanische gene pool from Ethiopia was largely a psuedoscientific racist notion proposed by several early German colonizers to explain why the "Tutsi race" seemed dominant in Rwandan and Burundi society. However, although it began as essentially European projection, these ideas had been adopted by some indigenous intellectuals.

    Naturally, the Belgian colonial administrators, fearing a deterioration of the situation in the Congo, naturally abolished the Tutsi monarchy in Rwanda with force. When the King of Rwanda, fearing Hutu "collaboration" with the Belgians stripped chief status from all Hutu chiefs, Hutu peasants revolted. The Tutsi nobility ordered the local police force to crush the Hutu rebels with force. However, much to their shock, they were swept aside as Belgian colonial officials turned over weapons to vengeful Hutu peasants instead. Although the Belgians nodded in favor as Hutu peasants ransacked the estates of Tutsi nobles, they became increasingly worried as the violence swept to engulf everyday Tutsis. Belgian reinforcements were dispatched to restore order, but they were ironically waylaid by the Red Congolese (Kongolais Rouge) who attacked Belgian convoys. In the end, most Tutsi in Rwanda fled from mob violence, either Burundi or Kivuland in Eastern Congo (a long time recipient of Rwandan immigrants). The post-riot government was dominated by Hutu elites who largely sought to violently redistribute wealth and power from the Tutsi elite to the Hutu elite. The flood of Tutsi refugees into Burundi also radicalized the Tutsi monarchy in Burundi. A botched assassination of Prince Louise Rwagasore left the independence activist paralyzed waist-down - and Burundi society widely suspected the Belgian special services of planning the attack. Rwagasore denounced the Belgians and announced his support for the Red Congolese. Seeking to quickly neutralize the Tutsi monarchy, a group of radical Hutu extremists that many suspected of also being funded by the Belgians stormed the capital attempting to overthrow King Mwambutsa IV. However, the Burundian military was heavily Tutsi and this coup attempt was rapidly crushed.

    It was unclear if the Belgians were involved in the Hutu putsch in Burundi, but they were most likely involved the subsequent coup by Tutsi extremists that removed King Mwambutsa, who viewed him as too conciliatory to the Hutu majority. Unlike the Rwandan monarchy, the Burundi monarchy opted for a more moderate ethnic path. The Belgians loathed him for trying to keep Burundi neutral in the Congo War - and they openly sponsored Burundian military general Michel Micombero, who declared himself regent of the Kingdom of Burundi despite opposition from almost its entire royal family. He was favored by the Belgians simply because of how ruthlessly effective he was - he ordered his troops to go on vast sweeps in the Burundi countryside, executing any suspected Communists. Of course, he specifically targeted Hutu regions that he saw as a threat to his power. Micombero also cleverly passed on intelligence that designated Hutu-dominated regions as Communist strongholds (for strategic bombing) - even if they really weren't.

    Testimonies by Belgian colonial officials consistently indicate that there was no real grand strategy for the Congo, Rwanda, and Burundi. Colonial officials were really just instructed to align with anyone who was tolerant of Belgian presence and opposed the Congolese Reds, given flagging funds and manpower problems in the Mainland. The problem with this is that it led Belgian colonial officials to basically commit a severe strategic error. Simply put, Belgium was transparently supporting both violent Hutu supremacists and violent Tutsi supremacists simultaneously in Rwanda and Burundi respectively. It took a relatively low-ranking Belgian intern to point out how incoherent the Belgian colonial strategy in the Rwanda-Burundi was. The Rwandan and Burundi governments, while both in theory allied to Belgium against the Red Congolese, had an unsurprising tendency to work very poorly together.

    This boded also poorly for the efforts of Great Britain in solving the East African crisis. By this time, the Dominion of Uganda had totally collapsed. The Buganda-Kenyan alliance had extinguished the remnants of the colonial army in northern Uganda - and the brutality of Idi Amin's warriors caused many Ugandan soldiers to defect. Defeated Busoga and Bunyoro were menaced as Amin's militia terrorized their citizens, unleashing a wave of terror so bad that the local peoples failed to react with outrage when their historical Bugandan enemies arrived to put Busoga under suzerainty. However, with deep misgivings against both powers, Bunyoro remained distant from both, deeply resenting Bugandan domination. With the Kingdom of Toro being effectively dehabilitated by the Rwenzururun independence movement and Kingdom of Ankole being fraught with ethnic tensions between the Bahima-dominated monarchy and the Bairu majority, both of the two remaining kingdoms were not players in international diplomacy. They would instead spend most of their time hunting for international recognition - much to the outrage of Britain. Ironically, the only territory controlled by the Dominion of Uganda would be the Kigezi region in the far far southwest, which cleverly dropped its claims on neighboring Ankole and Toro in exchange for not being bulldozed. In practive, the Kigezi clans were self-governing and Ugandan colonial officials who arrived found that they had nothing to do.

    The Kenyan invasion of Tanganyika was not anything anyone really asked for, including independence activists in Tanganyika itself. Julius Nyerere, who was then in a colonial British jail, was reportedly confused by the report. Idi Amin stated that the official purpose of the incursion was to "retake plundered Kenyan wealth" from the white settlers who had fled Kenya with their wealth, but most of those settlers easily absconded to the Central African Federation (CAF) under Roy Welensky. In practice, his army was largely fueled by plundering local indigenous peoples. Regardless, he still declared himself "Conqueror of the British Empire", which was actually not that unreasonable given that he had seized one British colony via a coup, conquered a second, and was planning on making a hat trick out it all.

    That being said, the invasion of Tanganyika was not that successful. The brutality of his army, including torture, rape, and widespread killings of both potential political threats and just civilians caught in the crossfire, soon drew outrage. Tanganyika independence activists failed to support his cause, refusing to recognize him as an actual conqueror of the British Empire. The only saving grace was that the British were so caught up with issues in Singapore, Hong Kong, Cyprus, Jordan, Iraq, and South America - that East Africa was somewhat neglected. Notably, the British colonial government resorted to hiring "Mad Mike Hoare" among other various mercenaries to help combat Idi Amin's militias. The Americans were in conversation with Idi Amin, viewing him as a possible anticommunist bulwark in East Africa, funneling arms to his armies. In response, the British governor of Tanganyika simply let Nyerere and all of his comrades out of jail immediately, outraging the Americans who viewed him as a rival to Idi Amin. Surprisingly, although British government was wildly unpopular, several Tanganyikan independence activists lent their help to the British as Amin's armies got more and more uncomfortably close to Dar Es Salaam.
     
    Chapter 173 - The Sun Sets on the British Empire
  • The Sun Sets on the British Empire
    Peron decided to give it another try. In 1953, he had attempted to buy the Falkland Islands from Britain, but the Churchill politely rebuffed him by arguing that such a move would be politically perilous. In 1964, the situation was very different indeed. Both regimes were in a sense suffering. Although Peron had foiled a coup attempt in 1955 and managed to hold on thanks to generous US support from the Kennedy Administration (which helped smooth over bad blood from the abortive US-supported coup against Peron), the Peronist experiment failed to actually address the fundamental problems with Peronism. It was less a failure of import substitute industrialization and simply a failure of competence - regulatory rules promulgated by the state simply changed too quickly and were too vague. State-owned industries were largely staffed by political appointees. In response to an agricultural crisis, Peron's second five-year plan primarily focused on maximizing agricultural exports (primarily to the United States). Although this helped turn around the steep recession (that led to the 1955 coup), the wages of urban workers, much of his original political base, suffered.

    The Americans could keep enemies on the right at bay - but enemies at the left only continued to grow. Strife in many of Argentina's industrial urban cities grew to high levels - with shootings, bombings, and retaliatory shootings and bombings between far-left and far-right radicals. Although the name wasn't actually contemparenously used, many left-wing urban guerillas began to refer to themselves as "New Montoneros" in reference to the Montoneras paramilitary groups that organized during the wars of independence against Spain. In opposition, right-wing groups branded themselves "Tacuaras" - the term for the lances used by the Montoneras in the independence wars. In cooperation with the CIA, the Argentina government encouraged both sides so that Peron could brand himself as a "peaceful centrist" who safeguarded Argentinian stability from the extremes. By 1963, the cities were violent, but the large agricultural producers, once fierce opponents of Peron, began to view him as the least-bad option, especially given his close relations with the United States, which was buying up most of Argentina's grain and beef. The United States didn't actually need the grain - but one of the incentives for Latin American nations to participate in Kennedy's "Alliance for Progress" in Latin America was to have a place to drop exports. In practice, the US always needed food and materials to pass onto friendly governments in the developing world (in particular, the Congo). He had managed to broker quite the personal rapport with President Kennedy.

    In 1964, shortly after a failed far-right assassination attempt on Peron, he decided to legitimize his support among the right by seeking a nationalistic triumph. He didn't want to ally with them - but he at least wanted to be not hated enough to get shot. Peron's government sent a secret telegraph to the United Kingdom with a simple demand: the United Kingdom would accept his offer to purchase the Falkland Islands (identical as the one in 1953) - or Peron would take the islands by force. With the United Kingdom facing colonial problems in Tanganyika, Egypt, Greece, Cyprus, Jordan, Sudan, Singapore, Hong Kong, and Sri Lanka, the British had to weigh their options. The personal documents of Peron indicated that he was completely bluffing - he wasn't actually willing to risk a war with even a distracted United Kingdom. An infamous shouting match took place in the British cabinet over the demands. Prime Minister George Brown telegraphed President Kennedy asking if he would have support in the Falklands - Kennedy shot him down almost immediately. In the end, over the objections of the Conservatives in the cabinet, Brown folded. He announced from 10 Downing Street that the British Empire was accepting an offer to sell the Falkland Islands to Argentina with the guarantee that all Falkland Islanders enjoyed British nationality and permanent residency status - and that he would immediately committing the money from the transaction towards the replacement of the Royal Navy carriers destroyed in the Battle of Souda.

    The Conservative Party, as predicted by Churchill in 1953, reacted with fury against the decision, including Minister of Defense John Profumo. The Conservatives made the shock decision to pull their support from the government. Once it was clear that the government would fall, almost the entire Conservative Party turned against the government, remembering what had happened to the anti-Churchill conservatives in the election a decade ago. The government fell. The 1964 UK elections would prove to be one of the most dramatic in history simply because it took place during a rapidly deteriorating international situation. The total destruction of the British Army in the West Bank was viewed as the worst defeat for British land forces since the Battle of Singapore - a further blow to British national esteem after the Battle of Souda. Stories of Idi Amin's atrocities finally trickled to Britain itself. During the election campaign itself, British soldiers and pro-Royalist Egyptians were forced to flee the city of Alexandria as rebel troops finally cut off water and power to the city. The rebel victory in Alexandria was a huge propaganda victory - as it was only 12 years ago that the British had crushed the Free Officer's revolt in the Siege of Alexandria. Finally, two other humiliations were to hurt the British government.

    In Singapore, left-PAP members, after years of tossing rotten durians at the British naval base, watched as the British Navy had to leave to support operations in Jordan. Seeing the catastrophe facing the British around the globe, these PAP cadres ended up picking a fight with British troops. After years of restraint, finally one British soldier snapped, firing into the crowd of Singaporean protestors. A crowd of infuriated protesters stormed the base, quickly overwhelming the limited number of British troops guarding the base (most troops had been redeployed to the Middle East). Soon, the Singapore Navy Base was occupied by civilians, looting and rioting through the base. Left-PAP leaders managed to prevent any of the British soldiers from being killed, but they were captured and seemingly held hostage. In many ways, this was seen a way for the left-PAP to cement its ideological dominance over the right - by aligning itself with the most aggressive nationalistic stance possible. Remaining British colonial officers were captured in the same way. These left-PAP leaders would state to newspapers that the officials and soldiers would be released as soon as the United Kingdom recognized the independence of Singapore. The Labour government refused. Looking at the Hong Kong example as a precedent - they asked the leader of Malaya, Tunku Abdul Rahman, to intervene with his troops to save the British hostages. He denied the request - he had no interest in Singapore and he feared the demographic threat that would happen if he integrated that many ethnic Chinese into his Malay ethnostate. The British...had really nothing they could do.

    Most humiliating to the United Kingdom was the acts of a different power - worst of all, another NATO member nation. The rise of the Falangists had caused a rush of students to join the Sindicato Español Universitario (SEU), the student movement of the Falange. However, Francisco Franco still distrusted the Falange and was widely believed to be readying an order to disband the SEU. The Falange had won the economic argument for Spanish industrial party over the Opus Dei technocrats - and that was enough victory from Franco's perspective. He was looking for a reason to disband the SEU. He found one. Radical Falangist youths, learning from the examples of Hong Kong and Singapore, decided to pull a similar move. Finding arms from the increasingly large Batallón Vasco Español (Spanish Basque Batallion), a pro-government paramilitary group formed to fight the increasingly bloody ETA insurgency in the Basque Country, a motley gang of Carlist-Falangists (amusingly mostly ethnic Basque who stuck out with their accents) simply rented fishing boats, rowed around to Gibraltar, and stormed the lightly populated island with assault rifles and grenades. Like Hong Kong and Singapore, Gibraltar was lightly guarded because of ongoing wars in the Mediterranean (most Gibraltar regiments were in Crete at the time). The local police force, wildly outnumbered, decided to fight anyways in defense of their staunchly unionist homes. In a famous battle, a dozen policeman held out from constant assault for hours, but were eventually forced to surrender.

    The event caused a huge crisis in NATO. The USA simply decided to stay completely outside of the dispute. Spanish diplomats were actually horrified - and Franco ordered the student division of the Falange abolished. Apologizing to Spain's European allies, the Spanish Army moved directly into Gibraltar, disarmed the militiamen, and then arrested them. On paper, the Spanish were playing exactly as a responsible, good-faith actor would. Then the Spanish troops indicated they wouldn't actually be leaving. Arguing to the rest of NATO that the United Kingdom was unable to protect Gibralter, Franco's government indicated that Spanish troops would stay until British troops would return. This was widely interpreted in Britain as a blatant and illegal land grab - and the British went to NATO for help. The French and West Germans solidly backed the Spanish, the United States stayed out of the conflict (seeing no interest in supporting either side), and Italy still wasn't a NATO member. Britain was alone, once again.

    On paper, everything seemed to be going wrong for the incumbent Labour government. And then two weeks before the election, the scandal struck. John Profumo, former Minister of Defense and the current leader of the Conservative Paper was revealed by the Sun to be having an affair with a 21-year old model, Christine Keeler. The real clincher was that Keeler was found to be having an affair simultaneously also with a member of the Soviet naval attache. Widespread conspiracy theories erupted - chief among that Profumo was compromised by Soviet espionage - or that he was even himself purposely losing wars abroad. The uproar was tremendous - and although Profumo denied the affair, he was forced to resign after an infamous interaction between the Daily Mail and Soviet Ambassador. When the Soviet ambassador was asked if Christine Keeler was an intelligence asset for the NKVD, he began randomly commenting about the quality of English food, which was viewed as perhaps the most suspicious answer ever given. Soviet archives revealed that no, she actually wasn't - but that the Soviets quickly realized it served Soviet interests to actually look competent and brilliant abroad (to distract from the fact that the USSR was in total political collapse). The problem was that Profumo resigned six days before the actual election, so the Conservative Party essentially went into the election with no actual party leader. With absolutely no guidance from a national campaign, local Tory candidates often resorted to what they saw as the most effective campaign tactic - race-baiting. If it saved them in 1955, it might save them again. A large number of Pakistani refugees had fled from Pakistan to the United Kingdom as a result of what the West was calling the "Pakistani genocide" - so local Tories often just campaigned less on foreign policy (which seemed disastrous) and just parroted talking lines about "sending the Pakis back."

    The British elections of 1964 would at least seem the most consequential in British history, well, until at least the next one.
     
    Chapter 174 - The UK Elections of 1964
  • The UK Elections of 1964
    When the dust cleared, Britain had a new Prime Minister. Amusingly, very few British people had any idea who their new Prime Minister was. All three parties seem equally non-viable for different reasons. Labour was blamed for a terrible war record - with both right-wingers and leftists defecting in untold numbers. The Conservatives had been hit by the mother of all scandals - with many middle-class British blaming the Conservative adherence to a seemingly outdated empire for causing the crisis. In theory, the Liberals would be easily poised to capitalize, especially as the only party with consistently anti-war, anti-nuclear credentials (both Labour the Tories rebuffed the growing Committee for Nuclear Disarmament). However, it would not be so simple.

    Acland had been forced to resign in 1963 after a seemingly disappointing election. A vicious leadership election took place - where the radical Young Liberals was able to elect one of their own as Leader of the Liberal Party. This only took place because most moderate, older Liberals opted to join the National Government in hopes of influencing the government from the inside. Indeed, although small in number, they were a very useful counterweight to Tory hawks. In 1963, the newly elected MP Tony Greaves found himself the leader of the rump Liberal Party at age 21, a rump caucus where the average age was under 40. The oldest Liberal MP was literally only 46 - the Welsh Labour defector Leo Abse. The former Scottish Tory Tam Dalyell was relatively old, at 32. Indeed, Greaves was nominated by the Young Liberal faction because he was relatively old - their de facto leader, Louis Eaks, had been elected at age 19. Strange leadership elections happen when over three-fourths of your MPs simply defected - including Acland himself. In short, very few people took the radical Liberals seriously, chief among themselves, who spent most of the campaign complaining about how the "rigged" first-past-the-post electoral system in the United Kingdom rigged the system in favor of the two major parties.

    Concern grew slowly to worry and panic as British political observers increasingly began to realize something had gone deeply wrong. Indeed, the most memorable moment of the night was the so-called "Baxter" moment - when long-time Conservative MP Beverly Baxter, who had represented the solidly Conservative constituency of Southgate in the upscale outskirts of London since 1935 (surviving even the 1945 Labour landslide), was declared to have lost his seat to a Liberal Party challenger. And so the rest of the night would go.

    1596493656085.png

    Britain's political class was shocked at the earthquake. Even the old guard of the Liberals, largely brushed aside, were shocked. Upscale, suburban Britain had given an overpowering victory to the Liberals - despite their hard-left radicalism, they were still seen as more "erudite" than the working-class Labour Party. Indeed, Labour activists fumed, arguing that the Liberal success was proof of the power of class in politics - that Tory voters would prefer an aristocratic radical to a moderate coal miner. That was certainly part of the equation - but it was also entirely true that neither party took the Liberals seriously at all. After all, they were viewed as juvenile student upstarts and few politicians took them seriously. However, the British public, which had seen a student protest topple Laventry Beria's reign of terror in the Soviet Union actually seemed very amenable to the notion of a young leader.

    Moreover, instead of focusing on the scariest elements of the Liberal Party platform, the Tories and Labour largely attacked them over nuclear weaponry - arguing they would give a greenlight to those like Beria (which further drew attention to Beria's political demise) and Israel. In particular, both political parties argued that Young Liberal firebrand Louis Eaks, the foreign policy spokesperson for the Liberals, was an anti-Semite due to his ferocious denunciations of "Zionist Imperialism" and "British Zionists" - but those complaints completely backfired during the Israeli conquest of the West Bank. Even as election day came closer, neither party truly took the Liberals seriously. In many cases, they had barely campaigned, with centralized campaigning run by MP Trevor Jones (age 37). Which is no surprise - since many of those that had put their names in were just random students who were told by Liberal HQ that their deposits would be covered by the Liberal Party (this was a lie) because the Liberal Party wanted to run a candidate against every "National Government" candidate.

    In many ways, the new government alarmed perhaps every foreign policy thinker on both sides of the Atlantic. Although they portrayed a happy-go-lucky young middle-class suburban image to relatively low-information upscale voters, their foreign policies were actually quite radical. Many of them described themselves as "libertarian socialists." They called for British withdrawal from NATO, unilateral nuclear disarmament, an end to all of Britain's current colonial wars (except against Israel, which they referred to as the "Zionist state"), opposition to South African apartheid, opposition to the Indian invasion of Sri Lanka (which Britain had previously green-lit), recognition of the People's Republic of Korea, recognition of Singapore's unilateral declaration of independence, restoration of relations with Iran, and expulsion of all US troops from the United Kingdom. Outside of extreme foreign policy, their actual domestic policy wasn't particularly radical, calling for only minor tweaks and rejecting the calls of the Labour Party in favor of industrial nationalizations - instead, the Liberals, largely from relatively bourgeoisie backgrounds, called instead for "workplace democracy", which in practice was essentially just the continental European policy of co-determination (the right of workers to vote for a representative at the Board of Directors). The fact that they never called for tax hikes nor welfare cuts actually made them tolerable to most everyday British voters. It helped them that the United Kingdom was a deep recession due to the 1963 Oil Shock - and both the Tories and Labour were complicit in crushing austerity policies that brought the postwar consensus to a grinding halt. The result would be several extremely tumultuous years for the United Kingdom, led at first by a young man who was elected to his first political office at the age of 21 - was made leader of a fringe political party a few weeks later - and then a year later at 22, became the youngest British Prime Minister since Pitt the Younger.
     
    Last edited:
    Chapter 175 - Impeachment?
  • Impeachment?
    The 1962 election were often treated as a dead-cat bounce for the Republican Party. Yet, this largely evaded actual notice because the results of the election seemed actually quite mixed. Although the fractitious Republican coalition managed to significantly increase their share of seats in the House of Representatives, they actually lost a significant number of Senators. Not because it was a particularly bad year for the Republican Party - but because the Senate elections of 1962 were for the seats up in 1956, a Republican banner year that saw Republicans swamp Congress and flip both houses of Congress - before subsequently losing both houses of Congress in mass defections in the aftermath of the Revolt of the Admirals.

    1597075991462.png

    In practice, this made policy as easy as ever for the Democratic majority. The Republican coalition was so ideologically fractious that it was never very hard to pull off a significant share of Republican politicians to support policies piece-meal. And the enlarged Senate majority dutifully confirmed nominees with very little genuine review or advice. In practice, decisions were made in the White House and fulfilled by Senators, who feared for their futures if they wavered. There was no outright coercion - but it was widely understood that businesses would loathe to hire politicians who retired after defying the government. Politicians deeply motivated by financial motivations (for presumably lucrative post-political careers) were simply not going to risk their future careers as lobbyists, corporate board members, etc.

    However, by 1963, a backlash was brewing. The release of the "DOJ Papers" sent the opposition howling, screeching for political blood. A decade of antipathy towards the heavy-handed tactics of the Kennedy Administration poured out as the opposition became more unified than ever. A word, rarely uttered in American politics, quickly began to escape the mouth of Republican politicians: "impeachment." However - one problem loomed. For one, they didn't actually control either house of Congress. Speaker of the House McCormack, who had already announced that he would be retiring after the 1964 elections, basically shut down the line of reasoning immediately. Republican-friendly regional newspapers (such as the New Hampshire Union Leader) were typically the only newspapers willing to publish the ongoing scandal, which deeply motivated a large swath of GOP voters but failed to move the dial on centrist politicians. Indeed, the "McCormack line" held strong. Several Republican Congressmen submitted Articles of Impeachment. None were voted on.

    Although in many ways, Goldwater believed he was the presumptive nominee in 1964, Republican public opinion turned sharply against both the wars and the influence of intelligence agencies in the United States and abroad. The Congo War had become increasingly unpopular among the Republican Party - while Goldwater was staunchly in favor, arguing that the United States could only win the war by escalating the war into Rwanda, Sudan, Burundi, and other African nations. Similarly, the divide between the Scoop Jackson camp and Abraham Ribicoff camp grew more hostile, as they vehemently disagreed on American foreign policy going forward. The 1963 oil shock brought the massive economic economic boom of the United States to a grinding halt - and Kennedy's response was domestic austerity with no change in foreign or defense policy. For example, funding for the rural clinics originally implemented by the Kennedy Administration to more broadly distribute wealth were nearly cut by half in the 1963 budget. A Kennedy-era program to basically pay off school districts to integrate was completely cut. In contrast, defense spending and military assistance abroad saw further increases. The Jackson line agreed with this - but Ribicoff became increasingly opposed. The Kennedy tax cuts were also pared back, but this didn't particularly outrage either camp.

    Throughout 1963, Kennedy's approval ratings quickly came down to earth after both the release of the DOJ Papers and the oil shock - falling to the mid 50's from the low 70's. Although Republicans often accused Kennedy of wanting a third term - he explicitly rejected this notion and prepared to step down as expected. As a result, not only was the real drama who would succeed him - but the fall of his approval ratings also meant that all parties involved were more willing to disregard his actual politics in order to build what they believed would be the ideal "legacy."
     
    Top