The North Star is Red: a Wallace Presidency, KMT Victory, Alternate Cold War TL

Chapter 176 - Raaaaaace Waaaaar! Race War!
  • Raaaaaace Waaaaar! Race War!
    The reaction in Ceylon to news of the Indian invasion was furious and widely blamed on "Tamil conspirators." While the coup plotters who had appealed to allies in India once their coup stalled were largely Tamil, they were a relatively non-representative class of Tamils, mostly Christian Tamils who had been privileged during the period of British colonization and highly overrepresented in the Ceylonese Army and Police force. This nuance was totally lost in most of Ceylon, as mobs of pro-government militias burned down Tamil neighborhoods and engaged in mass murder and rape against Tamil Ceylonese. Stories of lurid atrocities quickly spread like wildfire among Tamil Ceylonese and many were essentially pushed into supporting the Indian invasion by the mass violence. As a result, many young Tamils flocked to anti-government militias, which only furthered the cycle of violence.

    Although much of the Ceylonese officer corps subsequently defected, most of the rank and file soldiers did not. As a result, an attempt by the Ceylonese rebels to sabotage much of Ceylon's military capabilities was largely ignored by local troops. As a result, although the Ceylonese Army was left largely leaderless, it still retained most of its equipment and manpower - and amphibious assaults are typically very difficult to make. However, the United Kingdom in 1962 had offered significant logistical support, which allowed the Indian Navy to largely focus on combat operations. In March of 1962, the city of Jaffna came under massive Indian naval and aerial bombardment. Although the Indian Air Force took severe losses from anti-aircraft guns that they did not expect to be active, rebel groups distracted Ceylonese troops long enough for Indian paratroopers to seize significant strategic areas overlooking the harbor, making the Ceylonese position increasingly untenable. Moreover, local Tamils (even though most were ambivalent about the Indian invasion) were seen as a possible fifth column by radicalized Ceylonese soldiers, which made them waste significant manpower in "patrolling" the locals.

    Interestingly, the actual battle itself was not particularly bloody for either army - both the Indian and Ceylonese Army suffered fewer than a thousand deaths, especially because the Ceylonese Army pulled out once their position was untenable. However, the battle was devastating for the civilian population of Jaffna, as the Ceylonese Army adopted a scorched earth policy before retreating into what they saw as more "ethnically friendly" policy. In the aftermath of "liberation", mobs of young Tamil militiamen engaged in equally brutal reprisals against both Sinhalese and moderate Tamils for several days before the Indian Army and rebel leaders cracked down.

    What began as an arcane struggle between two sets of postcolonial elites quickly expanded into mass ethnic violence across the island, especially as the Sinhalese Army's scorched earth policy left most of Northern and Eastern Ceylon in flames. Although Jaffna's position on the tip of a peninsula made it almost uniquely indefensible, the Ceylonese Army dug in and fought elsewhere. The Indian Army, eager to deter Pakistan, was ordered to disregard typical concerns over collateral damage and bring out all of the heavy weaponry they could. Indian strategy boiled largely down to shooting as many shells as possible at the enemy army - and only attacking in force with aerial and artillery assets. In contrast, the Ceylonese focused primarily on static defense with hit and run attacks with aerial assets. Losing ground steadily, the Ceylonese government officially cut its ties with the United Kingdom (which was obviously trying to overthrow it), declaring itself an independent Republic of Sri Lanka, calling for help from the rest of the world.

    Help arrived. The Indian Air Force's ability to dominate the skies of Sri Lanka quickly fell apart as the Sri Lankan air force seemed to triple almost overnight. As properly suspected by most people, aerial assets from the People's Republic of Pakistan had arrived in Sri Lanka, disguised themselves as Sri Lankan planes, and began fighting for the Sri Lankans. Whereas Pakistan viewed itself unable of truly matching the Indian Army in a straight on fight (as proven in their crushing defeat in the Kashmir War), they focused on aerial assets. For example, the Indians primarily relied on the Canadair Sabre, a Canadian version of the American F-86 Sabre jet plane, while the Pakistanis primarily relied on the MiG-21, a small interceptor well suited for launching hit-and-run attacks from ground bases on Indian bombers. The North Japanese significantly stepped up humanitarian aid to Sri Lanka, while the North Chinese sent special operation volunteers. Burma, also enjoying very poor relations with India, would also send volunteers. Indian diplomats grew frustrated that almost every Soviet-aligned state was aiding Sri Lanka - while Western aid that was promised simply failed to most. Even British aid had totally disappeared, as British naval assets were pulled out due to the Mediterranean Crisis.

    The final Indian push against Sri Lanka faltered when the ultimate nightmare scenario took place. In 1962, a small division of Soviet forces arrived, armed to the teeth with the latest Soviet weaponry and equipment. The reaction in India was harsh. Anti-Soviet sentiment exploded in India, as the Lokha Sabha passed perhaps the most controversial law in Indian history, a law temporarily dissolving the Communist Party of India who refused to denounce Soviet intervention, which was highly popular in Bengal and Kerala, the state next to Tamil Nadu. Kerala was placed directly under "President's Rule" with the democratically elected Communist-led state government dissolved and much of their advances in universal healthcare, land reform, and education being quickly rolled back. Although a flood of private investment quickly brought high GDP growth, the growth was poorly distributed and wages for the poorest Keralans actually dropped. Furious Keralan workers began sabotaging Indian war efforts against Sri Lanka - with some amusingly even espousing support of Pakistan (despite the millions of Pakistanis fleeing), making it almost impossible for India to rout supplies to the front-lines through Kerala.

    In terms of strategic results, the war in Sri Lanka was a horrific quagmire for the Indian Army. Civilian causalities were rising rapidly as the Indian advance crumpled against elite Soviet troops, who simply out-ranged, out-fired, and out-organized the Indian Army (and every other army participating in the war). Man-for-man, the Indian Army was somewhat better than the Sri Lankan Army (and they enjoyed a huge advantage in the number of men they had), but the international volunteers narrowed the numerical gap and Soviet involvement narrowed the quality gap. Soviet anti-air, combined with Pakistani interceptors, brought Indian's aerial dominance to an end. Sri Lankan lines stabilized as Indian forces advanced significantly into majority-Sinhalese territories - and then they further ground to a total halt once they approached the mountains of central Sri Lanka. However, in terms of political dominance, it was great for the leaders of India. Giving them a pretext to outlaw the Communists and tethering the Tamil localists to their side, the right-wing Indian government would survive the unpopularity of its actual policies as a result of the war. Leftist groups were cautious to criticize the group too harshly, lest they also be banned. However, Indian Communists did not stop existing. Indian civil liberties remained largely sacrosanct, and Communists continued to organize, often radicalizing due to their exclusion from the political process.

    Realizing the grievous damage that had been done to Sri Lankan race relations, the Indians grew worried about any postwar settlement. In many ways, Tamil nationalists also turned against India, as they staunchly tried to prevent anti-Sinhalese revenge attacks in the occupied territories and officially put their supporters in charge of their Ceylon - an aristocratic Christian Tamil elite. Tamils in India were largely satisfied with India's intervention in Sri Lanka - but some extremists began to doubt their "dedication" to the cause. The fear of Indian annexation was raised, though they were largely dismissed because of India's acquieisnece to Kashmiri independence. However, the politics were different with Sri Lanka - because some Indians did want to annex at least the majority Tamil-regions of Sri Lanka (largely Indian Tamil localist politicians who wanted more Tamil voters).
     
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    Chapter 177 - The Secret War
  • The Secret War
    The Congo War was not to only spill over into Rwanda and Burundi - the effects of perhaps the most consequential war in Africa's history was to also spill over into Europe itself - by way of Angola, which was considered an integral province of the Portuguese Republic. The initial spark for the surprisingly came out of Spain. Portuguese military officer Henrique Galvao, a former Salazar supporter who had turned on the Estado Novo, had garnered support across Portugal and Spain for a daring scheme of his. His scheme was surprisingly more Spanish than Portuguese, as many disgruntled Spanish officers joined his cause in protest of what they saw as increasing Spanish subordination to French economic interests. [1]

    Galvao and his co-conspirators, after a short delay, seized control of a Portuguese passenger liner, the Santa Maria in a short firefight. The ship went completely missing for several days until it resurfaced, landing to everyone's shock in Angola, currently in the midst of a brutal labour dispute. Thousands of Angolan cotton workers, protesting against poor working conditions by a Portuguese-Belgian company, had just been massacred by Portuguese colonial troopers after rebels infiltrated the protests and opened fire on the Portuguese, in the infamous Baixa de Cassanje massacre, sparking anger across the local population. Galvao's men stormed a local radio station and declared the founding of Portuguese and Spanish governments-in-exile, declaring that they would fight until both Franco and Salazar were removed from office - and most notably, all of Portugal's overseas territories became independent. Portuguese troops quickly took back the radio station after Galvao and his men fled into the countryside, seemingly irrelevant, since they were not expected to rally any support.

    However, the Congo War was to spill over into Angola. The assassination of Patrice Lumumba and Joseph Kaba-Vusu had just taken place a week ago - and vengeful leader of the Congolais Rouge, Antoine Gizenga, saw one quick way to take revenge against the Belgians (and West in general). He immediately declared support for the Portuguese and Spanish governments-in-exile. Holden Roberto, a Bakongo militia leader working under the Congolais Rouge, was ordered to invade northern Angola to support Galvao's government-in-exile. Angola had long-been a staging area for pro-Western, pro-Dominion forces in Congo - and this was seen as a way to expand the war against the West. Much even to Roberto's surprise, he found thousands upon thousands of willing recruits as he crossed the border, as his army swelled by angry young youth, who after years of mistreatment, in many cases engaged in brutal atrocities against Portuguese settlers and soldiers, up to and even including cannibalism. Although Salazar himself rejected racism and the regime in Portugal officially declared itself a multiracial, egalitarian "pluricontinental state", the local colonial governments actually resisted this, continuing to segregate in a clear racial hierarchy where African workers were generally mistreated by multinational corporations. These atrocities shocked Portugal and the West - especially because it could be easily spun as an "Afro-Communist plot to destroy both the overseas states and fatherland." America and Belgium was shocked, as public order rapidly collapsed in Angola. Roberto's men were a surprisingly well-disciplined fighting force, trained by years of fighting in the Congo Wars. Moreover, they were quite well-armed and had a surplus of weaponry, as the Eastern bloc was very generous in supplying arms to the Congolese Reds.

    By the end of 1961, the Angolan police force had totally collapsed as a full-blown rebellion was openly seizing much of Northern Angola. Terrifyingly to Portugal and Spain, Galvao was still giving off radio broadcasts from the countryside of Angola, calling for mainlanders to overthrow Salazar and Franco. Most worryingly, several students had begun to brandish pro-Galvao slogans. The Portuguese naturally turned to the man who saved the honor of their empire years ago in Goa - their fellow Catholic in Washington D.C., John F. Kennedy. Kennedy had demands for "help." Namely, the Portuguese colonial government in Angola was required to abolish racial distinctions among other racist policies. Salazar was glad to comply - since he always opposed those policies and now had a way to pressure the local governments. However, no one believed it would be enough to pacify the revolt. In March of 1962, over a hundred B-52 bombers from the Strategic Air Command under Kennedy stalwart Curtis LeMay (now famous for his prison break-out from North China), took off from the American airbase in Kitona (in Western Bas-Congo, near the Atlantic Ocean), flying over Northern Angola, unbenownst to the American or even Portuguese public. Over the next year, American B-52 bombers would drop over a hundred thousand tons of explosives over Northern Angola in hopes of destroying Roberto's militia as well as Galvao himself. Indeed, reports confirmed the death of both men, which was seen as a huge vindicating success for the American strategy. Unlike Congo, almost all of Angola, alongside the Atlantic was open to American bombing.

    However, this would not actually help the Portuguese. Roberto's death allowed one of his contacts, Jonas Savimbi, to seize control of his Bakongo militants. Savimbi himself, although a proven fighter and comrade to the Bakongo, was himself an Ovimbundu - the largest ethnic group in Angola - who dominate most of Central Angola (the Bakongo are mostly in the north). Savimbi declared the founding of the National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA) - brokering a tacit agreement with the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), a largely Luanda-based and Ambundu-dominated group (the Ambundu live predominantly between the Bakongo and Ovimbundu). The MPLA itself started out very strong, but significantly weakened as the Central African Federation arrested most of their militants trying to operate from Zambia. Much to the shock of the Americans and Portuguese, the Angolan insurgency significantly expanded after the death of Galvao and Roberto - as Savimbi declared that he would avenge both.

    However, as the strategic bombing campaign was still viewed as successful - LeMay did what he did best - continue to bomb. The American bombing campaign was spread throughout all of Angola - no longer a secret. As the war worsened, opponents of Marcelo Caetano and supporters of his rival, Americo Tomas were able to outmaneuver the new leader, who they blamed for the worsening situation (claiming that he was too dovish, had sympathies to Galvao, and allowed too many "Communistic" elements into Angola and Portugal by wanting a more narrowly tailored counter-insurgency), forcing him to be dismissed from office. Though really, they mostly succeeded because Caetano opposed the American bombing plan - while Tomas supported the plan - and the Portuguese political establishment wanted to play closer with America. As a result, Caetano's replacement, Tomas, instead then supported the American plan - which was to simply allow the Americans to bomb the pro-independence countryside into submission with cluster munitions and napalm - while the Portuguese spammed landmines around the major coastal cities to protect Portuguese settlers and pro-Portuguese natives. American bombers would eventually drop three million tons of explosives on Angola, exceeding the total munitions dropped on both Germany and Japan combined during the Second World War.

    Amazingly - the Portuguese strategy actually was working. The sheer scale of destruction in the countryside was so horrific, Angolan peasants were forced to turn towards someone, anyone to feed them. Only one group in Angola had both the political will and capability to feed them - Portugal. Moreover, Spain, despite generally not caring about the Portuguese Empire abroad, freely sent arms and humanitarian funding to Portugal in light of Galvao previously calling for revolution in Spain - as did Spain's closest international patron, France.[2] In contrast, Angolan refugees attempted to spill into the Central African Federation, but paramilitaries led by local politician Ian Smith simply brutalized them and literally beat them back into Angola. Refugees trying to cross into South African-ruled Namibia were simply pushed out by South African border patrols. The only open border...was to the North with Congo. Which coincidentally gave the Congolese Reds more recruits (much of the Bakongo population simply fled into the Congo itself). In Angola itself, over a third of the native Angolan population was put into Portuguese-run work camps on the outskirts of the settler-dominated cities, which despite the notoriously poor conditions, many still willingly signed up for because it was seen as better than napalm. Many Angolans at the time summarized the options presented to average Angolan peasant as "not freedom or slavery, but the flame or the camp."
    ---
    [1] His scheme gets more support than OTL from Spanish officers.
    [2] OTL, Spain and France obviously didn't offer much support to Portugal.
     
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    Chapter 178 - The Trans-Saharan Railway
  • The Trans-Saharan Railway
    Shortly after their seizure of power, the Committee of Public Safety desperately needed to find some kind of triumph to validate their rule before the upcoming 1964 elections - that they were widely expected to lose. A grand project had to be found - and luckily for them, one idea of a project was stirring around. During the height of the Algerian War, some French thinkers had suggested the formalization of the Organisation Commune des Régions Sahariennes ("OCRS"), a grouping of Saharan territories in order to better protect their holdings in Algeria. Although their holdings in Algeria didn't actually exist for the most part besides the Sahara and a few coastal exclaves, it was those Algerian holdings that prompted this idea. In a backdoor deal with the King of Libya, French and Libyan special operations organized Tuareg rebels in both Northern Mali and Northern Niger. After a brief "uprising", the French government offered both of hte newly independent nations huge sums of money in exchange for permanently leasing the Azawad region of Mali and the Agadez region of Niger to the French - a deal the impoverished nations quickly took in order to make the problem go away.

    The speed of the Tuareg uprising was shocking - but it was largely because the Libyans had been organizing them for years to harass the French to push them out of Fezzan - and the new French government found an easy way to make the problem go away - bribe the Libyans to help them instead. As part of the deal, Fezzan was "sold" to Libya for a pittance, essentially settling Franco-Libyan territorial strife. Saharan Algeria, Azawad, and Agadez was quickly organized into the OCRS, a special administrative zone of the French Republic with unusually low tax rates. In particular, this was to incentivize private investment into the newly announced Trans-Saharan Railway, a massive highway and railway network that would link together all of these areas - perhaps reach out to former colonies like Niger and Mali and Mauritania - and most importantly, link together France's Saharan territories (with all of its minerals and oil) with its overseas departments in Equatorial Africa. The Trans-Saharan Railway was to run from the Saharan oil town of Hassi Messaoud all the way down to Port-Gentil in the Overseas Department of Gabon.

    In practice, the French military, largely freed up from the Algerian War, was redeployed to the Sahara to fight off local people who did not particularly enjoy massive multinational corporations seize their land to build giant pipelines, railroads, and highways. France's former colonies in West Africa generally decided to not criticize of this - especially as they realized they could use the highways. Journalists trying to enter the OCRS SEZ were harrassed by both military and private security. Finally, the Libyans, in recognition for their "help", quickly had a branch of the railway go straight towards Tripoli from both the Department of Chad and Agadez region in the OCRS.

    In practice, building a massive highway and railroad system in the Sahara Desert was a logistical nightmare. The French government solved this by using primarily low-wage foreign labor and incentivizing companies with financial benefits. Almost none of the actual construction workers were French - they were predominantly low wage migrant laborers from Spain, Portugal, Yugoslavia, Greece, Hungary, and Sweden (the poorest European states outside of the Soviet orbit). Italians signed up in droves, but in protest of 'neocolonialism', the Italian government banned Italians from working on the project. In many ways, the Trans-Saharan Railway was the most ambitious infrastructure project in African history, surpassing both the goals and reality of the planned Cape-to-Cairo railroad. The project was lauded by the French government as an eternal symbol of France's imperial prestige, even as it had peacefully given up most of its former colonies. Moreover - it was seen as a way of permanently exercising influence on its former colonies.

    Ironically, public support for the new French government rose as the United Kingdom faced increasingly difficult straits. The French explicitly decided not to lend any assistance to the flailing British Empire simply because they felt that the contrasting fate of the two empires would increase public support for their regime. While the situation in Southeast Asia was rapidly deteriorating for France, those issues weren't exactly as obviously visible to the French public as were the struggles of the United Kingdom. Increasing economic links with the west of Western Europe blunted the impact of the 1963 oil shock in France - and although the French economy grew significantly slower than their pre-1963 peak, they never actually went into recession (unlike the United Kingdom). Early elections saw the government, much to the shock of global observers, returned to power with an almost identical majority. However, few in the French government foresaw their greatest challenge - the emergence of an unexpected geopolitical foe.
     
    Chapter 179 - Fool Me Once, Shame on You. Fool Me Twice...
  • Fool Me Once, Shame on You. Fool Me Twice...
    One very successful tactic in global politics is to look at someone who was already successful - and then copy them. In Southeast Asia, that backfired horribly. The Laotian rightists, under Prince Boun Oum, attempted to copy the success of the Cambodian rightists in overthrowing the nonaligned government. However, the Laotian centrist-leftist coalition government, was paying quite close attention to affairs in neighboring Cambodia - and had properly prepared for any possible similar attempt. The coup attempt fell apart almost immediately, as Boun Oum and his nearest compatriots fled abroad into neighboring Thailand. The Laotian leftists, under Souphanouvong, were constantly divided in whether to send more aid to the Cambodian Khmer Rouge or the Vietnamese Viet Minh - neither group seemed particularly successful. The Khmer Rouge were very much the junior partner to the Royalists in the Cambodian War - and the Viet Minh was increasingly weak.

    Instead, the strongest bastion of the Vietnamese Communist Party increasingly grew to be in not in Vietnam proper, but in the Republic of Cochinchina, where the People's Revolutionary Party under Le Duan called for an overthrow of the increasingly unpopular and corrupt Cochinchina government. Dominated by criminal syndicates and French colonists, Cochinchina became a bastion of foreign tourism even as the living standards of Cochinese increasingly stagnated, especially rather galling as the Empire of Vietnam to its north settled into a pattern of decent economic growth, propelled partly by neighboring Guangdong province (the wealthiest province in South China). The military wing of the People's Revolutionary Party, or the National Liberation Front (FLN) grew rapidly, swelling as recruits flocked to the increasingly popular movement. Increasingly worryingly for the Cochinese administration, the Vietnamese were rather reluctant to aid the government. Although cooperating in capturing any FLN militants that entered Vietnamese soil, Imperial Vietnamese troops generally refrained to participate in any operations with the Cocinchinese Republic. South Chinese and Vietnamese support was cut off almost entirely in 1960 - when President Sun Fo of the Republic of China declared that the ROC would support a negotiated settlement to the Cochinchinese War.

    In response, Prime Minister Charles De Gaulle greenlit the deployment of French troops to Cochinchina in the Fall of 1960. The decision was wildly unpopular in the nonaligned bloc, as the General Assembly overwhelmingly passed a resolution condemning France. A similar resolution in the UN Security Council only failed because France vetoed the resolution. Notably, the United States, United Kingdom, and China all abstained from the resolution (the Soviet Union voted Yes). In many ways however, the French public largely ignored the deployment because it was far far smaller than the massive Algerian War - France under De Gaulle never had a few thousand troops in Cochinchina. Upon the end of the First Algeria War with the withdrawal of French troops and the rise of the Committee of Public Safety, the new French government...was really just temperamentally conservative and didn't know what to do. There was no desire in the cabinet to double-down with French troops in Cochinchina. The French government wanted quick, symbolic victories. Not risky gambles, like escalating the war in Cochinchina. Moreover, they were more concerned about maintaining hegemony in Africa than in Southeast Asia, far away from France. But there was never a consensus to actually withdraw.

    Similarly, the new French government was rather skeptical of a long-term commitment to the ruling government in Cambodia. Although French arms supplied the Cambodian Republicans, the French weren't directly involved and didn't want to be anymore. French officials openly began talking to American officials on a negotiated political settlement to the Cambodia War, which in its three years, had killed thousands or possibly even tens of thousands of Cambodia. However, there was never a consensus on how to do this. Peace talks however, would continue, fail, continue, and then fail, with cease-fires being declared because they broke down. Interestingly, peace talks would eventually succeed - but largely because of events completely outside of the control of the French. In Laos, the new leftist-centrist government would continue trying to walk a complicated tight-rope between the East and the West - and although their social and economic reforms proved fruitful and popular, the tightrope would fall prey to those same developments...
     
    Chapter 180 - Red Interrex
  • Red Interrex
    For the second time in Soviet history, nobody really knew who was at charge. Ivan Serov had attempted to follow the Beria path to power, scheming his way up the secret services before seizing it from his mentor - but Beria was smart enough to kick down the ladder when he reached the top. And now Serov was dead. But Beria was sitting under house arrest, surrounded by dozens of rather unfriendly Red Army soldiers. And Serov had just been appointed by the Politburo to replace Beria. But once again, Serov was dead.

    Although the student leadership called on the protests to disperse, many protesters still refused to disperse - especially angry workers who were inclined to not believe in the promises of the central party. They had been promised a change in leadership...and no change appeared to be coming. After all, why wouldn't Serov come out to speak? Beria had cleverly destroyed all evidence of Serov's assassination - so the central Politburo would waste time hunting for him. After a week of continued protests and frenzied searching by loyalist NKVD members, Beria believed that the Politburo would be forced to put him back in charge. He underestimated how much many top Soviet officials feared Beria - and having acquiesced to his arrest, they were loathe to ever let him out.

    The inevitable result of this stand-off was for the Politburo to simply shrug their shoulders at the bizarre "disappearance" of Serov. With no real successor for Beria in the waiting - their next plan was to attempt to revert the Soviet Union back to the tradition of collective leadership. However, the Politburo was not an institution filled with decisive figures. Beria had a tendency of purging the Soviet ranks of anyone who seemed vaguely threatening - so the only members left tended to be apolitical reformers, sycophants, and reasonably competent officials selected by Beria largely because he knew they had no political power base for whatever reason.

    Beria's arrest vacated the position of General Secretary of the Communist Party, Premier of the Soviet Union, and Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet. The highest profile survivor of the Beria era was Nikolai Bulganin, who succeeded as General Secretary of the Communist Party. First Secretary of the Karelo-Finnish Communist Party, Otto Wille Kuusinen, succeeded as Premier, while for his service in basically backstabbing Beria despite being a Georgian, Eduard Shevardnadze was made the weakest member of the Triumvirate, the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet. The maneuvering took place immediately. Bulganin really didn't want the job at all and intended to only be a placeholder. As a result, he was largely passive in the face of machinations by Kuusinen, who recruited the novice Shevardnadze to his side to slowly replace Bulganin supporters with Kuusinen supporters. It only took a month before in an actual milestone for the Soviet Union, Bulganin announced his retirement. In his memoirs, Bulganin outlined that he understood why this was so important - it was essentially the first peaceful transition of power in the Soviet Union. The leader of the Soviet Union had changed without anyone getting shot.

    That being said, it was going to change again. Kuusinen, as a much younger man, had fled from the Finnish Civil War with the defeated Reds into Soviet Russia - eventually climbing up the ranks of the Soviet Union slowly, surviving the Great Purge, working closely with regards to the Soviet invasion of Finland (immediately becoming the most hated man in Finnish history), and had then successfully climbed to the top of the Soviet Union. That being said, he too would only last a month before dying of liver cancer. Kuusinen's hardline supporters simply vetoed the possible rise of the reformist Shevardnadze, so although he remained in his position and was given the Foreign Affairs ministry as a consolation prize, he did not replace Bulganin and Kuusinen. Furthermore, he was seen as far too young. Worryingly for the Politburo, the protests sparked up again outside of Moscow, as many younger liberals demanded that Shevardnadze be allowed to succeed to the top. The Politburo was generally too timid to move against them.

    The fourth leadership shuffle in less than a year brought another surprising young candidate - also a Caucasian. The former members of the NKVD were seen as an extremely important group to cater towards. As a compromise candidate, the head of the NKVD faction (rapidly promoted after the fall of Beria and the "Georgian Mafia"), Aleksandr Sakharovsky, suggested his deputy, the 42-year old Heydar Aliyev, who had recently succeeded his father, the recently decreased Aziz Aliyev. The younger Aliyev was known to be an NKVD-backed candidate with cordial ties with the hardliners (which Shevardnadze, a Beria man, did not). In a compromise, the newly appointed Defense Minister Aleksandr Vasilevsky (the highest ranked Soviet officer who survived the coup - largely because nobody knew his opinion on the coup) took reigns as a relatively apolitical Minister of Defense and Presidium Chairman. The faces of the Soviet Union would be 42 and 36 (even as an experienced old man held the Red Army), a huge propaganda boost to a Communist Party that openly wanted to portray youth and a "new page" from the Beria era while not actually changing the actual structure of the Soviet government or economy.

    However, the protests did not go away. The Moscow City Government was still vacant and many basic services failed to run. Worst of all, many of the protesters demanded that independent, non-CCCP candidates be allowed to be appointed to municipal positions. The student union leaders had all continued to be active. Fearful of continued unrest, the Soviet government hammered out a proposal to quickly make them all go away. In the famous 1964 Moscow Reform, the new agreeable mayor of Moscow (supported by the Soviet government), Nikolai Tikhonov, announced that the Moscow City Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union would appoint a special committee, half-comprised of Communist Party technocrats and the other half comprised of "respected socialist academics from local institutions" in order to fill bureaucratic vacancies in local government with the "best and brightest." The eventual results would surprise almost all of those involved - but the students dissipated - and the NKVD faction stalwarts signed off - as they believed that the party would retain ultimate control and had peacefully transitioned power from a ruler who even many NKVD members grew deeply repulsed by.
     
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    Chapter 181 - The Alliance for Progress (Part One)
  • The Alliance for Progress (Part One)
    Key in President Kennedy's struggle against "global communism" was his Alliance for Progress, an organization of pro-American nations in North and South America that would generously given foreign aid funding. Even in the darkest trenches of the 1963 recession, Kennedy and the Democratic Party refused to cut funding for the Alliance for Progress - choosing instead to cut domestic welfare programs instead. The underlying theory of the Alliance of Progress is that economically successful nations would simply not turn to a "Communist alternative", which was in broad strokes true, though occasionally not entirely true.

    The biggest success story of the Alliance for Progress was Colombia, under the American-backed strongman Gustavo Rojas Pinilla. Colombia was one of the top recipients of Alliance for Progress aid - with the largest neighborhood in the capital of Bogota, being renamed Ciudad Kennedy in his honor (most of the public housing was paid for by the Americans). The Americans demanded that Rojas hold elections (to at least keep up appearances of democracy) - Rojas easily won to nobody's surprise, both in 1959 and 1963 (term limits had also been ended). That being said, the elections weren't entirely faked. Rojas was genuinely popular among many working-class Colombians for simply bringing prosperity to much of the urban working-class - prosperity made possible by generous American support.

    Even Venezuela was seen as a surprising success - as the American oil recession began to wane after more and more Venezuelan oil rigs got on board, generously funded by the United States. Sucre Figarella, a right-wing national Catholic, was a resistance fighter against the American-backed Jimenez regime - but was now surprisingly friendly with the United States. Money had a way of papering over old disputes. His presidential election campaign was generously funded by the CIA - and as a result, Venezuela was open for business, even as many localist and populist politicians lambasted Figarella as an American puppet.

    In Bolivia, it only caused the strongman President, Víctor Paz Estenssoro, to continue his rapid movement to the right and consolidation of power, further angering leftists in the country. His obvious attempts to disband the left-leaning militias in Bolivia sparked a desperate last-ditch attempt by the left under Vice-President Juan Lechin to launch a 1959 military coup in the capital, which surprisingly succeeded in capturing Paz. Oscar Unzaga, the leader of the Bolivian Socialist Falange , declared that they would restore "lawful government" by force - a call that was also heeded by a conservative military officer, Rene Barrientos. The Bolivian Civil War had kicked off. The United States declined to intervene, largely because the combination of the bulk of the Bolivian military and the paramilitary of the Falange made defeat for the leftists very obvious - they were quickly chased out of office, with Rene Barrientos being installed as the head of a pro-American "government of unity." Economic aid continued to generously flow, allowing the charismatic leader to quickly come to terms with rural indigenous communities, bringing the Bolivian Civil War to a surprisingly quick end. Although hundreds, perhaps even thousands had died, by late 1959, the country was largely at peace, with many militants fleeing abroad to the Amazon jungles, where the Brazilians in theory opposed them, but didn't have the manpower to hunt them down.

    Although Manuel Odria, the military dictator of Peru, was persuaded by the Americans to cancel scheduled elections in 1956, he was never a harsh dictator at heart - and by 1961, the Kennedy Administration had grown supportive of his plans to hold an election. Stepping down from the presidency, the 1961 elections was fought between the pro-American Manuel Prado - and the much less pro-American Fernando Belaunde. Although Prado was wildly expected to win, Belaunde won an upset victory of thanks to a splinter right-wing candidate seeping votes away from Prado. Belaunde took power - and the Americans, remembering how disastrous Venezuela went - decided to butter Belaunde up instead. For now, this kept his government stable and popular - and left-wing and right-wing forces in the military stayed their hands.

    Whereas Peru stayed stable, Ecuador, where popular sentiment was still extremely anti-Peruvian after the Ecuadorian-Peruvian War, was less so. The popular José María Velasco Ibarra won the 1960 presidential election on a campaign of import-substitute industrialization and a pledge to retake the Ecuadorian-claimed lands under Peruvian occupation. A military coup removed him less than a year into his presidency, by CIA elements afraid that another Peruvian-Ecuadorian War might spark from his revocation of the Rio de Janeiro Protocols (which ended the first Ecuadorian-Peruvian War). However, his Vice President who climbed into the presidency to replace him, Carlos Julio Arosemena Monroy, was a committed leftist, who seemed significantly more left-wing than Brazil's Goulart. A coup subsequent in 1962 overthrew him and established a tightly-run military junta, which sought to defeat Communism by reforming society, attacking both the left and traditional landlords. With generous American support...they were actually quite successful.

    Meanwhile in Central America, the APP was not successful everywhere. In Nicaragua, the Somoza family simply embezzled most of the money for their own security forces and personal use. In 1961, the National Liberation Front, inspired by other third world liberation movements, was founded by several dissidents and militants, eventually renaming themselves the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN). American foreign policy planners generally dismissed the founding of this minor group, believing that they would not prove relevant against the overwhelming power of the American-aligned Somoza family. The FSLN, however, recruited many able personalities, chief among them an Argentinian doctor who moved from Arbenz's Guatemala and had been increasingly radicalized by the violence and corruption of the Somozas, Ernesto Guevara.

    In El Salvador, the Kennedy Administration was close with the nation's military dictator, Jose Mario Lemus Lopez, who won the rigged 1956 elections, but proceeded to govern as a moderate, allowing dissidents to return to the country. The Kennedy administration gleefully promoted this, giving him more aid the faster he liberalized. However, his reforms were opposed by hardliners in the army - who organized a coup and declared the founding of the Civic Military Junta in 1961. An annoyed America temporarily cut military aid to the junta - before almost immediately restoring the military aid when a bunch of leftist officers led by Fabio Castillo Figueroa and Rubén Alonso Rosales threatened, and ultimately overthrew the regime. The right-wing militarists had faced massive protests and a general strike in the streets - and a left-wing coup was the death knell to their regime, as they all packed their bags to nearby Nicaragua. The United States vociferously condemned the new El Salvadorean government, but it was too late. A distinctly left-wing power survived immediate American, OAS, and APP embargos, which would have massive effects on its neighbors (it was a huge morale boost for the nascent Sandinistas).
     
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    Chapter 182 - The Alliance for Progress (Part Two)
  • The Alliance for Progress (Part Two)
    Honduran politics had grown dominated by the wildly popular Ramón Villeda Morales since his election in 1957. Implementing generous programs of worker protection, land reform, universal healthcare, and universal education (funded partly with American funds), the traditional landlord ruling class of Honduras grew increasingly incensed with his rule, viewing him as a dangerous populist. Although a liberal, Villeda was a strong opponent of Marxism, and thus could draw on generous American support. With the leftist coup in El Salvador, right-wing elements in the military decided to make their move, calling Villeda a crypto-Marxist. They viewed him as an existential threat - as he had distrusted the military since a failed 1959 coup attempt, and his successor (who was so left-wing as to denounce Villeda) was heading towards a landslide victory in the 1963 elections. The Americans warned of severe repercussions if the military were to overthrow Villeda - with President Kennedy directly warning the military. They disregarded his warnings. In October, 1963, a week before the planned election, military troops stormed the Presidential Palace and launched attacks on members of the Civil Guard (a pro-Villeda paramilitary guard). During an evening and night of killings, they had seized control of the capital.

    In Washington DC, President Kennedy was furious. President Kennedy was known for his backpains and the White House Doctor he had brought into him in 1957, Max Jacobson, was known for giving him highly rejuvenating "vitamin shots" in order to relieve his pain and increase his energy. As Kennedy's government centralized more and more power in the Executive Office of the President of the United States, Kennedy had longer and longer working-days, until he was regularly working up to 140 hours per week, micromanaging mostly foreign and military affairs in his bid to roll back Communist power. The primary active ingredient in Kennedy's "vitamin shots" was Methamphetamine. Although President Kennedy made sure to keep up appearances in public, in private, he had become increasingly dependent on "vitamin shots", which led to severe mood swings. In particular, Kennedy became significantly more hawkish when plowing through late-nights with his Vitamin Shots, and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff was rather surprised when President Kennedy called him at 3 A.M., immediately telling him "Get ready, we're invading Honduras." When asked why, Kennedy told him that he had warned the coup planners to not try to overthrow the government - and it was the new junta in Honduras who had made the decision to "fuck around and find out."

    Under American orders, the Organization of American States demanded that the military restore the constitutional government. American paratroopers soon parachuted over Tegucigalpa. The Honduran military, not expecting the Americans to actually call their bluff, almost immediately collapsed. Villeda, with the Americans whispering into his year, announced that there would be a general amnesty. Soon, almost all except the most hardline elements would give up (the hardliners would flee abroad, primarily to Nicaragua). In the end, 19 Americans and 45 Hondurans would be killed either in brief fighting over several radio stations or in various accidents.

    The military part had proved an overwhelming success, but now America had inherited a dangerous situation. Both the radical right and far-left denounced "American imperialism." Elections would be delayed for two months and in what was widely believed now to be an election "influenced" by American "election observers" (who were generally not suspected by the center-left), center-right candidate Ramón Ernesto Cruz Uclés was elected in an surprise upset. Although American foul play was likely involved, Cruz also benefited from the revulsion by many middle-class liberals to the leftist coup in El Salvador. Much to the outright of the radical right, Cruz generally decided to not roll back any of Villeda's programs, and much to the delight of America, he continued Hondura's relations with the USA.

    In Guatemala, President Jacobo Arbenz deftly promoted populist policies and had originally sought to stay nonaligned in the burgeoning Cold War, primarily focused on amassing more centralized power for himself. Although he had fancied himself a socialist, he had turned on most of the left after the Americans acquiesced to the seizure of United Fruit Company land - and offered Alliance for Progress funding in exchange. A military crackdown on leftist students sent hundreds of students and professionals fleeing abroad, such as the doctor Ernesto Guevara (who fled to Nicaragua). Abroad, Arbenz tilted closely towards a network of similiarly minded, vaguely-pro-American but pragmatic strongmen, such as Gustavo Rojas Pinilla of Colombia, Juan Peron of Argentina, and Ramón Castro Jijón of Ecuador - though this crew had shrunk after the departures of Jose Mario Lemus Lopez of El Salvador, Manuel Odria of Peru, and Jimenez of Venezuela. They had hoped Rene Barrientos would lead Bolivia into a similar direction, but Bolivia would go into a very different direction.

    Finally, the giant of Latin America was very much the odd man out in all of these political developments. Brazil, under the social democrat Joao Goulart, had the closest relations of any Western-aligned state with the Social Camp. Joao Goulart's reform policies (not so different from Villeda's) had made him quite popular - but his willingness to accept aid from both the Western and Eastern bloc soon sparked Western paranoia. In particular, President Kennedy grew to distrust the wily left-leaning Brazilian President. Not for the substance of his domestic policies, but his unwillingness to denounce the Communists in Parliament, a few of which had joined his cabinet. Goulart won a landslide re-election in 1960, much to the distress of the Kennedy administration. Although the Americans were preoccupied in Venezuela, Indonesia, and Oman - once they had extricated themselves from those wars, American eyes soon turned on Brazil. A fellow Catholic, John Kennedy eventually brokered close relations between the United States government and Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira, who would use American funding to found the organization Tradition, Family and Property, which rallied traditionalist Catholics against the left-leaning Goulart. Amusingly, many beneficiaries of Goulart's land reform would join this organization - middle-class peasants often rallied behind religiosity instead of economic reform once they had become small self-sufficient farmers - a profound irony since the original raison d'etre of TFP was to oppose Goulart's land reform.

    The Alliance for Progress cut off all funding for Brazil, while the Kennedy Administration steered American businesses away from Brazil. The Brazilian economy almost immediately struggled, as the IMF and the World Bank rejected any kind of bailout or debt negotiation for Brazil. The hope was to drive Brazil into economic decline and set the stage for a violent change in government. However, much to the outrage of Kennedy, one of his allies abroad reneged on their agreements. In 1963, a consortium of international lenders brokered a debt refinancing agreement with the Brazilian government in exchange for a share in Brazil's new state-owned oil corporation, Petrobras. The vast majority of those companies were Italian, with the influence of Prime Minister Enrico Mattei all over the project. The Ente Nazionale Idrocarburi took a significant share of Brazil's Petrobras. When an outraged Kennedy called him and demanded why he broke their previous agreement to align foreign and financial policies - Mattei simply stated that the oil crisis of 1963 meant that every country was for itself. Arthur Schlesinger, who was listening to the call, would write later that "President Kennedy made the same great mistake that every epochal ruler, from Kaiser Wilhelm to Hitler to Tito had made - he trusted the Italians." The Brazilian economy pulled back from the brink - and plans for a coup were thus scrapped.
     
    Chapter 183 - The 1964 US Presidential Primaries
  • The 1964 US Presidential Primaries
    As the votes were counted in New Hampshire, the Democratic Party had woken up to perhaps the most stunning rebuke of its policies. In an electoral rout, Senator Abraham Ribicoff had triumphed in the first primary, crushing Vice President Jackson by nearly a 61-39 margin. Blame immediately crisscrossed the White House - but the widespread blame actually fell on Scoop Jackson himself, as he had personally vetoed the best polling negative ad floated against Ribicoff (which not-so-subtly used his Jewish background against him). Buoyed by a band of young activists, most of them not actual Democrats, Ribicoff had risen to a surprising victory. The news came at a delight to Republicans, many of them who also lent their support to Ribicoff in a belief that he'd be a weaker nominee than Jackson. The Republican Primary was equally dramatic - the Republican establishment rallied to Senate Majority Cooper in a desperate bid to defeat both Senators Eugene McCarthy and Barry Goldwater, who as members of the extreme left and extreme right wing of the GOP, were feared to, if nominated, tear apart a party that already felt it was in a permanent minority. In New Hampshire, Cooper narrowly finished ahead of McCarthy, with Goldwater in a distant third, which was not that devastating for the Arizona Senator, as he was always expected to do poorly in New Hampshire.

    A month later, the Connecticut Senator followed up his commanding New Hampshire victory with another commanding 60-40 romp in Wisconsin, which the Jackson camp wrote off as irrelevant compared to the greater prize of Illinois, to vote one week later. On the Republican aisle, McCarthy pulled off a victory in his home region, narrowly outpacing Cooper (who finished far ahead of Goldwater). The Illinois primary was believed by all parties to be a game changer, but it was largely a three-way tie on the Republican side and two-way tie for the Democrats. Most states weren't actually voting in the presidential primary (only 16/50 states), but many state delegations took their cues from neighboring states with primaries, hoping to be on the "winning side."

    In New Jersey, Cooper and Goldwater fought to a tie with McCarthy trailing both, as Ribicoff pulled off yet another victory (albeit a modest 54-46 victory). With Illinois narrowly called for him (50.1-49.9), Ribicoff had managed to sweep every state so far in the election, causing great consternation in the White House. President Kennedy liked both men, but he clearly preferred Jackson as the more ideologically similar candidate, especially in foreign policy. He had assured both men that he would campaign for them in the general election - but he clearly preferred one, even if he never issued an official endorsement. The following week in Massachusetts, Ribicoff pulled off another crushing victory, going almost 63-37. As in New Hampshire, Cooper finished ahead of McCarthy who finished far ahead of Goldwater. The next election, Texas on May 2nd, 1964, was seen as the last hope for Jackson to flip the race and for one of the three Republicans to break out ahead of the other.

    Vice President Jackson had one secret trump card however - Senate Majority Whip Lyndon B. Johnson was a loyal Jackson supporter and had mobilized his entire political network in favor of Jackson. Unbenownst to Jackson, LBJ had no qualms about using Ribicoff's Judaism against him, shipping almost every family in Texas a mailer arguing that Ribicoff was "tribally biased against Christian-American values" and would "surrender to the Soviets." The Texas Democratic primary was the most gruesome landslide so far of any state in the Union. Jackson crushed Ribicoff by an 84.5%-15.5% margin. Very quickly, it became known that Ribicoff was political poison in the South. Almost in line, almost every Governor and Senator in the predominantly Democratic South deployed their endorsements to Jackson. Even the liberal Estes Kefauver threw his endorsement behind Jackson. Regardless of Ribicoff's victories in the Northern primaries, the Solid South had picked its candidate. In many ways, Senator Johnson was lauded as a "kingmaker", as the decisive victory in Texas was widely believed to have essentially ended the 1964 Democratic Primary. Jackson was also popular in the West - so the fact that Ribicoff racked up victories in New England and the Upper Midwest were easily erased by large pro-Jackson margins in the rest of the country.

    Whereas the Texas Democratic Primary settled the presidential election, the Texas Republican Primary would do the opposite. Both McCarthy and Cooper were aware of how successful the anti-Ribicoff campaign launched by LBJ allies were, but both of them vetoed doing the same to Goldwater. Moreover, Goldwater's hardcore conservative views found a supporter in the Democratic Governor John Connally, who thought both Jackson and Ribicoff were too liberal for him. Goldwater, who was the weakest of the three candidates, triumphed in Texas over both McCarthy and Cooper, albeit by a much more modest margin than the landslide in the Democratic Primary. Cooper was always expecting to lose and had accomplished what he had done - finish second. Cooper hadn't locked up a majority of the delegates nationwide - but he clearly locked up a plurality. Declaring victory in Dallas, Cooper toured the city in an impromptu political parade, where a former US Marine who had previously lived in Minsk, Lee Harvey Oswald, fired a rifle at the Kentucky Senator, killing him immediately with one headshot. A frenzied manhunt took place and ended shortly after Oswald shot himself to avoid arrest - but the deed was done. The Republican Party, once again, was thrown in a state of absolute chaos upon the assassination of its presidential frontrunners - leaving only two men who both large swaths of the party found totally unacceptable. By 1964, after having lost 7 presidential elections in a row, most Republican Party elders weren't even surprised by the news - they just expected things to go wrong at this point. However, not all in the party had lost hope. Or even remembered most of this earlier elections. Moreover, another group of political activists, completely independent of the presidential elections, were planning what would become the largest demonstrations in American history.
     
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    Chapter 184 - The Collapse
  • The Collapse
    The first and foremost campaign pledge of the victorious Liberals was simple: to pull Britain out of its exhausting wars abroad. Tens of thousands of British had died abroad in far away lands that most British had never heard of, from East Africa to Egypt to Burma to Jordan to Oman to Greece. Almost none of these conflicts seemed heading towards ultimate victory - at best, Tanganyika and Jordan seemed like stalemates, while Burma, Oman, and Greece ended as humiliations for Britain. Similarly, Egypt seemed hopeless - even those hawkish pro-war British believed the British mission to largely be a face-saving ploy. By 1964, the gig had fallen and with the Soviet Union in chaos, anti-communism actually was not the motivating factor that it always was. In fact, many left-wing British believed that that the Soviet students belonged to a "shared spirit of 1964", envisioning a future where both the West and USSR would transition to "socialist democracy" as a result of the movements in both nations. As a result, the new government was totally unconcerned about arguments about "domino theory", viewing national liberation movements as local nationalist movements, not pawns of the Eastern Bloc.

    The British Army in Tanganyika shocked most of Africa when 10 Downing Street declared almost immediately upon taking power that British troops would be leaving Tanganyika. Nyerere himself commented that "the British refused to leave when we wanted them leave - and now that we want them to stay, they refuse to stay." Sympathetic British colonial officers, horrified by Idi Amin's approaching armies, did their best to transfer as many power and resources to their formal rival, Julius Nyerere, who was unceremoniously inaugurated as the first President of independent Tanganyika with artillery shells falling on the capital. With Amin's army slowly crossing the rivers to encircle Dar Es Salaam, the government quickly begin running out of options, especially as British officers were similarly ordered to leave, leaving the Tanganyikan Army with no meaningful commissioned officer leadership. The future of Tanganyika looked increasingly grim, as stories of Amin's atrocities, from mass rape to torture, terrified more and more Tanganyikans into fleeing. Nyerere saw one narrow avenue for survival - but it would certainly require a truly unusual alliance.

    Under the remarkably young Foreign Secretary, Louis Eaks, the United Kingdom also looked for an escape from Jordan. Eaks himself was very anti-Israel and blamed Britain's deteriorating position in the Middle East on the sneak Israeli invasion of the West Bank. Railing against "Israeli betrayal", student activists in Britain quickly boycotted "Zionist businesses", which was meant to target primarily businesses with significant economic ties with Israel. However, many students took this as an excuse to boycott Jewish-owned businesses with no connection to Israel. The United Kingdom quickly indicated to the Syrians that they were planning to withdraw from both Jordan and Egypt. With British control of the frontline, the entire Jordanian political and economic elite simply fled the nation as British troops slowly withdrew from the nation. Syrian forces rolled into Amman almost unopposed. The Jordanians rued "British betrayal", but knew their position was largely doomed without them. Many considered contacting Israel for help - but the Israelis were too busy "pacifying" the West Bank. Those who did not flee simply prepared to resist Syrian domination through more covert methods.

    In contrast, the Egyptian withdrawal was much less orderly due to the National Front controlling almost all of rural Egypt. British helicopters fleeing Cairo, whether carrying civilians or soldiers, were fired upon by NLF rebels, who had secured relatively up-to-date anti-air weapons from both the Eastern Bloc (supporting the HADITU faction of the NLF) and the United States (supporting the Muslim Brotherhood faction of the NLF). Casualties were horrific, providing some of the most iconic pictures of the War of Egyptian Independence. Interestingly, Soviet and American archives both requested that their respective factions of the NLF at least spare the convoys and helicopters carrying civilians. Both HADITU and the MB declined, stating that while the attacks saddened both, they were afraid that appearing to "let up" on the British would make them more vulnerable to being outmaneuvered by the other faction. Having fought a brutal war of suppression for about exactly one decade, a war that had already led to a six-digit death toll, there was no easy path for Britain to extricate itself from Egypt.

    The immediate result of the collapse of these former British client states was an unprecedented flood of refugees. In 1962, the Labour Government had narrowly pushed through a bill opening up the United Kingdom to Pakistani refugees fleeing the Communist Sifar Revolution, although strict quotas and documentation requirements limited the number of refugees that could come to the United Kingdom. At that point, the 1962 Anti-Communist Refugee Act was the largest expansion of non-white immigration into the United Kingdom. It was not very hard for the ruling Liberals to simply remove the quotas and relax the documentation requirements. The 1964 Immigration Act was the first immigration regime in the United Kingdom that was strictly race-neutral, providing a pathway for all former British colonies regardless of ethnicity. The result was a tremendous, historic flood of refugees from violent former British colonies. Chief among them were Pakistanis, but East Africans, Jordanians, and Egyptians fled in untold numbers, especially those with any meaningful connection with the British colonial government. A significant minority of both Labour and Conservative MPs, sympathetic to their former friends and comrades in these colonies, also voted for the bill, providing cover for the Liberals to enact the greatest expansion yet of global immigration in any industrialized Western nation. However, many political strategists were quickly attuned to how Conservative candidates who railed against non-white immigration typically did better in the 1964 elections - and a rising star of the Conservative Party, Enoch Powell, condemned the bill in his famous "Rivers of Blood" Speech. In many ways, Powell had found a politically attractive narrative - the ruling Liberals had both "betrayed" the British Empire by "surrendering" in these wars and by allowing so many non-white refugees to enter the United Kingdom as a result of such defeat in war. Sensing an opportunity, Arthur Donaldson, the leader of the SNP, adopted similar rhetoric.

    Interestingly, the Liberals actually decided not to immediately withdraw from Malta or Crete (Royal Greece). Given the dramatic consequences of the retreat from East Africa, Egypt, and Jordan, they decided to put at least a temporary stop on retreating from these territories, who were typically not violent. Malta in particular was a headache for the government, because Maltese public opinion, in the aftermath of the violence in Greece, turned heavily towards annexation by the United Kingdom, believing it was the only way to protect themselves from war. Royal Greece was in the middle of reunification or at least cooperation talks with the military junta on the Peloponnese archipelago (given their mutual enemy in Communist Greece), so a British withdrawal was seen as inopportune, especially as Republican Greece was seen as a den of right-wing reactionaries (in comparison to the relatively liberal monarchy). Moreover, both Greeces were inundated with refugees from ethnically cleansed Cyprus and Thrace, and British troops were largely in Crete on a humanitarian basis.

    Conflict continued in all three regions, but at least as far as 10 Downing Street was concerned, the war was over for the United Kingdom. British foreign policy would continue to surprise and shock the world, but for the first time in decades, Britain was at peace abroad. Abroad of course, not including one struggle - a conflict that threatened the very integrity of the nation: the insurgency in Northern Ireland.
     
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    Chapter 185 - The March on Washington and the Accidental Nominee
  • The March on Washington and the Accidental Nominee
    By many estimates, the events in Washington D.C. that decisive weekend in American history may have been the largest protest to date in American history. An estimated 350,000 protestors, led by prominent Civil Rights and antiwar protestor Martin Luther King, Jr. burst on the national capital. Although civil rights and voting rights legislation had largely been successfully implemented in the late 1950's, many of the activist apparatuses of civil rights protestors did not go away. King in particular, after seeing the fight for civil rights succeed far faster than really anyone expected, moved the focus of his activism. Although King's focus was on multiracial poverty alleviation and an end to the wars, this did in a sense take some sort of racial dimension. In particular, the refusal of Kennedy's government to hike taxes, run a high deficit, or cut record-high levels of defense spending (both on the US, partners abroad, and the various wars themselves) meant crushing austerity on domestic housing, healthcare, and education - which hit both the countryside and African-Americans the hardest. Furthermore, the War in the Congo had taken on a distinctly racial bent to some. After reports of a massacre of a Congolese village where American troops repeatedly justified their actions with racial slurs, many more radical blacks had turned decisively against the current administration. In many ways, this also demonstrated a generation gap - as older black voters were more likely to remember the Jim Crow era and remain grateful to the administration.

    One organization in particular drove many from the South. Henry Wallace's use of federal troops and federal dollars in the South to protect and promote union organizers had made the CIO's Operation Dixie a stunning success - as unionization rates in the South reached those comparable to the North. In particular, the CIO's (disproportionately, but not majority) black member base was significantly more radical than the more conservative AFL in the North. The mixture of seasoned civil rights campaigners and union officials allowed the march to hammer out a fairly coherent platform. One party was further progress on civil rights - such as laws against mortgage/housing discrimination, the completion of school desegregation, and stricter regulation of penal labor. Another party was radical economic demands, such as large public works programs, an end to austerity, greater expansion of Americare funding to rural areas/inner cities. Finally, the third plank was simply a generic call for withdrawal from foreign wars and "peace with the new democratic socialist Soviet government." Indeed, many marchers in Washington openly displayed solidarity with the protests in Moscow that had overthrown Beria, believing they could follow in their footsteps.

    However, the march was to go into a strange new phase when the FBI, under direct orders of J. Edgar Hoover, cut and seized the microphones of the march as Bayard Rustin was giving a rousing oration on uniting with protestors in Moscow to "establish a new future of world peace and democratic socialism", which confirmed (erroneous) fears of America's security establishment that the march was promoted by KGB agents to overthrow the American government. This did not actually work. The crowds surged out of control, harassing federal agents. The DC police was called in to maintain order, which they did by nonlethal but politically ruinous methods - firehoses and police dogs that reminded the country of the days of Bull Connor. A furious President Kennedy called in the National Guard on the condition that none of them wield lethal ammunition. Although no protestors were killed, several were seriously wounded before order was re-established and a shorter, less radical list of speakers was promulgated, causing the march to otherwise end peacefully.

    The spillover effects of the march however, were to be immediate. Violence was to erupt again - at next week's Republican National Convention in nearby Baltimore. Notably, many protestors didn't even return home - they merely caught a bus to Baltimore in preparation to bring their message to the RNC. In many ways, this was also plotted by a small cabal of Republican officials. One staffer of the late Senator John S. Cooper, a new University of Louisville graduate by the name of Mitch McConnell, had notably attended the March on Washington and organized the bussing in many of these protestors, realizing that they would stand the best chance of stopping the nomination of the presumptive frontrunner of the Republican National Convention, Barry Goldwater, who although not being a segregationist, was seen as political poison for opposing the Civil Rights Acts on 'liberty' grounds. In a sense, it was believed they would bolster the campaign of Eugene McCarthy, who was a distant second in the delegates and not seen as a serious threat to take the nomination.

    The convention floor of the 1964 RNC was chaotic; far worse than even any in the past. A massive federal presence descended on Baltimore, as constant screaming and yelling between RNC delegates desperate to disqualify each other in order to get an advantage on the floor votes. Indeed, on the first floor vote of the Republican National Convention, no candidate reached a majority. Goldwater came in first with 43% of the delegates, with Eugene McCarthy in a distant second, and the late John Cooper's delegates simply sitting on the sidelines, along with those of various other favorite son candidates. Many of those in the Cooper camp wondered if they could put an end to the situation - and they settled on an option that they hoped would engineer a convention upset. They nominated fellow Kentucky Congressman Eugene Siler, who was known to be both pro-civil rights and anti-war - but vehemently socially conservative (as a former preacher). In fact, he was best known for being the first and fiercest excoriater of Kennedy's foreign policy. Although the Republican establishment thought he'd be an erratic, terrible option, they viewed him as slightly more palatable than Goldwater due to his association with Cooper. In a sense, the bid worked. Several religious conservatives, never loving Goldwater that much (just more than the Eastern Establishment), bolted his campaign. Adding several Cooper delegates onto his vote total immediately catapulted the Kentucky Congressman into third with 13% of the delegates.

    In an act of tremendous slyness, members of the "Kentucky Mafia" told more establishment-leaning delegates (the candidates in 4th to 6th place) that voting Siler wouldn't actually elect him - it would just take away votes from Goldwater and McCarthy. However, they simultaneously brokered a secret deal with McCarthy, who realized he didn't have the votes to get a majority under any circumstances. McCarthy covertly ordered his (mostly young) delegates to deliver their votes to Siler. On the next ballot, Siler shockingly triumphed on the final vote, much to the shock of even many of those who had actually voted for him. In fury at the duplicity, several delegates simply left the Republican National Convention in a rage. Ironically, this actually gave the McCarthy delegates the ability to nominate anyone they wanted as Vice President - which unsurprisingly turned out to be Eugene McCarthy himself. In many ways, the ticket horrified both the Eastern Establishment as well as the conservatives. The establishment saw a theocratic bumpkin from Kentucky who hadn't entirely given up on Prohibition yet - while the conservatives saw a crypto-Communist Soviet-friendly ticket in the making. Notably, Nelson Rockefeller and Barry Goldwater both refused to endorse the nominee - in fact, the only former Presidential nominee at the convention to endorse the ticket...wasn't even a Republican when he was President - it was Henry Wallace. However - one group cheered the nomination - the protestors outside the Convention.

    The first poll after the Republican National Convention confirmed all of the fears of both the Eastern Establishment and the Conservatives. Gallup's post-RNC (and immediately before the DNC) poll saw the most lopsided electoral poll that they had ever measured, with the "Democratic Ticket" leading the Siler/McCarthy ticket 59-29.
     
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    Chapter 186 - Moscow Spring and Red August
  • Moscow Spring and Red August

    In 1964, the Soviet Spring had come. But the momentum of change did not stop. Almost in a frenzy, the population of Moscow took to quasi-democratic socialist deliberation to a fervor yet unseen. The Special Standing Committee of the Moscow City Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, quickly turned out tube far more radical than anyone believed. The academics overwhelming opted to establish local elections for city managerial positions, with a minority of reformist Communist Party members siding with them to give the necessary majorities. Turnout regularly surpassed 98% in these elections, as Moscow workers and students rushed to exercise their local right to franchise. In particular, the elections, contrary to what was expected, unleashed record levels of representation among women and ethnic minorities from the Republics, as workers opted for their neighbors and coworkers over any other group. If they believed in any ideology - it was all of things, a worship of all things scientific and technological. The Soviet landing on the moon energized the entire Soviet Union, as Soviet propaganda, hoping to avoid taking any sides, largely just venerated space flight as a safe, apolitical sign of Soviet triumph.

    In theory, these were still intra-party elections within the one-party Communist system, but they had lowered the bar for Communist Party membership so low - that practically every worker in Moscow who wanted to could easily qualify. Much of Moscow's Communist Party elite feared for their futures, feeling that the Soviet system might be unraveling. However, many simply took the past of least resistance: joining the wave of political change and congratulating every exercise of the franchise - in what they quickly called the Second Soviet Revolution. However, in the midst of all of it, they began plotting against each other. Moreover, the members of the Standing Committee had begun to turn on each other, especially as the academics and the politicians quickly viewed each other as plotting against the "Moscow Spring." Meanwhile, radical divisions also appeared, with the students often viewing the academics (appointed to represent them) as insufficiently radical - and many other Stalinist stalwarts (especially in the Warsaw Pact) viewing the whole experiment as a disaster.

    Surprisingly, the Moscow experiment was largely tolerated because it amazingly didn't affect the governance or stability outside of Moscow. A widespread belief emerged that the loosening of Communist Party control in Moscow would spark mass ethnic violence and economic collapse, and those predictions had not come quite true. In contrast, the national government simply seemed to ignore what was going on in Moscow as a result. After all, the rest of the country essentially ran on autopilot (Soviet bureaucrats still went to work as normal) - and a consensus was slowly building that the rest of the Soviet Union could adopt the Moscow reforms. In fact, by June of 1964, the Politburo was seriously discussing a bill to simply dissolve the NKVD into various weaker agencies - and release most political prisoners. However, "business as normal" bureaucrats also had a tendency to hide severe economic dislocation in Moscow itself as the self-managing worker enterprises competed more fiercely against each other - economic dislocation that created more finger-pointing between workers of different firms.

    However, in August, disaster would strike. A bomb was seemingly triggered at the meeting of the Standing Committee in Moscow, killing three of the members at the meeting. Recriminations immediately exploded in every direction as to who planted the bomb - and naturally, each side blamed each other. In reality, an investigation in the 1970's would ultimately find that the "bomb" was caused by a gas leak caused by a negligent maintenance technician. Students attempted to swarm the Moscow City Hall - and they were quickly met by members of the Moscow police, who violently assaulted them (albeit with no fatalities, due to recent reforms made to public security).

    The roots of Red August actually began in July, when two members of the Standing Committee (one academic and one politician), Andrei Snezhnevsky and Yuri Andropov, as well hundreds of intellectuals, journalists, and students (including some who weren't even ardent Communists, such as Alexander Prokhanov, Lev Gumilyov, and Viktor Glushkov) published an article (the "Scientific Socialist Appeal") that elements of the Soviet state, including "reactionary Beria operatives" and "militarist-fascists", and "capital-luddites" were plotting to overturn the "democratic scientific-socialist Moscow revolution." Although the letter was largely penned by Snezhnevsky, the sign-on Andropov lent it great credence when he was a relatively high-ranking former member of the NKVD before his appointment to the Standing Committee. The amazing thing was that regardless of their political views, all factions saw it as their greatest opportunity. Amazingly, the partnership of Snezhnevsky and Andropov brought together both the radical students as well as NKVD remnants into believing that a conspiracy against the revolution was afoot. Although they had disposed of Beria in the path, somehow the coalition that he had constructed (the security forces abetting radical students) had returned. Except this time, swept along with the fury were also the children of top Soviet Communist Party cadres, who saw the dream of Beriaism without Beria. The coalition of academics rallied behind "democratic socialism", "science", and "vigilance."

    Many of those who had signed the original article were immediately horrified when Snezhnevsky declared that the application of the manifesto was simple: the Moscow City Government and Communist Party had been infiltrated by hundreds of those who had inculcated in "psychological capitalism" - a "fundamental disease rotting the mind" that caused sufferers to "atavistically imitate semi-feudal conditions inserted into their genome." The impact was immediate. Roving mobs of students and young party cadres (often the children of Soviet elites), armed by secret service agents, simply went around the streets, homes, hospitals, and schools of Moscow, simply murdering those that they deemed "psychologically impure" based on the guidelines of old Stalin and Beria-era "psychological assessment tools" (that had originally just been written as a pretense to arrest dissidents). In many cases, competing bands of young party cadres fired upon each other, with the only winner surviving. In the flash of a week, thousands of Soviets had been shot, lynched, or otherwise murdered, usually by gunfire. As these bands very quickly began targeting each other and the families of each other - and as they were largely staffed by the children elite party cadres), this meant often targeting influential Soviets. Although far far less in death toll than anything that ever took place under the Stalin era (or even Beria era), this eviscerated much of the élite political class. After the gunfire quieted, a huge swath of the USSR's top bureaucrats either found themselves dead or (more likely) in hiding in the countryside, with Snezhnevsky firmly triumphant, having purged the members of the Standing Committee who opposed his agenda. Despite that, Suslov, who was listed as Snezhnevsky as Public Enemy No. 1, actually ironically escaped in time.

    The Politburo, seeing many of their friends and families simply killed in mob violence, were furious, infamously fleeing Moscow through the metro, which proved a mistake because that was seen as a sign of "treason" and thus those that failed to get out were simply brutally killed. Almost immediately, it was ordered by the Politburo that the Red Army would "restore order" in Moscow against the "counter-revolution." In contrast, Snezhnevsky and his supporters declared the creation of the Moscow Commune, which promised "democratic socialism" and "scientific utopia" to the workers of Moscow, who quickly sided with the Commune. Although many were individually nervous and skeptical of the "Second Revolution", the worker's self management system of Beria allowed factories to quickly make decisions - usually with elected factory managers (often elected with NKVD aid) quickly siding with the Moscow Commune. Worst of all, Aleksandr Vasilevskiy, perhaps with more foresight than most (or just indecisive), had simply fled entirely, all the way to his dacha in his hometown, declaring neutrality in the conflict, leaving the Soviet government with almost no remaining Marshals.

    All of this took place in the span of two weeks in August of 1964, just in time for the most melancholy meeting of the Warsaw Pact ever recorded, which archives from Poland indicated the highest alcohol consumption ever recorded at a Warsaw Pact meeting.
     
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    Chapter 187 - Dutch Disease and the Wallonian Winter
  • Dutch Disease and the Wallonian Winter
    The Netherlands limped out of the Indonesian Revolution a technical victor, holding onto a few minor colonies in Southeast Asia, namely Borneo, Sulawesi, the Moluccas, and West New Guinea. Nevertheless, the population of the remnants of the Dutch East Indies was still almost the same as the European Netherlands. However, the Netherlands almost immediately received a huge windfall upon evacuating Sumatra and Java - a huge natural gas deposit was located in Groningen, immediately turning the Netherlands into Western Europe's leading energy exporter. The flood of capital and money (especially in government hands) quickly provided a large financial cushion for returning veterans - and for continuing the war in the rest of the East Indies (which was much less challenging). With each of the smaller territories of the Dutch East Indies cut off from each other, the Dutch were able to slowly pacify each region, although this often came at the cost of rather steep compromises (often placing opportunistic former rebels as Dutch-supported governors). Indeed, with the creation of East Indonesia, the Dutch largely sold their colonial mission as a big tent anti-Communist effort.

    In 1960, the Dutch government, flush with cash, was able to cajole enough local politicians and elites of the various colonies into accepting the new political order. Queen Juliani officially signed the Charter of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, which divided the Dutch Empire into several nations - namely the Netherlands, Dutch Antilles, Suriname, Sulawesi, Kalimantan, Moluccas, and Dutch New Guinea, all of which would function as constituent nations of a "Septempartite Kingdom of the Netherlands." In reality, it was largely to fulfill common demands to decolonize - while acknowleding that it was not going to be possible to integrate the former colonies into the Netherlands proper without destroying the current political order (the European Netherlands was just under half the population of the total Netherlands, with 90% of the remaining being in the remnants of the Dutch East Indies). Dutch control was marginal. For example, former rebel Abdul Kahar Muzakkar was appointed the Prime Minister of what he rechristened as the Islamic State of Sulawesi, which implemented sharia law. In contrast, Sultan Hamid II of Pontianak became the Prime Minister of Kalimantan, governing as a more traditionalist monarch (rather close to Rajah Vyner of the North Borneo Federation). The 1960's was largely seen as a "Golden Decade" in Dutch history - as oil money flooded into the Netherlands (not only Groningen, but also LNG deposits in Dutch New Guineau), subsidizing the creation of a new welfare state. The 1963 Oil Shock only strengthened the hand of the Netherlands vis-a-vis the rest of the European Economic Community. After a rather traumatic decade of war, extremism in Dutch politics seemed to have peeled back a little.

    In contrast to the Netherlands, Belgium remained at war. The Liberal and Christian-Social government of Gaston Eyskens, facing increasing war expenditures, implemented the infamous Loi Unique, a strict austerity budget that slashed domestic welfare spending in order to better fund the war. In response, almost a million trade unionists went on strike in Belgium, creating a political crisis not only for Belgium, but the rest of the Western bloc. Continued Belgium participation in the Congo War was seen as necessary by both the French (the geopolitically dominant power of Western Europe) and the United States. Whereas America and Western Europe disagreed often on foreign policy, the Congo War was a place of total agreement. The strikes quickly blew over in Flanders. However, in Wallonia, the strikes continued. Moreover, many Wallonian unions had become much more radical after radical-left French unionists (forced out of France during the Three Years War) often moved over to Wallonia. The demands of the Wallonian Winter were all over the place (many called for Wallonian autonomy - others called for an end to the war - others called for just an end to the austerity budget). However, that meant some of those demands took a radical left edge, including many openly pro-Communist Wallonian/French advocates. The Americans and French turned against Eyskens, viewing him as incapable of stopping a "socialist insurrection." Many more conservative Belgians were horrified by what many in the mass media were describing a "Communist Revolution in Wallonia" - which seemed vindicated by the images of hundreds of thousands of protestors. Although most were not Communists, pictures which showed some of them clearly were Communists were widely distributed in Belgium to give many the impression that a Communist revolution was imminent.

    Interestingly, evidence has arisen indicating that the secret services of various countries pushed this narrative. Not only did French, British, and American intelligence agencies spread this misinformation (in hopes of discrediting the strikes and maintaining Belgian participation in the war), but so did Eastern Bloc intelligence agencies, who were invested in playing up "socialist sentiments" in the West. After overwhelming pressure within the cabinet and from abroad, the King ultimately dismissed Eyskens, appointing a non-partisan placeholder Prime Minister. Ultimately, King Leopold III chose Belgium's most famous living general, Emile Janssens, the last Belgian commander of the Force Publique and leader of Belgian forces in the Congo. Unfortunately, King Leopold III had greatly misjudged the general. Although the Belgian press depicted Janssens as a modern scholar-general, who had prudently led Belgian forces in Congo, the reality was that Janssens was extremely aggressive and only restricted by his American coworkers. And now, he had a blank check handed to him by a political establishment that believed the "Little Maniac" was the only thing standing between them and a Bolshevik revolution.

    His solution to the Wallonian Winter was simple: force. The Belgian Army was ordered to simply crush the general strike. After declaring an ultimatum to disperse or face deadly force (which the strikers naturally refused), the Belgian Army fulfilled its orders, blocking off streets across Wallonia and Brussels, and fired tear gas to disperse strikers across the entire nation. The results were predictable in most cities: the protestors quickly went completely out of control, choosing to attack the soldiers instead. Under Janssens's direct orders, the troops responded with live ammunition. Mass fighting between soldiers and protestors tore Brussels apart. Martial law was declared in Wallonia and Brussels - as Janssens had felt secure after his French counterparts promised that the French troops would intervene to "protect constitutional government" if things got out of hand. Those in the Brussels strike who had chose to respond with further violence had clearly made a huge mistake - as Belgian troops (the vast majority of them veterans of the Congo Wars due to the troop rotation system) were both ruthless and thorough. Even after the protestor's attack on Belgian troops completely crumpled in the face of organized rifle fire, the troops were ordered to keep firing, which they did so. At the end of the night, thousands had been killed or were dying, with the protests completely snuffed in Brussels.

    Outrage exploded among strikers in the smaller cities of Wallonia, where egged on far-left radicals, they responded by seizing local police departments, seizing their weapons, and declaring "People's Communes." However, the Belgian Army had largely foreseen this. Using the tactics and method of fighting they had learned in the Congo, they methodically swept through smaller cities, "interrogated" local civilians if uncooperative, located rebel strongholds, and simply showered them with mustard gas before unceremoniously shooting down any survivors. Very soon, resistance collapsed in Wallonia itself. At the end of the Wallonian Winter of 1960-1961, an estimated 5,000 strikers and rebels had been killed, with over 100,000 imprisoned by the army (a tremendous number - out of a population of roughly 3 million). Immediately, congratulations poured in from the rest of Europe for Belgium having "defeated a Communist insurrection." King Leopold III himself would later he was forced to receive these congratulations with disgust, as they poured in from the governments of France, Spain, the UK, the USA, Portugal, Sweden-Finland, West Germany, and Austria. In Flanders, where the protests had dispersed before any of the violence began, public support for the government soared, as the "decisive action of the Belgian Army" was believed to have snuffed a Communist revolution in Belgium. Although the government did not consider language in its response (Janssens himself was a Walloon), the lopsided nature of the death toll further inflamed the political divide in Belgium, further embittering Wallonia and driving it to the Left.

    Regardless, to the rest of the Western alliance, Janssens had done his job. Belgium would stay committed to the war in the Congo. The colonial project of France would continue without "dominos" falling near it - and the United States would be able to counter what was clearly an increasingly Communist opponent in the Congo. In many ways, the Wallonian Winter was the starkest reminder that Europe's wars abroad could also come home - the ruthless response of the Belgian Army could likely not have enacted if it were not for the fact that so many troops had been already trained in ruthless anti-rebel warfare by their experience in the Congo War.
     
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    Chapter 188 - New Communism
  • New Communism
    The global student movements of 1964 would not just cause turmoil in the West with the rise of the "New Left", it would also call turmoil in the Communist bloc with the rise of what was rapidly called "New Communism", ideologies inspired by Marxism-Leninism that significantly deviated from the ideology, in many ways. While many of these offshoots would die off, either from lack of interest or from official state repression, many would grow to become more prominent in the years to come.

    One such ideology was Cosmocommunism, which took off shortly after the Soviet Red August. A friendly competitor with other ideologies, such as Snezhnevsky's Schizocommunists or Glushkov's Cybercommunists, Cosmocommunism saw many of its origins far away in El Salvador, where an Argentinian Communist guerilla nicknamed Juan Posadas published his 1964 work, "Flying saucers, the process of matter and energy, science, the revolutionary and working-class struggle and the socialist future of mankind", where he asserted that UFOs did in fact exist because of his optimistic Marxist-Lenininist interpretation of the Drake Equation (which posits that intelligent life must exist somewhere in the universe based on the sheer size of the universe). He explained that any civilization or society advanced enough to engage in interstellar travel faster than the speed of light without destroying itself would have to be a Communist society and that all UFOs would naturally be adherents of Communism. In this theory, the reason humans had not encountered aliens was that aliens themselves refused to contact primitives who had not advanced yet to Communism. His focus on interstellar travel found an incredibly open audience in the Soviet Union, where much of the population was still enamored with the Soviet moon landing. In fact, almost every faction of the Soviet Union put interstellar travel as a key justification for Communism, creating fertile ground for Posadas. His other work, the bulk of his work, actually drew far less interest.

    Posadas himself was invited to Moscow by influential Red Guard leaders, where he became exceptionally influential, writing like mad, until ironically also being killed by a revolutionary rival from the Schizocommunist faction in a now-infamous murder, who feared that his writings on the desirability of a nuclear first strike on the West would actually cause such an outcome. His ideas on the desirability of a nuclear war did not catch on after the murder of the Trotykist thinker (also ironically done with a ice pick), but his final essay was actually adopted by the Soviet government. His final paper discussed the possibility of human-dolphin interaction and the desirability of human water-birth, both of which would be adopted into government policy. Even as the rest of the Soviet economy ground to a halt, an effort was made to construct a massive Dolphin research facility in Moscow. Today, the Kazan Dolphin Aquarium, a popular tourist destination, is the largest aquarium for dolphins in the world and credited for rescuing several dolphin species from danger of extinction. Posadas's final essay also inspired Soviet cosmonautic officials, keenly aware of the wave of sympathy towards Posadas after his death, announced that the Soviet Union would attempt to have a woman give birth in a space on the 50th anniversary of Red October - in an imitation of the water-birth of dolphins. Despite the lack of many native dolphin species in the Soviet Union, dolphins quickly became adopted as a symbol of the Soviet Navy (a branch that saw significant investment in the Beria years).

    Pure Communism was a result of the most unexpected political conversions in East Asia. Taking its name from Kita Ikki's famous essay, The Theory of Japanese National Essence and Pure Socialism, famous Japanese author Yukio Mishima found far less to complain about Marxism-Leninism when he made a now famous trip with a friend to the former capital of Manchukuo (and de facto capital of the People's Republic of China), Xinjing. Mishima was always actually a fairly poor fit on the Japanese far-right, largely because he believed that the Showa Emperor should abdicated at the end of World War II for "failing" Japan - which embittered many Japanese right-wing radicals towards Mishima. At the same time, he loathed the bourgeosie values of South Japanese leftists - and largely viewed North Japan as a Soviet puppet (a belief not uncommon ironically in North Japan itself). However, it was on a visit to the People's Republic of China where Mishima found his cause. Writing eloquently about the wave of emotions he was given by visiting the North Chinese "Lei Feng Hall of Heroes" (formerly Manchukuo's replica of Yasukuni Shrine) and "Mao Zedong Mausoleum" (formerly Manchukuo's replica of Ise Grand Shrine), Mishima asserted that Chinese Communism did a better job of reviving "traditional Japanese martial virtue" than "bourgeoise, American puppetized Japan." On their part, North Chinese authorities weren't exactly thrilled by this interpretation, but they were happy to sow ideological confusion in South Japan.

    Returning to Japan, Mishima quickly became one of the most prominent Marxists in South Japan, advocating for a "Japanese National Pure Communism", arguing that South Japan should immediately remilitarize (as a nonaligned power), replace the powerless Showa Emperor with an empowered "People's Emperor", establish a one-party socialist state, establish stricter environmental standards, establish a larger social welfare safety net, peacefully unify with North Japan, and remove both American and Soviet bases. Some of those policies, such as environmental standards and social welfare nets, became rather popular after several well-published environmental catastrophes, such as the mass mercury poisoning of Minamata Disease or the infamous Yokaichi Asthma. With the Japanese Communist Party still illegal, Mishima's "Pure Socialist Party" became an eclectic mixture of the far-left and far-right that quickly became the number one domestic Asia-Pacific enemy of the American CIA.

    The biggest deviation from Marxism-Leninism - possibly enough to throw off Marxism in its entirety and declare itself as post-Marxist, was also nearby - Juche socialism. Hwang Jang-yop, the dean of Seoul National University. One of Kim Il-Sung's last speeches before the Korean War and his untimely death, On Eliminating Dogmatism and Formalism and Establishing Juche in Ideological Work, was quickly spun by Hwang into a more wide-ranging ideology. Rejecting the materialism in Marxism-Leninism as improperly minimizing the "spiritual virtues" of the Korean race, Hwang presented Juche as a "middle way" between North Chinese and Soviet Communism, largely because he deviated from both. Calling for both "socialism with a human face" and "a singular Great Leader to serve as vanguard for the masses", Hwang also took a surprisingly pragmatic approach to relations with North China. Although lambasting the "Manchu domination of Joseon" by referencing the Gapsin Coup, he also pointed that out "patriotic agitators against Manchu domination inadvertently opened the door to Japanese imperialism." Regardless, the modest criticism of Chinese-style Communism was seen as a significant threat by the incumbent government. However, having failed to truly construct a Marxist-Leninist state (with the People's Republic of Korea being a unwieldy coalition between three distinct Communist groups, North Korean Communists, South Korean Communists, and Chinese-Korean Communists), the state was never able to suppress the spread of Juche ideology or Hwang himself. As the People's Republic of China spent escalating amounts of manpower and money supporting various colonial struggles in Africa, Latin America, and even Northern Ireland, they neglected political changes in Korea.
     
    Chapter 189 - A Tryst of the Destined
  • A Tryst of the Destined

    Indian political history in the 1960's was in many ways continued to boil down to disagreements with regards to independence. The INC (Socialist) was widely expected to win the 1962 elections, but when Menon fell short, incriminations went everywhere. Chief among this belief was the idea that Menon had simply tried too hard to go it alone. His platform was wildly popular - but he hadn't been making friends very effectively at the local and state level. The imperious Menon, surprisingly took the criticism without lashing out at his subordinates, but still did not want to be overly "compromised" with "localist" and "feudalist" politicians. As a result, he chose to turn to a new force:

    At the end of World War II, the former commander of the Indian National Army, Subhas Chandra Bose had fled to Japanese Manchuria with the intent of defecting to the Soviet Union in a bid to rally Soviet support for Indian independence. In contrast to the warm support he had received from the Imperial Japanese, the Soviets simply did not trust him, and imprisoned him along with the rest of the Kwangtung Army. Even when most of the Japanese were repatriated to North Japan or China, Bose (as well as many top Kwantung Army officials) were kept on (albeit in more comfortable circumstances) until an amnesty was issued in 1954 (with release delayed until 1957, after the end of the Three Years War). Although not a vehement anti-Communist, Bose never truly embraced Communism, viewing the Soviets quite insufficiently committed to anti-colonialism. Indeed, Stalin himself was never interested in the anti-colonial project.

    When Bose returned to India, he was given a hero's welcome by former INA veterans and much of Indian society, who saw him as a hero of both independence. In particularly, many anti-Communists viewed Bose as more palatable than other Indian nationalists, because he was generally believed to have been embittered towards the Soviet Union. Eventually, Bose would quickly re-establish his own patriotic paramilitary, the "Indian National Service Corps", that would quickly operate through direct action to lobby Indian politics. However, the INC (S) and the INSC were never able to establish a strong partnership, largely because Menon did not want to compromise to any other force. Interestingly, INSC, despite being officially non-communal and secular, quickly drew many former RSS cadets for being such forceful advocates for "Indian territorial integrity", and was thus given often unofficial support by the ruling Rajaji government, who saw them as preferable to the Hindu nationalists.

    Calling the Rajaji Administration weak, the INSC seemed like a lucrative partner for Menon's INC (S). And indeed, in a meeting in 1964, Bose and Menon agreed on a tactical alliance going forwards in the next alliance. The INSC would lend its official paramilitary support to the INC (S), with prominent INSC members standing as members of the INC (Nationalist), which would not compete in the same districts as INC (S) members. The Menon-Bose alliance would send shockwaves through Indian politics. Interestingly, the INSC would recieve significant support from Western special services (despite Bose's reputation as an anti-Western crusader), because while Menon was regarded as a Soviet sympathizer, Bose was seen at most neutral towards the USSR (which was correct) and thus a preferable outcome if the pro-Western Rajaji went down in the scheduled 1967 elections. Indeed, it was a strange coalition. Although the biggest war at the time was the Ceylon War, the INC (S) called the war in Ceylon "Western imperialism", while the INC (N) lambasted the Rajaji government for being unable to win the war.
     
    Chapter 190 - The Death of Beria
  • The Death of Beria
    The March on Moscow failed. With the streets of Moscow barricaded by industrial workers and radical students who had rallied to the cause of the Moscow Commune and the supporters of the Moscow Commune having seized control of almost every nationwide communication network in the Soviet Union (which was only made possible by the paranoid Beria concentrating all communications in the capital of Moscow under tight NKVD control - a fact that doomed the generals when the NKVD threw their support in with the Commune as the lesser of two evils), the Moscow Commune was able to broadcast its propaganda and side of the story across the nation. The Red Army marching on Moscow lost cohesion as entire units mutinied instead of sieging the city. Only a few dozen soldiers and Commune militia were killed before the Red Army retreated from its push on Moscow.

    With Soviet-wide radio calling on workers, students, and peasants across the entire nation to rise up and seize militias to emulate the model in Moscow, the ringleaders of the planned March on Moscow realized they had nowhere to retreat - and simply chose to fled the country, generally choosing Poland, still ruled by the traditionalist President Rokossovsky. In many ways, this signaled the ultimate triumph of what quickly became known as the "Psychiatric Revolution Group", the loose alliance between radical academics and NKVD officers who had essentially seized control of the state apparatuses, albeit it for different reasons. The academics wanted to see radical reforms, while the NKVD officers were merely afraid of conservative military officers rolling back Beria's reforms - which meant that they differed on generally what to do with regards to Beria's repressive policies. However, they generally agreed on how to deal with enemies - force, often justified on a psychiatric basis.

    Snezhnevsky rose quickly among the academics precisely because of his extremely close relations with the NKVD during the Beria era - it was generally Snezhnevsky who wrote up the fraudulent psychiatric diagnoses that justified NKVD arrests of political dissidents in the late Beria era, and some reports even suggest that Snezhnevsky suggested to Beria that he could afford to close down the "gulags" on paper, as long as he replaced them with identical "psychiatric wards" located on the same premises with the same inmates (who would simply be given bogus psychiatric rationales for why they were there). The old student leaders quickly cannibalized each other in the fight for power, leaving the Snezhnevsky group essentially in power in Moscow.

    The Red Army was quickly left intact, as the surviving officer corps quickly pledged fealty to the new order. Amusingly, Bulganin was pulled out of his house at night to be told that his retirement was over and that he was being placed in charge of the Red Army, since it was believed that only an apolitical, experienced statesperson could preserve the neutrality of the Red Army in relation with the new revolutionary government. Similar communes quickly erupted around the country, in Leningrad, Stalingrad, Novosibirsk, Kazan, etc. Although each was in theory autonomous within the Soviet Union, in practice, they followed the dictates of the Moscow Commune simply because as mentioned, the Moscow Commune monopolized nationwide communication networks. In practice, this meant four individuals had a tremendous influence on what was published, namely Snezhnevsky, Andropov, Bulganin, and soon an unexpected fourth member, a politically-motivated Moscow auto mechanic originally from Uzbekistan by the name of Yuri Prokofiev, who quickly ended up the most prominent voice of the Moscow labor groups. In particular, most of the behind-of-the-scenes management to replaced the purged bureaucracy was made by Andropov, while Snezhnevsky largely focused on relitigating academic disputes by having his rivals killed off.

    One such rival, albeit it not a rival, found his demise in an unusual student group in Moscow. A young of utopian young Soviet engineering and philosophy students envisioned a future technocommunist society where advanced computing would not just automate the economy (as was pushed by the much more mainstream Glushkov group), but also the maintenance of law and order. To this end, they actually wrote extensive essays on artificial intelligence that ended up being read abroad. However, one less well thought idea was that notion that they could hook up the brains of "great and devious" individuals to a massive computer network in order to prevent crime. Like almost every half-baked student research group in the Soviet "science boom", they were given some degree of funding - as a result, they decided to implement their vision.

    They broke into the Lenin Mausoleum, extracted Lenin's mostly-dessicated brain, broke into Stalin's Mausoleum, extracted his mostly-dessicated brain, and most alarmingly, discovered evidence in their own testing that confirmed suspicions that Stalin had been murdered. Suspecting his successor, they broke into Beria's house (where he was under house arrest), overpowering the guards and capturing Beria. Pronouncing Beria guilty of crimes on what was essentially a home video camera, they used their home tools to essentially extract Beria's brain from the former Soviet leader (who unsurprisingly perished during the operation), hooking it into their computer-contraption. It did not work, but according to their own reports, the experiment still was a success for the future of Soviet science. The event quickly became a scandal in the Soviet Union, perhaps signifying the breakdown of public order in the Soviet Union more than any other event in the new "Soviet Revolution", but many radicals lauded the students for "advancing Soviet science" and "clearing up untruths of the past with revolutionary fervor." The government simply tried to sweep the incident under the rug, reconstructing both the Lenin and Stalin mausoleums. Even some of those that condemned events such as Red August believed that the huge entry of working-class people into Soviet politics based on the self-governance of their factories and agricultural communes was such a great leap forward for Soviet socialism, they were willing to excuse events such as the "Beria incident."

    The reaction to this in the Warsaw Pact to the unfolding of events in the Soviet Union extremely negative, to say the least. They had always viewed Beria as a dangerous reformer - and in their eyes, his efforts had led to predictable disaster. Fearing that the Soviet Union would soon spread their brand of radical populist Communism to the nations of the Warsaw Pact, the nations of the Warsaw Pact quickly discussed alternative plans among themselves, intensifying military, economic, and scientific cooperation. The last naysayers against the covert Project Oliphant, the joint nuclear program between the non-Soviet Warsaw Pact were silenced - and nuclear tests were planned in both North China and Pakistan in hopes of intimidating the "Soviet radicals." Relations between the USSR and the rest of the Warsaw Pact were thought to have hit rock bottom - but they had not yet. Moreover, the "Spirit of the Second Red October" was to spread outside of the Soviet Union.
     
    Chapter 191 - The Democratic National Convention of 1964
  • The Democratic National Convention of 1964
    The Democrats were to be prepared. The 1964 Democratic National Convention in Los Angeles, California was not to repeat the mistakes of the Republican convention in Baltimore. The Kennedy administration has generously provided enough firepower for Mayor Sam Yorty of Los Angeles to essentially militarize the Los Angeles Police Department. In many cases, planned antiwar protestors were arrested at the airport or at Union Station (the convention was held at the nearby Los Angeles Sports Arena in Exposition Park near USC - which was itself placed under de facto martial law, so did the mayor fear student protestors).

    Although it was clear that Ribicoff did not have the numbers to actually prevail, his supporters flocked to Los Angeles in hopes of extracting concessions from the general party. President Kennedy, himself, was friends with both Jackson and Ribicoff and hoped to strike a compromise bargain. His goal was to simply see them both on the ballot and have the unity ticket steamroll to victory in 1964. He famously called both men to meet a few days before the DNC, hoping to strike up a bargain. Coincidentally, it was in those same days that President Kennedy had received news of Laventry Beria's death, which he indeed celebrated with a raucous party with leading members of the DNC and both candidates.

    The exact proceedings of the party have sparked perhaps the most popular and enduring conspiracy theory in American politics - because the party was ended by the death of the President. Coroners listed the cause of death as cardiac arrest, which immediately seemed very sketchy to much of the American public, which saw a healthy 47-year old President die in a literal cigar-smoke filled room. Interestingly, this was not a surprise to much of the actual Democratic political class, which was aware of both Kennedy's poor health (arising from methamphetamine abuse, alcohol abuse, and notorious overwork). Regardless, the story set a fire under many of Ribicoff's supporters.

    Vice President Jackson was now President Jackson - and he was now running for re-election. Ribicoff openly conceded the race, which caused even left-wing politicians to rally behind Jackson, but he ferociously lambasted the security measures at the 1964 DNC. Confrontations with student protestors from USC was common, although unlike the RNC, none of them were able to force their way into the building. However, although the Democrats had cleanly prevented an incident at the DNC itself, the city government had made a crucial mistake.

    With the vast majority of LAPD resources deployed in Exposition Park near USC, this left the rest of the city rather underpoliced. On the first day of the DNC, in the Watts neighborhood, an LAPD officer entered a physical confrontation with a driver, which he placed under arrest after beating him. The spectacle drew a crowd and the officer panicked when he was surrounded and was told by the LAPD that reinforcements would not be coming because of the DNC. He fled into his car and drove away, ramming through the crowd, which sparked a furious outrage in the local neighborhood, which responded by violently destroying police buildings and cars. In many ways, the 1963 oil shock had hit black America the hardest, by hammering manufacturing jobs that were often the black path to a middle-class. Although the popular image of the recession focused on rust belt manufacturing workers, black workers were probably the group most overrepresented in this crash, especially those in Los Angeles's ailing industries. Much of Los Angeles's black population had moved to LA in order to take jobs in World War II-era industry, and now those jobs were being shed en masse. Although many older blacks appreciated the progress on civil rights, a younger generation of downwardly economically mobile blacks were more radical and militant.

    Police Chief William Parker, backed up by Mayor Yorty, declared that they were "fighting the Congolais Rouge at home." For their part, some young African-American men participating in anti-police violence openly donned flags resembling that of the Red Congolese forces in the Congo, primarily identifying with the image of an indigenous African group resisting "White" imperialism. The LAPD, amped up with military equipment received from the Department of Defense, responded with force. Gunfights immediately broke out in the Watts neighborhood between police forces and rioters. Governor Pat Brown immediately requested that President Jackson deploy the National Guard, but Jackson infamously dithered. Unwilling to suffer the optics of deploying troops to quell a city that was literally nominating him for President, Jackson didn't answer affirmatively or negatively to the request.

    Although he thought deploying the National Guard would only incite more violence, he was wrong. The National Guard would have probably been more restrained than the LAPD was, as it was under the control of Parker and Yorty, who distinctly wanted to send a message. The LAPD was outright ordered to use live ammunition against "Afro-Communist guerillas", an order so extreme that many LAPD officers refused to actually comply. However, most did comply. Whereas the Democrats wanted the Democratic National Convention to highlight the successes of the Kennedy Administration "defeating Communism and Jim Crow", the image displayed to the country was gunfights in the streets of Los Angeles, burned down buildings, improvised bombs, and untold deaths. Later studies of the Watts revolt found that most of the initial rioters weren't involved for political reasons at all - they just took advantage of the crash in public order. However, the exceptionally harsh response by the LA City Government sparked universal local outrage and allowed more militant activists to organize these individuals into hierarchies that did act in an organized fashion.

    The DNC itself was relatively a low-drama affair, with Jackson dutifully nominated, with Lyndon B. Johnson as his Vice President (his crucial endorsement in the South was seen as helping Jackson sweep the election). In the end, Jackson did call in the National Guard after the DNC ended. However, this wouldn't end the violence immediately. Many militant groups had organized - and they were just waiting for the National Guard to arrive before attacking. After one more weeks of sporadic gunfights, peace returned to the street. Over 30,000 individuals had been arrested (presumably most not actually involved), with almost a thousand dead. The Watts neighborhood had been almost been completely torched, with the fighting ending largely because black community leaders, while outraged by the LAPD, almost universally concluded that the violence was too much to stomach. This caused militant organizers to decry their elders, often fleeing the city of Los Angeles entirely. President Jackson quickly hailed the National Guard (leaving out the LAPD), announcing that an economic program would be announced to help the neighborhood rebuild.

    In the end, polling found that most Americans had supported the actions of the LAPD - with 63% of Americans (29 against) supporting the acts of the Parker and Yorty. In contrast, Jackson's attempt to thread the line had only resulted in scorn. The numbers were almost reversed for Jackson, with 31% supporting and 60% opposing (albeit split between those who thought he was too harsh and those who thought he was not harsh enough). The Republican ticket...took the interesting approach of not even addressing the racial question, describing the revolt as "the tragic outcome of the failed economic policies of this administration." This was largely because the Republican Party itself was split between those that thought Jackson had been too harsh or not harsh enough. Regardless, the race had narrowed. One poll found that a significant minority of Ribicoff voters were ready to vote Republican, despite Ribicoff's endorsement of Jackson (who he thought of as a bulwark against the likes of Yorty).

    In the first Gallup poll after both national conventions, the Jackson-Johnson ticket led the Siler-McCarthy ticket 52-36.
     
    Chapter 192 - Nilfgrads
  • Nilfgrads
    After years fighting a nightmarish war in East Indonesia, Soviet resolve had run out. Veterans returning home from the Second Indonesian War spoke of "Nilfgrads" (from the term NILF, or National Islamic Liberation Front), the tendency of NILF militants to create heavily dug-in mountain fortresses. Increasingly, these veterans became some of the most radicalized vanguards of the new revolution, demanding an end to the war in Indonesia as well as a fundamental reform of Soviet government, and setting up blockades along the roads that were also quickly referred to as Nilfgrads. These Nilfgrads were instrumental to the Moscow Commune gaining almost total control of traffic into and outside of Moscow - which they inevitably turned to their advantage.

    The death of Beria threw the Politburo into a panic, and it was begrudgingly agreed that the least damaging way to deal with an increasing threat was to invite all four dominant members of the Moscow Commune's leadership into the Central Committee of the Communist Party, a shocking act to most in the Communist Party. To most of the world, as well as the Warsaw Pact, it seemed as if the Soviet government had simply surrendered to an insurrection. Indeed, the Politburo, largely stuck in Moscow, saw no choice but to capitulate to the demands of the Moscow Commune after it was clear that the Red Army was not going to get involved. The fate of Beria made many of them fear what could happen to them and their families if they didn't "ride the revolution", so they did choose to give way.

    The denunciation from the Warsaw Pact was fierce and swift. In the span of a few days, almost the entire Warsaw Pact minus Bulgaria-Macedonia penned a furious letter slamming "Soviet revisionism" and calling on the Soviet Union to return to "orthodox Marxism-Leninism." Initially, the response of the Communist Party was to reassure its allies and the public that although the Central Committee had added new members, it would not be giving any leadership positions to the new members. The response did nothing to calm the country down. In fact, furious Soviet sailors mutinied in Kola. In the November Storm, Soviet sailors under an officer by the name of Valery Sablin seized control of the Kola Naval Base, declaring the creation of a Revolutionary People's Government in support of the 'Second Revolution'. Although the RPG would step down after a month, its creation would sufficiently spook the Soviet government into capitulating again.

    Fearing the creation of future governments like the Moscow Commune, the Soviet government flip-flopped again, announcing the appointment of each of the new ''Gang of Four" to ministerial positions that significantly enhanced their power bases. For all intents and purposes, Andropov was put in charge of the NKVD, which dramatically strengthened their influence on Soviet government. Moreover, appointing Snezhnevsky to a position of influence did not actually curb the violent excesses of his supporters, who quickly established a de facto reign of terror in Soviet academia. Emboldened by the success of the "November Storm", Soviet workers often simply tossed out disliked local governments and replaced them with new "revolutionary governments" staffed by members of the self-managing enterprise unions introduced by Beria's reform. These new governments were loyal on paper to Moscow but essentially autonomous. The Soviet central government was amusingly unable to act against them, largely because they actually exceeded all of the original quotas despite the tendency of people to be clubbed to death in "revolutionary struggles." In addition, the flip-flop further shredded Soviet credibility abroad. The final blow came a day later, when Foreign Minister Shevardnadze (with the support of the Four) announced that the USSR would be seeking to extricate itself from the war in East Indonesia, entering into direct negotiation with NILF leaders for the first time - which shocked both the Warsaw Pact and the Americans (who were about to vote for their new President).

    Although peace negotiations would not be concluded until 1965, the eventual terms would eventually further infuriate the rest of the Warsaw Pact. The Soviet Union would withdraw from East Indonesia and NILF would cease armed resistance, on the condition of the other powers (namely Pakistan and North China) also withdrawing their powers. At no point had the Pakistanis or North Chinese actually consented to these terms, which infuriated both nations. However, the true crisis for the Warsaw Pact would eventually start due to an unexpected development in Poland...
     
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    Chapter 193 - The US 1964 Presidential Election Campaign
  • The US 1964 Presidential Election Campaign
    The election was believed lost. According to Time Magazine, the "old Republican coalition, one that was already not a victorious coalition, was disintegrating, with untold numbers of white-collar workers reacting against Siler's antediluvian piety, big business threatening to sit out the election, conservatives furious at perceived defeatism, the West lost. The war chest was almost empty, and the party's machinery, neglected after decades out of power, creaked in disrepair."[1] Admittedly, the polling at the start of the general election was not the darkest of dark days where the Republican ticket trailed by 30 points (which would have represented a worse defeat than any inflicted by FDR), but the post-convention polling still saw the Republicans trailing by 16 points. This would have still represented the worst Republican defeat since 1936, which was still eight years after the most recent Republican presidential victory.

    A strange coalition of Republican operatives made peace. The radical leftists who had led to the "Convention Coup" and career Republican operatives both realized they had to cooperate to prevent a blowout. The leftists feared their politics would be discredited, while Republican operatives feared downballot disaster. Party infighting largely dissipated after the Republican National Convention, which allowed most career Republican politicians to endorse the ticket. Only a few hawkish hardliners, led by notably Barry Goldwater, refused to support the ticket. Just this helped a great deal in improving the Republican ticket numbers. The largest problem, was the candidate himself.

    Siler was quickly seen as a walking political disaster. An ardent Christian pastor, Siler laced almost every speech with biblical references, even condemning the decreased President Kennedy for his "hard-drinking, ungodly ways" in remarks that outraged much of Washington DC which believed that the personal lives of politicians should be off-limits. He openly condemned the Supreme Court decision legalizing abortion-on-demand, arguing that "God's law" ought to "always surpass Man's law." On foreign policy, he was a fierce non-interventionist, condemning the American war in the Congo in harsh terms thought by some to be unpatriotic. Finally, he was an ardent believer in a balanced budget - and although he narrowly avoided saying that he would roll back social programs (like the disastrous Taft nomination), he admitted that he would seek to increase taxes to balance the budget. The Democratic attacks were complete - he was to be attacked as a theocratic Soviet-sympathizing tax-hiker.

    However, not all of those attacks were to be quite complete weaknesses. As the Soviet convulsed under the weight of what became called by some the "Second Revolution", many Americans also became repulsed by Jackson's hawkish stance. Jackson proposed increasing American troops in the Congo and an even more aggressive posture against the Soviet Union, arguing that he could "finish off a weakened Soviet Empire." This actually did not sell itself to most Americans, who believed that the Soviets were a threat to America but had little interest in actually overthrowing the Soviet government, especially as they became to appear more reformist. Finally, attacking Siler as a theocrat actually alienated some Democrats. A significant number of religious Democrats outraged by abortion-on-demand and Jackson's overall social liberalism toyed with voting for a Republican for the first time. In particular, several Southern Protestant leaders, long loyal to the Democrats, began subtly promoting Republican candidates.

    However, the highest profile defection was not to come from the political right - but from the political left. The Congress of Industrial Organizations, long a mainstay of the political left after the success of Operation Dixie (a mass, multiracial unionization effort in the South that succeeded after President Henry Wallace ordered the National Guard to defend union organizers) had long loathed their rivals on the center-left, the more centrist American Federation of Labor. Vice President McCarthy was long known as a friend of the CIO - which had backed Ribicoff in the primary (the AFL, hawkish against Communism, had backed Jackson). The CIO endorsement of the Siler-McCarthy ticket shocked much of the political world - a far-left political union endorsing a conservative Christian. However, the Siler ticket had actually more or less backed down on anti-government rhetoric. Although their embrace of tax hikes as an alternative to deficit spending or cutting social spending alienated many upper-class voters, it made the ticket palatable to leftist labor organizers. Moreover, Jackson was one of the AFL's favorite candidates - and CIO leaders delighted at the possibility of spiting them. Similarly, some big business representatives supported the Republican ticket. The chairman of the American Motors Company, George Romney, was one of the largest boosters of the Republican ticket, believing that a more cooperative posture towards the Soviet Union was ideal. A few business types even viewed Siler and McCarthy as actually less economically threatening than Jackson, worried about what hawkish foreign relations would do to international trade.

    The flood of religious conservatives, leftist labor organizers, and anti-war types of all kinds, combined with Republican unity against what was to expected to be a Democratic onslaught significantly narrowed the once gaping chasm in polling. The debates were a remarkably hostile event, where Acting President Henry Jackson called Siler a Communist sympathizer - and Siler called Jackson "godless." Journalists in particular were horrified by Siler as an "unreconstructed theocrat" - and most leftist journalists were at least embarrassed by his open religiosity even as they supported him for foreign policy reasons. The largest "October surprise" was nothing in the United States, but rather the declaration of the Soviet foreign ministry that they would cease the bombing of East Indonesia, seek a negotiated peace, and withdraw Soviet troops from the nation. In the end, the election had narrowed, though a large Democratic victory was still expected, with the Jackson-Johnson ticket leading the Siler-McCarthy ticket, 53-44. From a 30 point deficit after the disastrous 1964 RNC, the Republicans had narrowed the election to an expected 9 point loss, which all things considered, could have been much worse.
    ---
    [1] Based on a real quote.
     
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    Chapter 194 - Jackson Defeats Siler
  • Jackson Defeats Siler
    Based on the first exit polls, most newspapers got their headlines out, with cutting commentary from the leading intellectuals at the time. Simply put, the center had held. The postwar consensus of social liberalism and cold war hawkishness had triumphed in yet another election. In many ways, the election results were a vindication for the Kennedy line. Early returns seemed to quickly a more interesting race. Namely put, something very strange was going on in the "Solid South." The Democrats had won the entire South in almost every election from 1932-1960, even when they had campaigned on civil rights (the 1960 elections). The new suburbs of the South seemed solidly Democratic, but both the cities and rural areas were coming far below expectations. An overwhelming Democratic advantage among black voters quickly dissipated into a dead heat among black votes. Black precincts oddly enough consistently produced the closest races in the South. Elsewhere, evangelical voters appeared to abandon the Democratic ticket in droves, casting their votes overwhelmingly for the firebrand preacher from Kentucky.

    However, it would not only be the South where the Democratic coalition collapsed. The Upper Midwest swung heavily towards the Republicans as conservative Catholics bolted the Democratic Party (partly due to the abortion issue) as anti-war liberals simultaneously voted Republican as a lesser evil. It became quickly obvious to many newspaper publishers that the race was far closer than expected. Siler had been seriously underestimated in the polls simply because the votes that he had swung were the least likely to answer their telephones, namely rural Southern white evangelicals, black voters, and anti-war youth. Whereas as Jackson was largely appealing to upscale suburban voters who tended to answer polls greater than their actual numbers. By Wednesday morning, it became clear that the United States did not have an elected president. Ultimately, only a few states remained uncalled by the next morning, primarily Western states that began counting much later.

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    Soon, states soon became called. Despite Vice President candidate Lyndon B. Johnson being from the neighboring state of Texas, Oklahoma narrowly went to Siler. Ironically, on election night, Siler narrowly led in New Mexico by a few thousand votes and Jackson led in Hawaii by a few thousand, but ultimately Siler won Hawaii by a 4,515 votes and Jackson won New Mexico by 2,254 votes. Most other states were less close, with Siler winning in Oregon and Nevada, but losing in Idaho by roughly 1% for each. This put the election at 269 electoral votes for Jackson and 265 for Siler. The only state remaining was New Hampshire, where the final state tally had Siler ahead by 335 votes.

    American newspapers quickly declared an electoral college tie for the first time in American history, albeit one where the Republicans would be heavily favored to win due to Republicans enjoying a clear majority of House state delegations, apparently seizing control of the House of Representatives for the first time since 1928. Republicans erupted in fury as the Governor of New Hampshire, a Democrat, attempted to create a partial recount (of only Democratic-leaning areas) in hopes of erasing Siler's narrow lead. Republicans cried foul and raged even more furiously when the Supreme Court immediately upheld New Hampshire's inequitable recount process. However, much to the surprise of most political observers, the New Hampshire governor's office, relatively politically outdated, determined blue and red areas based on the 1960 elections, which actually poorly mapped onto the political coalitions of the 1964 election. Instead of a widely expected Democratic victory in the recount, Democrats were shocked when their own recount had Siler still winning New Hampshire by a grand total of 2 votes, a particularly painful margin when the recount committee had three Democrats who reportedly forgot to vote.

    A "Stop Siler" movement by various generals, intelligence agency veterans, and other commentators was quickly formed to convince Congressional Republicans to vote down Siler, calling him a dangerous pawn of Communism. The more urbane intellectuals, such as Jackson supporter William F. Buckley, referred to Siler as an "American La Pira". However, at the end of the day, most conservative Republicans didn't believe a biblical literalist preacher was really going to be a Communist, and when the House convened to vote for a candidate, they easily selected Eugene Siler as the 37th President of the United States. The Senate, controlled by Democrats, fairly easily confirmed the Senate Majority Whip, Lyndon B. Johnson, as the next Vice-President. For the first time in 36 years, the Republican Party had (sort of) won a Presidential election - and most shockingly, with a candidate few Republicans knew or actually expected to win.

    One commentator said it quite simply - the "Spirit of 64" that had begun in the Soviet Union had spread to the United States. After all, the only people more unhappy about the events of 1964 than the Warsaw Pact at the Soviet Union were NATO ministers at the United States, which had just elected someone who they viewed as an antediluvian simpleton. But then again, an overwhelming desire for "new politics" and "political change" had not begun in America - it had also torn through the United Kingdom (with interesting repercussions) and was hardly finished.

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    Chapter 195 - The Resistance
  • The Resistance
    The mood in Washington D.C. was that of a funeral. Cold warriors dashed between buildings, discussing how they would resist this new President. The generals, intelligence agencies, and foreign policy experts loathed the new President-elect, who was not behaving in their minds as a responsible commander-in-chief. The Washington Post called upon Congress to impeach President Siler before he even was inaugurated, alleging that he broke the Logan Act by sending his expected Secretary of State nominee, Eugene McCarthy, to negotiate for peace in several conflicts that they did not want peace at. While a significant share of Democrats signed on, no Republicans were willing to impeach a President who hadn't even taken office yet. In a distinct breach of diplomatic protocols, McCarthy was present the Paris Peace Summit, which would eventually bring Soviet intervention in Indonesia to an end. Senator McCarthy promised an end to all US support to NILF - and conditioning all foreign aid to West Indonesia on also ending support to NILF, a key concession that allowed the summit to continue.

    Worse of all, President-elect Siler also called to an end to the War in the Congo. In many ways, the Congo Winter Offensive probably broke the back of the Kennedy Administration. Although the offensive had fully pushed the Red Congolese out of Katanga, seized Leopoldville, and even began breaching their bases in the East, it failed in the goal of comprehensively destroying the guerillas, who merely dispersed into the massive Congolese heartland. American forces took more losses from improved explosives, traps, disease, and wildlife than they actually suffered from Red Congolese forces, which devastated morale and seriously weakened American excitement for the war even as they dealt the Congolese Reds a serious blow. President-elect Siler sent another one of his political allies, Senator Wayne Morse to the Congo on a "fact-finding mission" to see essentially if there was a deal that could mollify both the Congolais Rouge and the Dominionists. The report produced by Morse, hotly contested by the CIA which produced its own competing report, said that peace was probably not as hard to achieve as expected. For one, the Congolese Reds were in hiding in the West, wiped out in Katanga, and more or less stable only in the East. Judging that the Belgians were most interested in retaining Katanga (the homeland of Dominion leader Tshome himself) and Kasai, the Dominion was most popular and stable (or more accurately, least hated) in Katanga, and it was the region that the Reds were least interested in (due to its relatively low population), the Morse Report concluded that the most natural peace deal was for the Loyalists to withdraw to Kasai and Katanga provinces, which held most of the copper, gold, and other mining resources of the Congo, but only around 15-20% of the population. The Belgians would get most of the resources, the Reds would get most of the population, and oddly both of them might be satisfied enough to stick to an armistice and rebuild.

    Notably, the CIA report produced did not actually contradict this. They merely asserted that an American-brokered peace in Congo would create a "domino effect" in the rest of Africa, especially in nearby Angola and Rwanda-Burundi. Moreover, they feared that a partial Red Congolese victory in the Congo War would provide a huge morale boost to the "socialistic" Tanganyikan forces resisting Idi Amin. However, with both Belgian and Communist diplomats responding relatively positively to the Morse Report, members of America's foreign policy establishment began to lose hope. Although the CIA began putting in place many measures to secretly support anti-Communist movements without the knowledge of the White House, one figure stood out as primus inter pares - the long-time director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, John Edgar Hoover. Viewing the new American President as a theocrat, crypto-communist surrounded with figures he lambasted as "negro Communists", Hoover saw Siler's dovishness on the Congo War as a sign of ideological corruption. Prominent antiwar and socialist activist Martin Luther King, Jr., for example, although not having endorsed Siler, described him as distinctly the "lesser evil" and quietly relished in his victory, which further darkened the opinion of American government officials towards the new President.

    Hoover personally signed off on suggestions by CIA partners to enact a "strategy of tension" at home at the United States. Knowing that Siler's largest support base was in the U.S. South, Hoover decided to strike him where it hurt. Whereas as the FBI tried to keep the KKK, which had explosively grown after both major parties in American politics more or less abandoned the cause of segregationism, but had more or less been kept in check by the FBI infiltrating the KKK sufficiently to keep it simmering in low-level brawls and mostly non-fatal shoot-outs with socialists and African-American activists. Hoover judged that the coalition of Southern rural evangelicals and disproportionately African-American left-wing trade unionists that propelled Siler to victory in the South was an inherently fragile one. Unlike the second KKK, which was a nationwide movement, the third KKK was primarily based in the South and emerged from those furious at the rapid success of integration. Instead of holding back the KKK, FBI agents were either pulled out of KKK branches or even told to encourage more violence to "entrap" its members. In reality, FBI staffing was intentionally rendered inconsistent and "poorly managed" to ensure prosecutors wouldn't be able to build strong cases against violent KKK members even as hapless agents believed they were helping fight the KKK. The Siler Administration would be doomed to become attacked for presiding over the "Years of Lead", where KKK members and black radicals would mount violent bombings and assassinations against each other and civilians in the crossfire. In practice, with their massively superior resources and covert FBI encouragement (coincidentally, prosecutors would find that evidential records against black radicals tended to be much more robust even when they desired to prosecute both sides equally), the KKK would mount a widespread bombing campaign against black organizers and churches in the US South, which came under universal condemnation by all sides of American politics. However, Democrats had a very simple message to American blacks - "Republicans can't protect you", while simultaneously trying to tie the Republicans to black radicals. Almost none of these politicians had any idea of what was actually going on, but they were happy to take advantage of the situation

    Siler came to power preaching peace abroad, racial equality at home, and balanced budgets, but his inauguration would marred by a string of bombings of black churches across the South, a tragedy that would set the stage of the rest of his administration. Although he put forward the argument to Americans that Siler, a devout, moderately pro-civil rights Southerner was the perfect candidate to mend America's racial wounds, events seemed to intervene to sabotage him. This was worsened by a rather inexperienced and ideologically fractitious cabinet. A mixture of leftists and conservative Christians, the presidential transition was largely a catastrophe, with the Democratic Senate simply refusing to confirm nominees, and the staffing extremely fractional. This comforted many of America's bureaucrats, who were disturbed that Siler's foreign policy was widely popular, but took solace that many Americans saw his administration as starting off on a chaotic and amateurish domestic policy.
     
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