The First Hundred Days
January 20, 1957 was destined to be a day of big change. President McCarthy, even at his inauguration, was not a very happy man. Having relapsed entirely into his old alcoholic traits, the President spent the entire lame duck period getting into screaming matches with President Russell and any members of the Joint Chief of Staffs who sided with the man. If anything, McCarthy had begun to suggest many of those generals were in fact secret crypto-Communists. It was only the intervention of Vice President Kennedy, that stopped the President from firing the lot of them.
In many ways, the presidential transition was largely overseen not by McCarthy, who brought few members of the Republican Party with him, but rather Vice-President Kennedy and his "brain trust." The agenda was quick. Due to Justice Reed's illness, he quickly resigned once he had a "friendly" President back in charge. As a result, McCarthy's Chief Counsel Roy Cohn was picked for the position. The appointment was quickly easily confirmed by all Republicans as well as all of the Northern Democrats, who saw JFK as their man in the White House. On the first day, a federal executive order desegregating the military was immediately implemented, in line with the promises of the McCarthy-Kennedy campaign. A Civil Rights Act defending black voting rights, stalled in the Senate due to veto threats by President Russell, was immediately put on the agenda, where it sailed through with little opposition.[1] Similarly, the McCarthy administration would ignite a political fire in the American South, concluding that Wood v. Richmond would have to be enforced by the National Guard in case Southern states would not comply. President McCarthy's inauguration speech bellowed that America was "engaged in a Total Holy War to the end against a Satanic horde of Asiatic Bolshevism" and that Americans could be divided "by no color nor creed except the lies of Red Communism." As part of this, the President even proposed changing American immigration laws to end discrimination on national origin or race.
Another issue that helped defeat President Russell was a strike by the United Steel Workers of America, protesting for higher wages. President McCarthy criticized Russell for "weakness." Another action on his first day was the total nationalization of American steel plants, meeting the demands of the steel workers half-way, otherwise keeping the management of the plants the same, and promising that any additional strikes would be treated as war sabotage. Both the union and plant owners sued.
In
Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Robert Kennedy, Douglas, Black, and Ervin wrote in their opinion their position that the President did not have the unilateral authority to seize the steel mills, especially due to the lack of any explicit congressional authorization. However, Cohn, Kennon, Arnall, Coleman, and Patterson drafted an opinion that more or less validated all of the legal claims of McCarthy's lawyers. Finally, the Frankfurter opinion found that a President usually did not have such authority, but that the "totality of the situation" (the on-going war), justified such an act. The McCarthy Administration then immediately made it clear that any industries that failed to fully cooperate with the war effort would face a similar fate.
This claim caused a roar in corporate America. Although Secretary of Commerce Robert Kennedy assured corporate leaders that the power would only be used in cases when the war effort was genuinely threatened, he also hinted that "war effort" would be interpreted fairly broadly. The example RFK provided to a meeting of corporate executives was "sowing racial division and national disunity by discriminating against black customers." Much to the horror of Southern politicians, a variety of large corporations began to comply with such veiled threats, such as Woolsworth desegregating its lunch counters. However, whether or not it was viewed as the intended message, corporate executives soon feared any kind of political misalignment with the government. Corporate donations flowed freely to any politicians aligned with McCarthy and Kennedy - and none to their opponents. After all, one corporate leader who refused to desegregate his hotels quickly found himself investigated by the House Un-American Activities Committee and the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, which quickly drove him into bankruptcy as the mere bad press of being on the "list" turned away business. The price of opposing the government was made clear, even if the government itself never tried to argue this. However, the only party resisting the McCarthy-Kennedy agenda (although it was under McCarthy's name, most of the proposals were from Kennedy's orbit, as McCarthy was relatively uninterested in domestic affairs) were Southern Democrats. The Republicans and Northern Democrats condemned "excesses" of the administration, but more or less supported the general agenda in the name of wartime unity. Even then, under intense business pressure, many Southern Democrats took a more conciliatory attitude towards Civil Rights, led by Texas Senator Lyndon B. Johnson. As a result, McCarthy's New Frontier agenda, a dizzying array of tax , welfare, labor, education, health, immigration, civil rights, environmental, agriculture, crime, infrastructure, and other reforms all passed within the first 100 days, almost always with healthy majorities.[2]
Although the first 100 days of the McCarthy Presidency were perhaps the most productive in American history, the White House itself was a shambling disaster. One general literally had a possibly drunken McCarthy break his nose by throwing a book at his face during a meeting. Vice President Kennedy notably said nothing during any of these meetings, trying to avoid getting between the President and his hated generals. A President who believed that he had been proven right about everything. Finland fell because the generals did nothing. McCarthy raged at how they pointed out in late January, Finland was a totally lost cause (US troops would not hypothetically arrive in Turku until February), because that implied Finland was not a lost cause in mid-November, when the State Department officials told McCarthy that troops couldn't be sent to Finland due to fears of starting a true World War III. Once again, in China, the refusal of the American diplomatic corps to directly confront the Soviet Union lead to some of the bloodiest months in American history. The lands in Liaodong had costed more American lives than Operation Overlord and the liberation of Normandy (though not overall Allied deaths), outraging McCarthy who correctly noted that much of those deaths could have been avoided if not for the American inability to target the Soviet base in Port Arthur. However, contrary to Communist plans, the deaths of Americans did not cause Americans to recoil the war - rather, they caused Americans to further rally behind McCarthy, who had around an 80% approval rating as the slaughter of Americans built up.
The generals and diplomats kept on telling McCarthy what he couldn't do and even his direct presidential orders ended up mangled before they reached the battlefield. The generals didn't seem to openly disobey his orders to prepare America's nuclear arsenal, but they clearly seemed to drag their feet. McCarthy quipped that he truly did not feel like a President, even though he was probably the most powerful American President in history, given his ability to more or less destroy any private business who failed to line up in support of his domestic and foreign policies. It was not only Hollywood that sought to blacklist suspected "Communists", but almost every large corporation in the United States, who feared that the hammer of HUAC, or even worse, nationalization would fall upon them. Labor unions shared these concerns and most of the mainstream labor unions immediately began expelling members suspected of socialist sympathies (those that didn't found themselves investigated, shed membership, and be decertified.) McCarthy also turned to agents in the government more sympathetic to his cause. While the military had liked Russell outside of his odious segregationism, the intelligence services loathed Russell, both the FBI and CIA.
Particularly influential in this time period was FBI director J. Edgar Hoover, who was given a free hand by McCarthy to do anything he liked. Unlike the elected administration, Hoover directly told corporate executives that he would investigate any of them for Communist sympathies if they failed to "comply with the war effort." Hoover's COINTELPRO interestingly targeted both segregationists and any left-leaning Civil Rights activists who might have pushed a more radical Civil Rights agenda than the government. Hoover's FBI also extensively covertly wiretapped most of the US Congress. As a result, politicians secretly unsympathetic to the cause were quickly drummed out of the party establishment. The CIA was also given the order to escalate the war against the Soviet Union as dramatically as possible, a considerably more dramatic order than Russell's order that they merely prick the USSR. McCarthy saw two opportunities. First, the military government and socialists in Turkey were nearing some kind of peace compromise - this had to be squelched at any cost. Second, discontent was building up in West Germany over Chancellor Wehner's approach to foreign policy - an opportunity could similarly be found. After all, in McCarthy's estimation, the Germans nearly brought the Soviet Union to its knees...why not enlist them again?
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[1] Comparable to the OTL 1957 and 1960 CRAs combined.
[2] Really most of Kennedy's OTL New Frontier + some various OTL Eisenhower era stuff, except it's done in 100 days instead of over three years.