Part 5: Kennedy/Castro

dcharles

Banned
Kennedy Curse Part 5.jpg


"Of course, we had slavery in Cuba as well. It was abolished about twenty years after slavery was abolished in the US...What many Americans don't realize is that the most violent, the most extreme members of the so-called Exile community in the United States, the community from which so much of the violence, the terrorism, the assassination attempts--which are inflicted upon the Cuban people and the lawful government of Cuba--much of this so-called community is made up of the descendants of the enslavers, the exploiters, the kidnappers, the violators. For many years, you had a similar problem in the United States, with groups such as your Ku Klux Klan... So no, the opinions of this reactionary core--the descendants of the exploiters and the enslavers--are not of the least importance to me, or of the least importance of the people of Cuba. To many of them, I say 'good riddance.'"

----- Fidel Castro, quoted in George; March 2000 issue.

"What happened to John-John? We've always known that the liberal elites didn't share our values, but of course we thought he was different. He is no different. Castro is a tyrant and a thug. This is the height of irresponsibility and recklessness for him to use his magazine to give a platform to this murderer, this dictator, especially at such a delicate time, when the fate of a young boy hangs in the balance."

----- Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, February 4th, 2000.


"This interview almost didn’t happen.

The team at George and I started negotiating with President Castro for an interview all the way back in the first half of 1999, and the terms were finalized in mid July. Not even a week later, my plane went down en route to Martha’s Vineyard. I lost my wife and two dear friends to the Atlantic, as all of you reading this surely know by now.

Although the crash itself did not jeopardize the interview, it changed the interviewer a great deal. I likely will not know for many years all the ways that terrible event has changed me, but I am different. The man who writes this today is a more confrontational man than the one who set out to attend my cousin’s wedding on that island in Vineyard Sound. Though it is even harder to write than it is to admit, I am more bitter now than I was then. I am angrier.

One day I may come to regret this self-assurance, but I do not feel it is bitterness alone that has changed me, though I am sure it has done its part. Entwined with the bitterness of loss is the simple fact that I came very close to death this past summer. As anyone who has been there can tell you, a scrape like the one I saw this summer forever changes your appetite for risk.
I don’t mean to give the wrong impression. In my own case, it isn’t that I’ve decided to eliminate all risks in my life. But today, I have an appreciation for consequence that I simply did not have eight or nine months ago. I doubt that I was even capable of it.

I almost lost everything, period.

I did lose almost everything.

Trust me when I say that the end can truly come from out of nowhere. That’s taught me two important lessons:

One, don’t take an unnecessary risk just to cut a corner. It might just turn out not to be worth it.

Two, don’t hesitate to take the right risk. You might never get another chance to.

Some of you are probably wondering what all this has to do with Fidel Castro. It’s a fair question. As recently as November, it had nothing to do with Fidel Castro. But on Thanksgiving Day, a five year old boy named Elián González was found floating in the Atlantic, clinging onto an innertube for dear life. Elián and two others were the only survivors of a group of fourteen brave but desperate souls who tried to cross the Florida Straits in an old aluminum fishing boat. As we’ve come to learn, the boat’s engine died somewhere along the way, and when a storm crossed their path, the group’s quixotic dash for a better life ended in tragedy. Among the eleven dead were Elián’s mother, Elizabeth, and the man who would have presumably become his stepfather, Lazaro Munero.

Like a lot of you, I didn’t find out about Elián until the day after Thanksgiving. But the story immediately moved and captivated me. After all, Elián and I had been through similar experiences. Like me, Elián had come close to losing everything. Like me, he did lose almost everything. And of course, Elián lost all he had lost in the rough, indifferent waters of the Atlantic, just as I had.

If I was fascinated by our similarities, I was equally transfixed by our differences. To say that we were born in different worlds would almost qualify as understatement. I won’t waste your time or mine on euphemisms. I was born into a family with wealth, power, and access.

Elián wasn’t.

After all, Elián’s mother was so strapped for money that an old shallow water fishing boat with a suspect engine was the best means of escape she could afford. She felt so powerless that the prospect of being a refugee in a strange land was an improvement. And she was so lacking in access that the dangerous path she chose for herself and her family seemed like the best option she had.

Ironically, it was our respective positions, perched as we are on opposite ends of the spectrum of privilege, that led us both to nearly being lost at sea. I have no illusions. If I had not been rich enough to afford a plane; if my family had not been rich enough to have a wedding on Martha’s Vineyard, I wouldn’t have even been in the air that night. If Elián hadn’t been poor, he wouldn’t have been in that boat.

Still, my fascination with the case of Elián had no bearing on my upcoming interview with Castro until Friday, December 10th. That was the same day that the Florida Gonzálezes filed for political asylum on Elián’s behalf. As I was about to leave the office and head home, I got a message from Castro’s people that threw everything into jeopardy. President Castro wanted me to know that he had no intention of deviating from our original outline for the interview, which meant that he would not be “discussing the case of Elián González Brotons at this time.” As a display of my good faith, he “requested” that I didn’t contact any of the Florida Gonzálezes.

Our original outline for the interview was simple but broad. We wanted to have a conversation about the past and future of the US and Cuba. Why was it that ten years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, when so much had changed, that US-Cuban relations hadn’t? Obviously, the case of Elián doesn’t directly answer that question. But just as obviously, Elián’s situation is emblematic of just how bad relations between our two countries are. And in case no one has noticed, Elián González is the #1 Cuba-related news item these days. So while it was theoretically possible to avoid the subject of Elián, it was practically impossible.

Castro’s second request was equally impossible. Although I had no intention of contacting the Florida Gonzálezes in connection to my interview with President Castro, I had in fact already been in contact with them eleven days before, for reasons unrelated to Castro. After the State Department announced that it was “recusing” itself from the issue earlier in the day, I realized that Elián was likely to be in the United States for longer than a week or two. So I reached out to Lazaro González, Elián’s great uncle and ersatz guardian, to talk with him about the importance of therapy for Elián; how important it’s been for me. I told him that if he found a therapist that he liked but money was an issue, he could send me the bill. We didn’t talk about embargoes or policies, or politics of any kind. It was a strictly personal call.

I don’t know how I would have responded to Castro’s requests eight or nine months ago. I suspect I would have tried to assuage his concerns. But Castro’s people weren’t talking to the version of me from eight or nine months ago. They were talking to me at the end of the day on a Friday in December, on a day that I needed to get home and take a prescription I had forgotten to take that morning. So I sent a short response back. The answer was no, I told them. They couldn’t expect me to interview Fidel Castro and not reference the biggest story in US-Cuba relations in years. And under no circumstances would I allow the Cuban government to dictate who I could and couldn’t use as a source, in this story or any other. There was some back and forth, but within an hour of the original message, the Cubans had cancelled the interview.

I was furious, of course, but there was little I could do. The situation remained the same through the weekend, until I got a call on Sunday evening. It was my office. A staff writer who had come in to work some extra hours on a piece told me that someone from the Cuban government was calling the office, insisting that the writer who took the call get in touch with me. I gave them my private number and told them to give me a call.

I expected to hear from Juan, the press commissar I’d been dealing with for the past few months. For several hours, I waited with increasing impatience for a phone call that did not come. I cancelled my dinner plans and ordered in. I waited some more. Still nothing. Finally, fuming at the thought of a wasted evening, I gave up. I decided to take a shower and call it a day.

A few minutes under the warm water and I began to relax.

Naturally, that was when the phone rang. I hesitated for a moment, deciding whether to get out of the shower and answer it, which only made it worse when I realized that I absolutely had to. In the end, the interview was going to mean a whole lot more to me than it would Castro. I had to sell a magazine, after all. Castro had no problems getting people to listen to him talk. If it wasn’t going to be me, it was going to be someone. I had to come to some kind of agreement with Juan about how we could do the interview without compromising my journalistic ethics. So in the name of journalistic ethics, I awkwardly slipped my way across the bathroom tiles to grab the phone in the next room.
I answered the phone.

“This is John?” went the voice from the other line. The voice was thickly accented and husky. The voice of an older man. Definitely not Juan’s.

I said that it was John.

“This is Fidel,” came the response.

So there I was, dripping water on my bedroom floor, talking to Fidel Castro. Despite what some people on talk radio may tell you, this is an unusual event, even for me.

He asked me if I knew what time it was.

There was a clock on my bedside table. “It’s 10:10.”

“Exactly,” he said. “And do you know what else is ten-ten?”

“I bet you’re going to tell me,” I said.

“Is Cuban Independence Day, of course.”

“Message received,” I laughed. The man does know how to make a statement. And really, what else do you do except laugh, when you’re standing in a puddle of shower water and the Maximum Leader is quizzing you on Cuban trivia?

The leader of Cuba is a famously talkative man, and that night was no exception. We talked for nearly three hours with numerous digressions, but the conversation began and ended with discussions about our scheduled interview. Castro first proposed that we scrap our extended interview altogether, and that I instead do an extended piece on Elián, Juan-Miguel, and the rest of the Cuban Gonzálezes. He told me that Lazaro Munero, the boyfriend of Elián’s mother, had already made the trip to Miami and back once before, and had an extensive criminal record. He said that Munero might have even been involved in drug running.

Castro offered to let me interview Munero’s associates, too.

Since I had no interest in letting George become an English-language version of Granma, much less doing a longform piece on the saga of Elián, this was a nonstarter, and I told him so. Fidel Castro gives the impression of a man who does not often hear the word “no,” so it probably comes as no surprise that I had to restate my refusal in several different ways, at several points throughout the conversation. But it wasn’t our major sticking point. Our major sticking point was my refusal to agree to being noncommunicative with the Florida Gonzálezes.
To the extent that I’m willing to get into the details of a background conversation that spanned three hours, Castro’s concerns boiled down to this:

He considered the Florida Gonzálezes to be deeply enmeshed in the extremist exile community in Miami. Castro thought that he had been burned by the American media before, and he was concerned that if the Florida Gonzálezes were involved in the story, he was going to get burned again. The interview might be in Fidel’s words, but they would be framed and pruned by extremist exiles. I sympathized with his position, but I dug my heels in. The fact was, I wasn’t going to let Castro dictate who I was and wasn’t going to talk to. It was out of the question, and the fact of his insistence only made me want to talk with them more, not less. Did he have something to hide? Did they have some special knowledge of Castro that I wasn’t aware of?
And while it was true that I wasn’t going to let Castro dictate my sources, I didn’t tell him that I’d already been in contact with Lazaro González. How could I? If he was already suspicious of the mere idea of me talking to them, I doubted that I would be able to reassure him if he found out I already had.

So we were at an impasse.

It was Castro who broke it, albeit unintentionally. He had launched into a digression about the Cuban Missile Crisis, and how nothing in US-Cuban relations had been the same since. I asked him why.

“Because Khrushchev tried to sneak the missiles,” he said. “And I tell him not to. Why? The US have missiles in Turkey. They did not sneak them in. Why must we sneak and hide, like we are criminals? But Khrushchev tried to hide them. Then, he is discovered. Then your father trust us no more. Then your father died. His opinions become the opinions of the country.”

It seemed to me that my present impasse with Castro also stemmed from mistrust. He didn’t trust me to write a fair story, and I didn’t trust him not to react unfairly if he knew I had already been in contact with the Gonzálezes. And that was the crux of it. I didn’t think I had done anything wrong, but I didn’t think he would see it that way. Getting the interview was so important to me that honesty seemed like a risk I couldn’t take. So I fell back on abstractions, like my right to choose my own sources for a story. But it was getting me nowhere. The more I stood on principle, the more he mistrusted me. The more he pushed, the more I mistrusted him.

So I came clean. It was a risk, but it was a risk worth taking. Did it work out? Since you’re reading this, you know I got my interview. But the payoff wasn’t immediate. I told him about my contacts with the González family about an hour into our conversation. We talked for two more hours, and for a portion of the remaining conversation, Castro was angry. He felt he’d been deceived, and it was hard to blame him, because I’d been hiding something from him. But eventually, he came around. The modicum of trust we’d established between the two of us allowed us to have the interview we had, which is an interview that I don’t mind telling you that I’m proud of.

At six hours held over three days, it’s the longest interview I’ve ever done by a large margin. The subject is one of the 20th century’s most charismatic, controversial, and contradictory personalities, loved and hated by millions alike. And it’s an opportunity that I wouldn’t have gotten if I hadn’t taken a risk on trust.

It turned out to be the right risk.

I think there’s a lesson in there for us all.


Sincerely,

John Kennedy"

-----George
, March 2000 issue.


OOC: Since I didn't want to do a giant, 10,000 word interview of just Kennedy and Castro, I thought I would give the intro here, and then sprinkle the excerpts in throughout the next three or four updates. The interview is going to be one of those things that has small but important ripples for a good portion of the story.

BTW, I hope the first-person excerpt from Kennedy works. I thought it would take too long to describe and dramatize all of that info in 3rd person, so 1st person it was. However, Kennedy's writing style, syntactically, is very different from mine. I love punctuation--italics, dashes, parentheses, semi-colons, etc--but he didn't use much of that at all. So it took a little bit of getting used to. Hope I hit my stride with it.
 
A John Kennedy and Castro interview is something I never expected. The chapter was written very well and I can’t wait to see more of the interview from the excerpts you mentioned.
 

dcharles

Banned
Just discovered and binged this time. Excellent job, looking forward to more.
A John Kennedy and Castro interview is something I never expected. The chapter was written very well and I can’t wait to see more of the interview from the excerpts you mentioned.

Thank you both.

I'll just say that the interview is the right combination of widely read, provocative, and exquisitely timed for it magnify the whole ball of absurdity surrounding Elian. And that was totally something that was planned to take place roughly when I have it taking place, OTL.
 
😊
This is awesome!
Can you please have John interact with his sister Caroline? She did almost lose yet another family member, after all.

I wonder if John ever accidentally said his sister's name during sex? 😳
 
Addenda: The Remaining Early Primaries

dcharles

Banned
“Ronald Reagan’s 11th Commandment was ‘do not speak ill of another Republican,’ and I’m not about to break it here this morning. But I’ll say this much: a lot of mud was flying through the air in Iowa, and John’s got an ironclad alibi--he was here in New Hampshire, talking to you folks at town halls all over the state. If you think you’re going to get straight talk from any of the other candidates in this race, get real. John is the only candidate with a chance to win who can restore honor and integrity to the White House.”
-----Steve Forbes, Jan 29th, 2000.

2000 New Hampshire Republican Primary.png


“I think we finally have a poll without a margin of error…”
-----John McCain, Feb 1st, 2000.

“Koppel: John McCain has won the New Hampshire primary in a landslide. Nearly sixty percent of the vote, Peter, that’s better than two to one over Governor Bush. Has McCain destroyed Bush’s air of inevitability? Is there a new front-runner in town?

Jennings: Well, Ted, McCain has certainly made a statement here tonight, and his brand of retail politics is certainly very popular with Republicans here in New Hampshire. But Governor Bush does have substantial advantages in fundraising and endorsements. The question is, can McCain translate his retail appeal to South Carolina, a much larger state with a very different culture?”


-----Nightline, Feb 1st, 2000.

2000 Delaware Republican Presidential Primary.PNG


“Schieffer: Mr. Rove, this past Tuesday we had a shockingly close result in Delaware, a state where John McCain hardly campaigned at all. There, we’ve got the graphic up on the screen. Exactly one-hundred and fifty votes, Mr. Rove. Some of our sources in the Republican Party are saying that people associated with the Bush campaign are starting to look for the emergency exits.

Rove: A win is a win, Bob. We won in Iowa, we won in Delaware, and we’re going to win this nomination. We’ve always known that McCain was strong in some of the smaller, more liberal states. That’s not what the rest of the map looks like.”


-----Bob Schieffer and Karl Rove, on Face the Nation, February 13th, 2000.


“While Rove denies any connection to the infamous push-polls or “Negro child” flyers that came to dominate coverage of the South Carolina primary, even he admits that South Carolina was a turning point. ‘New Hampshire was bad,’ said Rove. ‘We knew John would do well...for our part, we were expecting mid-to-high thirties, maybe even low forties. The Forbes endorsement killed any hope of that. Twenty-eight percent? Worst loss of George’s career. He was pretty despondent. It was clear that the gentleman’s agreement between him and John had to go.’”

----- The Dangers of Faction: Election 2000 and the End of the Sixth Party System, by Douglas Brinkley, 2008.

“I’ve gotta give you some background on this one. So, we’re talking early 2000. I’m working over at ABC, and me and Juju Chang are anchoring World News Now, the overnight news broadcast. And I’m also working at 20/20 during the day. So I’m sleeping in like, three hour blocks, tired all the time. It was grueling shit.

Probably why I went gray so early.

Anyway, that specific night--the night of the debate--I had been up for twenty-nine hours or something. I was practically hallucinating, I was so tired, and during one of the breaks, I noticed this fax. It’s the flyer. The fucking “McCain has a Negro love child flyer.”

We get in touch with the correspondent who sent the fax. Apparently, during the debate, while Bush was inside talking about “restoring honor and dignity to the White House” and acting offended about some negative spot that McCain had run, his goons--his supporters at least--were outside in the parking lot putting these racist flyers on people’s windshields.

Especially back then, you wanted to avoid bringing up another network unless you really needed to--using their footage, anything like that. So from our standpoint, it was perfect. That debate had been on CNN, Larry King moderating, and it was a snoozefest. I mean, if you knew what to look for, you could tell that McCain and Bush hated each other, but they were keeping it under control. With the flyer, we get to talk about the debate without blowing up CNN.

So do we run the flyer?

Of course we do. Let’s put it this way.

It’s 1:30 in the morning, you’ve got two anchors who are tired and bored. One of your anchors is a gay guy, one is a Jewish Korean-American woman. Of course, we’re trying to be objective, but we’re human beings. We’re covering a candidate who is talking about compassionate conservatism, but at the same time is trying to profit from all these really old, ugly forces in American society. Homophobia, racism, all that. And it’s in the public interest to show that.

So I sign off at 3:30, catch a couple of hours of sleep, and at 6 am, I’m on the phone to Lindsey Graham to see if he wants to comment. Graham was a McCain surrogate, a South Carolinian, and an early riser. He says he’s willing to comment, but he wants to do it on GMA. Well unbeknownst to me, Juju, who was on the air all night, had continued to reference the story, and Antonio Mora, who was the newsreader for GMA, had already decided to put the flyer story in the morning news update. So by the time I talk to Shelly, the EP over at GMA, they’re already primed and looking for commentary.

It just fell into place after that. Graham went on GMA on Wednesday morning, and the vote was that Saturday. It was the last big story before the primary. Did it affect the outcome in South Carolina? Maybe. But it sure as hell didn't make Bush look good in Washington, Michigan, or Arizona.”


-----Anderson Cooper, 2017, in Burned: the Rise, Fall, and Undeath of the Reform Party, by Matt Taibbi.

2000 South Carolina Republican Presidential Primary.png


“But Rove’s account stretches credibility. Forbes had already shown himself to be an electoral nonentity in Iowa. To claim his endorsement in New Hampshire was responsible for McCain’s landslide victory is refuted by Bush’s own strong showing in Iowa…

...Rove’s efforts to distance himself notwithstanding, it must be noted that the ‘dirty tricks,’ whether in Iowa, South Carolina, or elsewhere, always seemed to redound to the benefit of his candidate.”


-----The Dangers of Faction: Election 2000 and the End of the Sixth Party System, by Douglas Brinkley, 2008.
 
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Bush won South Carolina, but it was closer than OTL--methinks this is going to have butterflies, and McCain isn't finished as far as the 2000 primaries go, IMO...
 
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